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Introduction-to-Human-Communication-by-Susan-R.-Beauchamp.pdf

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Introduction to Human Communication

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New York Oxford OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

Introduction to Human Communication

PERCEPTION, MEANING, AND IDENTITY

Susan R. Beauchamp Bryant University

Stanley J. Baran Bryant University

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Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide.

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Published by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016 http://www.oup.com

Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Beauchamp, Susan R., author. Introduction to human communication : perception, meaning, and identity / Susan R. Beauchamp, Bryant University; Stanley J. Baran, Bryant University. pages cm ISBN 978-0-19-026961-6 1. Communication. 2. Interpersonal communication. I. Baran, Stanley J., author. II. Title. P90.B3385 2017 153.6—dc23 2015028104

Printing number: 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper

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Mom, every chapter of this book is, in so many ways,

influenced by your unwavering dedication to family.

We love you beyond measure.

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Preface xix

PART 1 FOUNDATIONS OF COMMUNICATION

1 The Communication Process: Perception, Meaning, and Identity 3

2 Communication Research and Inquiry 27

3 Verbal Communication 49

4 Nonverbal Communication 71

5 Listening 93

PART 2 COMMUNICATION CONTEXTS

6 Relational and Conflict Communication 115

7 Communicating in Small Groups 143

8 Organizational Communication 165

9 Intercultural Communication 187

10 Mass Communication 209

11 Media Literacy 235

12 Social Media and Communication Technologies 259

13 Persuasion and Social Influence 285

14 Health Communication 311

15 Public Speaking: An Overview 339

Glossary G-1 References R-1 Credits C-1 Index I-1

Brief Contents

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Preface xix

PART 1 FOUNDATIONS OF COMMUNICATION

CHAPTER 1 The Communication Process: Perception, Meaning, and Identity 3

The Process of Creating Meaning 4 The Evolution of Communication Models 5 Transmissional, Constitutive, and Ritual Views of Communication 7

The Power of Culture 9

Communication and Perception 11

Signs and Symbols 14

Communication and Identity 17 Symbolic Interaction and the Looking Glass 18 Frame Analysis 19

What Does Communication Give You the Power to Do? 22

Review of Learning Objectives 24

Key Terms 25

Questions for Review 25

Questions for Discussion 25

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Communicating Well to Land the Job 10

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION 13

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION 17

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION 22

CHAPTER 2 Communication Research and Inquiry 27

Theory and Scientific Inquiry 28 Defining Theory 28 Scientific Inquiry 31

Contents

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Three Philosophical Questions that Shape Scientific Inquiry 33

Traditions of Communication Inquiry 35 Postpositivist Theory and Research 35 Interpretive Theory and Research 37 Critical Theory and Research 37

Tools of Observation: Research Methods 39 Experiments 40 Surveys 41 Textual Analysis 43 Mixing Methods and Traditions 43

Review of Learning Objectives 46

Key Terms 47

Questions for Review 47

Questions for Discussion 47

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: The Benefits of Critical Thinking 32

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Solving Not-So-Well-Posed Problems 35

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Communication Inquiry Needs to Be Bigger! 39

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Where Do You Draw the Line? 45

CHAPTER 3 Verbal Communication 49

The Structure of Language 50

Language and Thought 52 Linguistic Relativity Hypothesis 53 Metaphor 54 The Ladder of Abstraction 56

The Functions of Language 58

Language and Meaning Making 62 Situational, Social, and Cultural Meaning 62 Syntactic Ambiguity 64 Euphemisms 65

Language and Protecting Self-Identity: Politeness Theory 66

Review of Learning Objectives 68

Key Terms 69

Questions for Review 69

Questions for Discussion 69

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SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: War! What Is It Good For? 57

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Speaking Well to Do Well 59

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Lying 60

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Speaking Inclusively 67

CHAPTER 4 Nonverbal Communication 71

What Is Nonverbal Communication? 72 Similarities to Verbal Communication 73 Differences from Verbal Communication 74

Theory of Nonverbal Coding Systems 75

Types of Nonverbal Coding Systems 76 Proxemics 76 Haptics 78 Chronemics 81 Kinesics 82 Vocalics 84 Oculesics 84 Facial Expressions 85 Physical Appearance 86 Artifacts 86 Environmental Factors 88 Silence 89

The Role of Nonverbal Communication in Creating Meaning and Identity 89

Review of Learning Objectives 90

Key Terms 91

Questions for Review 91

Questions for Discussion 91

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Touching in the Workplace 79

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: On-the-Job Nonverbal Communication 81

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: How We Spend Our Time 83

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Freedom of Expression versus Professional Appearance 87

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CHAPTER 5 Listening 93

What is Listening? 94

Misconceptions About Listening 96

The Components of Effective Listening 100

Barriers to Effective Listening 101 Physical Noise 102 Psychological Noise 102 Physiological Noise 104 Semantic Noise 104 External Distractions 104 Counterproductive Listening Styles 105

Types of Listening 106

Becoming an Effective Listener 109

Review of Learning Objectives 112

Key Terms 113

Questions for Review 113

Questions for Discussion 113

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: The 80/20 Rule 96

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Being an Active Listener 102

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: The Ethics of Listening 107

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Questioning Our Cultural Speakers 108

PART 2 COMMUNICATION CONTEXTS

CHAPTER 6 Relational and Conflict Communication 115

The Value of Relationships 116

The Role of Interpersonal Communication 118

Developing and Maintaining Relationships 120 Uncertainty Reduction Theory 121 Social Penetration Theory 122 Social Exchange Theory 126 Relational Dialectics Theory 127

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Interpersonal Communication and Conflict 129 Types of Conflict 131 Stages of Interpersonal Conflict 132 Conflict Management Styles 133

Resolving Conflict: What to Do and What Not to Do 135 What to Do 135 What Not to Do 137

Review of Learning Objectives 139

Key Terms 140

Questions for Review 141

Questions for Discussion 141

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Mastering the Soft Skills 117

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: It Takes Two to Tango, but Someone Has to Lead 119

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Beauty Is Only Screen Deep 123

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Sugar-Coated Hostility 138

CHAPTER 7 Communicating in Small Groups 143

Types of Groups 144

Dynamics of Group Structure 145 Informal and Formal Communication in Groups 148 Structuration Theory 148 The Five Stages of Group Development 149 Group Cohesion and Breakdown 152 Systems Theory 153

Leadership and Power 154 Styles of Leadership 155 Forms of Power 156

Improving Your Group Communication Skills 159

Review of Learning Objectives 161

Key Terms 163

Questions for Review 163

Questions for Discussion 163

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Forming a Group 146

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: You Make the Rules 150

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Our Responsibility to the Group 155

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: 12 Cs for Successful Teamwork 160

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CHAPTER 8 Organizational Communication 165

Defining Organizational Communication 166

Types and Movement of Organizational Messages 167 Upward Messages 168 Downward Messages 170 Horizontal Messages 170

The Organization as a System 173

Positive and Negative Organizational Communication Traits 175

Organizational Climate and Culture 177 Strong Organizational Cultures 181 Dealing with Diversity in an Organizational Culture 182

Review of Learning Objectives 184

Key Terms 185

Questions for Review 185

Questions for Discussion 185

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Could You Blow the Whistle? 169

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Status Update: I’ve Just Been Fired 172

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Dealing with On-the-Job Conflict 178

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Doing Well by Doing Good 180

CHAPTER 9 Intercultural Communication 187

What Is Intercultural Communication? 188

Obstacles to Intercultural Communication 189

The “Naturalness” of Prejudice: Two Theories of Culture and Identity 192 Social Identity Theory 192 Identity Negotiation Theory 193

Accelerators of Intercultural Communication 194

How Cultural Values Shape Communication 197

Attitudes Toward Diversity and the Problem with Tolerance 202

Review of Learning Objectives 206

Key Terms 207

Questions for Review 207

Questions for Discussion 207

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SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Stereotyping versus Generalizing 190

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Cultural Participation 196

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: What Would You Say? 197

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Improving On-the-Job Intercultural Communication 199

CHAPTER 10 Mass Communication 209

What Is Mass Communication? 210 Why Study Mass Communication? 211 Interpersonal Communication versus Mass Communication 212

Culture, Communication, and Mass Media 215

Characteristics of Media Consumers 219

Characteristics of Media Industries 221

Theories of Mass Communication 226

Review of Learning Objectives 231

Key Terms 232

Questions for Review 232

Questions for Discussion 232

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: The Third-Person Effect 217

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: The Role of the Photojournalist 222

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Finding a Career in the Media 226

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Media Conduct 229

CHAPTER 11 Media Literacy 235

What Is Media Literacy? 236 Media Literacy Scholarship 238 Some Core Concepts of Media Literacy 242

Media Literacy Questions 244

What Does It Mean to Be Media Literate? 246 Characteristics of Media-Literate People 246 The Skill of Being Media Literate 251

Media Literacy and Meaning Making 253 Media Literacy and Identity 253 Media Literacy and Democracy 255

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Review of Learning Objectives 255

Key Terms 256

Questions for Review 256

Questions for Discussion 257

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Careers in Media Literacy 237

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Advertising to Children 240

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Being a Proactive Media Consumer 252

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Countering the Kinderculture 254

CHAPTER 12 Social Media and Communication Technologies 259

The Promise and Peril of New Communication Technologies 260

A Connected World 263

The Dark Side of New Communication Technologies 266 Addiction 267 Depression 269 Distraction 269

How Computer-Mediated Communication Affects Identity and Relationships 271

Social Network Sites and Identity Construction and Maintenance 271 The Internet and Interpersonal Communication 275 Social Isolation 279 Shy and Popular Users 280 Facebook Envy and Our Sense of Well-Being 281 Self-Disclosure and Relational Development 281

Review of Learning Objectives 282

Key Terms 283

Questions for Review 283

Questions for Discussion 283

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Social Media, Social Connection, and Social Power 262

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Who Owns the Social Networking You? 265

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: E-mail versus Social Networking Sites 266

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Internet Addiction Self-Diagnosis 268

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CHAPTER 13 Persuasion and Social Influence 285

What Is Persuasion? 286

Values, Attitudes, Beliefs, and Behaviors 289 Balance Theory 291 Dissonance Theory 292

The Selective Processes 293

What Factors Infuence Persuasion? 294 Source Characteristics 295 Message Characteristics 299 Receiver Characteristics 300

The Elaboration Likelihood Model of Persuasion 302

Processes of Attitude Change 305

Review of Learning Objectives 308

Key Terms 309

Questions for Review 309

Questions for Discussion 309

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Four Dos and Four Don’ts of Workplace Persuasion 288

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Would the Razor Switch Hands Today? 295

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: The Federal Trade Commission and Advertiser Credibility 297

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: The TARES Test 307

CHAPTER 14 Health Communication 311

Communication and a Long and Healthy Life 312

Health Communication in Provider-Client Settings 315

Health Communication Contexts 323 Friends and Family 323 Support Groups 325 Hospital Culture 325 Entertainment Mass Media 327

Health Communication and the Internet 330

Health Communication Campaigns 332

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Review of Learning Objectives 335

Key Terms 336

Questions for Review 336

Questions for Discussion 337

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Speak Up 321

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Direct-to-Consumer Prescription Drug Advertising 329

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: The Health Belief Model 334

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Getting Health Messages to Employees 335

CHAPTER 15 Public Speaking: An Overview 339

The Importance of Public Speaking 340

Types of Speeches 344

A Crash Course in Public Speaking 346

Identifying the Steps of Speech Preparation 352

Overcoming Public Speaking Anxiety 355

Review of Learning Objectives 359

Key Terms 360

Questions for Review 360

Questions for Discussion 361

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: On-the-Job Public Speaking 342

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Political Satire in Contemporary Culture 343

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Public Speaking Self-Assessment 352

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Plagiarism and Public Speaking 354

Glossary G-1 References R-1 Credits C-1 Index I-1

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One of the great advantages of teaching Introduction to Communication is that it allows instructors and their students to talk about everything because every aspect of life—personal, social, political, cultural, relational, familial— involves communication. But the nature of the course also presents some challenges:

1. What gets covered and what gets left out? In other words, how does the class cover all the important material in one semester?

2. Given everything the course is designed to cover, how does the material connect with students’ everyday lives? Where is the balance between the theoretical and what’s relevant to students?

3. What’s the best way to ensure that the course’s learning objectives are met?

We have carefully designed this text in answer to these questions, drawing on scores of surveys and reviews, along with our collective 60 years of university teaching experience. Introduction to Communication: Perception, Meaning, and Identity offers a comprehensive, readable, and balanced survey of the disci- pline. Using vivid and contemporary examples, we cover the basics of commu- nication theory and research and provide tools to help students become more competent, confident, and ethical communicators. We show students the relevance of communication in their daily lives so that they can apply their newfound knowledge of the communication process in a variety of contexts.

The Philosophy of This Text Communication is about mutual, transactional meaning making, working with others to craft common understanding. It is also about how we perceive our world and how we create our identity; we know ourselves and our world through interaction with others. Helping students gain more effective control over perception, meaning making, and identity is the story of this book.

How do we begin to understand this complex world and our place in it? Through communication. The value of this course is in showing students how to think criti- cally about themselves and the worlds they inhabit, negotiate, create, and recre- ate—face-to-face and in front of screens—through communication. We do this, in

Preface

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part, by emphasizing the interdisciplinary and overlapping nature of communica- tion studies, encouraging students to make more connections, to expand the breadth and depth of their knowledge, and to apply that knowledge in their lives.

Pedagogical Features The pedagogical features we developed for this text reflect our philosophy and emphasize applications, asking students to challenge assumptions about themselves and their world.

• Ethical Communication boxes present ethical dilemmas that commu- nicators face, on topics such as lying (Chapter 3), whistleblowing (Chap- ter 8), and advertising to children (Chapter 11). These features prompt students to examine complex situations and weigh their own choices.

• Personally Responsible Communication boxes remind students that they are what they communicate, asking them to consider their responsi- bility in personal communication situations. Topics include speaking in- clusively (Chapter 3), practicing active listening (Chapter 5), and self-diagnosing Internet addiction (Chapter 12).

• Socially Responsible Communication boxes ask students to consider how much responsibility they have to the larger culture, encouraging more thoughtful communication. Topics include stereotyping (Chapter 9), media conduct (Chapter 10), and the Speak Up program for patient safety (Chapter 14).

• Communication in the Workplace boxes present direct, hands-on advice for career success. Topics include dealing with on-the-job conflict (Chapter 6), tips for successful teamwork (Chapter 7), and the dos and don’ts of workplace persuasion (Chapter 13).

• Thumbnail Theory features appear in the margins to summarize the core theories presented in the text. Our aim is to make theory accessible and highlight why it matters in real life.

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Intersections of Communication Subfields

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In addition, several other features help students get the most from the book:

• Learning Objectives at the beginning of each chapter

• A Review of Learning Objectives at the end of each chapter, highlighting key points

• A Running Glossary and a list of Key Terms

• Questions for Review

• Questions for Discussion.

Organization In designing a survey text that is comprehensive yet concise, we had to make some difficult decisions about what to include. We worked to offer the broad- est, most contemporary overview of the discipline available, one tied to stu- dents’ everyday realities and their career aspirations, regardless of major.

The text is organized into 15 chapters (to fit the typical semester) and di- vided into two parts, Foundations of Communication and Communication Con- texts, offering balanced coverage of the entire field of communication. Part I includes a chapter on communication research and inquiry (Chapter 2) and covers verbal communication (Chapter 3), nonverbal communication (Chapter 4), and listening (Chapter 5). Part II builds on this foundation to examine communication in a wide variety of contexts. These chapters include rela- tional and conflict communication (Chapter 6), communicating in small groups (Chapter 7), organizational communication (Chapter 8), and intercul- tural communication (Chapter 9), as well as mass communication (Chapter 10), media literacy (Chapter 11), social media and communication technolo- gies (Chapter 12), persuasion and social influence (Chapter 13), and health communication (Chapter 14). An optional crash-course on public speaking (Chapter 15) gives students the basic skills and confidence to communicate publicly.

Ancillary Package A comprehensive set of ancillary materials for instructors and students ac- companies Introduction to Human Communication.

Online Learning • Dashboard delivers high-quality content, tools, and assessments to

track student progress in an intuitive, Web-based learning environment.

• Dashboard gives instructors the ability to manage digital content from Introduction to Human Communication and its supplements in order to create assignments, administer tests, and track student prog- ress. Assessments are designed to accompany this text and are

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automatically graded so that instructors can check students’ progress as they complete their assignments. The color-coded gradebook illus- trates at a glance where students are succeeding and where they can improve.

• With Dashboard, students have access to a variety of interactive study tools designed to enhance their learning experience, including videos and exercises, critical thinking activities and questions, and multiple-choice pre- and post-tests to accompany each chapter.

• Dashboard is engineered to be simple, informative, and mobile. All Dashboard content is engineered to work on mobile devices, including iOS platforms.

• Course cartridges for a variety of Learning Management Systems, in- cluding Blackboard Learn, Canvas, Moodle, D2L, and Angel, allow in- structors to create their own course websites, integrating student and instructor resources available on the Ancillary Resource Center and Companion Website. Contact your Oxford University Press representa- tive for access or for more information about these supplements or cus- tomized options.

For Instructors • Ancillary Resource Center (ARC) at www.oup-arc.com. This conve-

nient, instructor-focused website provides access to all of the up-to-date teaching resources for this text—at any time—while guaranteeing the security of grade-significant resources. In addition, it allows OUP to keep instructors informed when new content becomes available. The following items are available on the ARC:

• The Instructor’s Manual includes syllabus preparation tools, a sample syllabus, chapter-based assignment ideas, and suggestions for audiovisual materials.

• The comprehensive Computerized Test Bank offers over 900 exam questions in multiple-choice, short-answer, and essay formats, with each item classified according to Bloom’s taxonomy and tagged to page and section references in the text.

• PowerPoint-based lecture slides highlight key concepts, terms, and examples, and incorporate images from each chapter. With stream- lined text, a focus on visual support, and lecture tips in the notes sec- tion, these presentations are ready to use and fully editable to make preparing for class faster and easier than ever.

• Now Playing, Instructor’s Edition, includes an introduction on how to incorporate film and television clips in class, as well as even more film examples, viewing guides and assignments, a complete set of sample responses to the discussion questions in the student edi- tion, a full list of references, and an index by subject for ease of use. Now Playing also has an accompanying companion website at

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www.oup.com/us/nowplaying, which features descriptions of films from previous editions and selected film clips.

• Two optional chapters for download: Public Speaking: Research, Writing, and Delivery; and Persuasive, Informative, and Other Types of Speaking.

• A downloadable guide to Interviewing.

For Students

• Now Playing (print), available free in a package with a new copy of the book, looks at contemporary films and television shows through the lens of commu- nication principles. Updated yearly, it illustrates how communication concepts play out in a variety of situations, using mass media that are interactive, fa- miliar, and easily accessible to students.

• The Companion Website at www.oup.com/us/beauchamp offers a wealth of study and review resources, including learning objectives, summaries, chap- ter quizzes, flashcards, activities, and links to a variety of media-related websites.

Acknowledgments We were fortunate to have had the assistance of many people in the writing of this book. Most important, we have drawn on the research and thinking of a century’s worth of communication thinkers and researchers, not to mention their colleagues in the other social sciences and humanities. Their research and writing have in- spired and guided the field’s contemporary thinking. It’s an exciting time to study communication, and the work that has come before has made this book—and the discipline itself—possible.

We relied, too, on the sharp eye and teaching experience of our reviewers, who improved and enriched our work. In particular, we thank the following reviewers commissioned by Oxford University Press:

Jerry L. Allen University of New Haven

Carla Harrell Old Dominion University

Andrew F. Herrmann East Tennessee State University

Karen Isaacs University of New Haven

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Dan Kozlowski Saint Louis University

Jennifer A. Marshall California State University, Northridge

Kelly Odenweller West Virginia University

William Price Georgia Perimeter College

Greg Rickert Bluegrass Community & Technical College

Jill Schiefelbein Arizona State University

Bruce Wickelgren Suffolk University

Thanks also to the team at Oxford University Press. Their professional- ism, encouragement, and advice sustained us. This is an organization that trusts its authors. For that we are especially grateful.

Our colleagues, students, friends, and extended family deserve our appre- ciation as well. Not only did they let us bore them with our tales of writing woe, but a few appear in photos in these pages. Finally, we are grateful to one colleague in particular. Dr. Wendy Samter was our Chair and is now our Dean. Several years ago, she gave us the task of evaluating all the Introduction to Communication texts available for adoption. We took that job to heart, and although not completely dissatisfied with the available options, we did dis- cover that these books lacked sufficient attention to (1) the discipline as a social science and (2) newer mediated forms of communication. As such, Wendy initiated the journey that produced this book and encouraged and sup- ported us at every step along the way.

We must also thank our immediate families. Our children, Jordan and Matt, were the inspiration for many of our examples. Jordan is a recent grad- uate who majored in Communication and is now in the midst of a burgeoning career, and Matt is still in school and preparing to make his mark. They are great kids; we are exceedingly proud of them.

We thank you for taking the time to read our thoughts on the course and how we believe it should be taught. And we commend you for committing yourself to this important and exciting discipline.

SRB & SJB

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Introduction to Human Communication

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Chapter Outline

The Process of Creating Meaning 4

The Power of Culture 10

Communication and Perception 11

Signs and Symbols 14

Communication and Identity 17

What Does Communication Give You the Power to Do? 22

The Communication Process

1

This is the job you want, no question. It’s one anyone would want—

working at a hospital in a great up-and-coming community, having

significant responsibilities, getting paid a real salary.

You’ve done your research. You know that employers consider

good communication skills the most important factor not only

in job performance, but in career advancement (Sternberg, 2013).

Another piece of research you discovered showed that communica-

tion competencies were the most-often mentioned keys to success

in management (Whetton and Cameron, 2005).

So you now know how to build your case. You go over your notes

one last time. This is what the interviewers will hear from you:

“I will have to interact with all kinds of staff and clients, and I bring

solid verbal and nonverbal communication skills to the job. On

teams where there are inevitable tensions, my conflict and group

communication studies will be an asset. I know, too, that I will be

working with people from many different backgrounds, and my in-

tercultural communication coursework has prepared me well. Just

as important, I have classroom experience in health communica-

tion, especially in using the media to promote healthy behaviors.

In fact, in this position I can combine my media literacy with my

interpersonal communication and persuasion skills.”

You’re ready. With this background, how could you fail?

Perception, Meaning, and Identity

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Communicating—mutually creating meaning—is part of what makes us human.

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The skills and strengths mentioned in this anecdote represent different chap- ters in this book. Of course the vignette is fictional, but the research it men- tions is real. Communication is indispensable not only to professional success but to success as a person. Good communication skills can make you a better friend, parent, colleague, and citizen. Competent communication and media literacy can make interacting with people more satisfying, consuming media more fun, and experiencing life more meaningful.

The Process of Creating Meaning We communicate to create, recreate, and understand our realities. Communi- cation allows us to control our environments. It is how we know ourselves and how we let others know us. Communication, the process of mutual creation of meaning, is breathtakingly simple and often maddeningly complex. As cog- nitive scientist Benjamin Bergen explains,

communication The process of mutual creation of meaning.

1.1 Illustrate how models of communication evolved from linear to transactional.

1.2 Demonstrate how communication is an ongoing and dynamic process of creating meaning.

1.3 Contrast the transmissional, constitutive, and ritual views of communication.

1.4 explain the power of culture as the backdrop for creating meaning.

1.5 Describe the relationships between perception, communication, and identity.

1.6 explain when and how communication grants power.

Learning Objectives

Constantly, tirelessly, automatically, we make meaning. What’s perhaps most remarkable about it is that we hardly notice we’re doing anything at all. There are deep, rapid, complex operations afoot under the surface of the skull, and yet all we experience is seamless understand- ing. Meaning is not only constant; it’s also critical. With language, we can com- municate what we think and who we are. Without language, we would be isolated. We would have no fiction, no history, and no science. To understand how meaning works, then, is to understand part of what it is to be human. And not just human, but uniquely human. (2012)

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The Evolution of Communication Models In the first half of the last century, the field of communication studies was newly established. Scholars saw communication as a process that followed a linear model; that is, messages travel in a more or less straight line from a source, through a medium, to a receiver. The most famous expression of this idea is political scientist Harold Lasswell’s (1948):

Who? Says What? Through which channel? To whom? With what effect?

The source has a goal in mind, creates a message, and selects a means (or medium) to deliver it; the receiver receives it and does or does not do what the source wants. Think of public relations and health professionals using online public service announcements to convince teens to avoid binge drink- ing. If the message does not have the desired effect, the source should modify the message or change the medium. In its simplest form, the linear model of communication looks like this:

linear model a representa- tion of communication as a linear process, with messages traveling from a source, through a medium, to a receiver.

source In a linear communication model, the originator of a message.

medium In a linear commu- nication model, the carrier of a message.

receiver In a linear communi- cation model, the recipient of a message.

But maybe the message did not have the desired effect because of noise somewhere along the line. Noise is anything that interferes with the process of communication, and it exists in a variety of forms:

• Physical noise—something outside the communication effort itself; your roommate plays a loud video game while you’re trying to talk on the phone.

• Semantic noise—a problem in the construction of the message; your pro- fessor uses completely unfamiliar technical jargon.

• Psychological noise—predispositions, biases, or prejudices that shape how you construct and interpret messages; consider what different politicians mean when they talk about “freedom” and what voters of different politi- cal leanings take away when they hear that word.

• Physiological noise—sometimes you are simply not operating at full com- munication capacity because you are tired or hungry or sick.

How do sources know if their communication efforts are successful? They look for feedback, a response to their message. Now the linear model is a little less linear and it looks like this:

noise anything that interferes with the process of communication.

feedback response to a message.

FIGURE 1.2 The Linear Model of Communication, Including Feedback

Source Message

Feedback

Receiver

FIGURE 1.1 Simplified Linear Model of Communication

Source Message Receiver

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Encoder

Encoder

Interpreter Interpreter

Decoder

Decoder

Message

Message

FIGURE 1.3 Osgood and Schramm’s Model of Communication

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This, however, is still a source-dominated model of communication; that is, it still views the success of the communication effort as primarily within the source’s control. But isn’t feedback a message? Hasn’t the receiver now become the source, sending a message back to the original source, who is now the receiver?

The limits of the source-dominated view of communication become obvi- ous as soon as we understand communication as a reciprocal, ongoing process, with all parties engaged in creating shared meaning. Communication researcher Wilbur Schramm (1954) used this idea, originally offered by psychologist Charles E. Osgood, to create a more accurate model of communication, one having no source, no receiver, and no feedback. Stressing communication as in- teraction, it represents the participants in the communication process as inter- preters, working together to create meaning by encoding and decoding messages. Encoding is transforming a message into an understandable sign and symbol system—for example, speaking in English or shooting a video using familiar visual storytelling conventions. Decoding is interpreting those signs and symbols—for example, listening to the speaker or watching the video and drawing meaning from them. Figure 1.3 shows this model of communication.

Schramm made another important point: all that encoding and decoding takes place against the backdrop of communicators’ fields of experience. That means that

• Communicators create and interpret messages in terms of what they already know and have experienced. “Communication involves the total personal- ity,” wrote communication theorist Dean Barnlund. Encoding and decod- ing can never be separated because “meanings [are] generated by the whole organism” (1962, p. 199). For example, when you live at home, you and your parents no doubt have somewhat different ideas of what “cleaning your room” means.

• There can be no communication unless interpreters share a common set of ex- periences. Vielleicht sprichst Du Deutsch? Unless you speak German, that message has no meaning. If German is not part of your experience, you and a German speaker cannot communicate very well. Messages are sent; meaning is made.

source-dominated model a representation of communi- cation efforts as primarily within a source’s control.

encoding Transforming a message into an understand- able sign and symbol system.

decoding Interpreting signs and symbols.

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• No two communicators share exactly the same set of experiences, so there is always some negotiation of meaning. You and your friend both have experienced “dog,” but that small, fluffy, squeaking thing he brings with him everywhere he goes is not what you mean by “dog.”

Communication, then, is the process of mutual creation of meaning. It is social—it involves people in interaction; it is a process—its parts operate interdependently and continuously; and it is dynamic—it is always changing. This last characteristic defines modern notions of communication as transactional—communication changes the communicators. Each new message, decoded into meaning by an interpreter, changes that interpreter. He or she is no longer the same person, simply by virtue of having added new meanings to his or her set of experiences. In fact, the transactional view assumes that com- munication has not occurred unless change occurs in the participants (Pearce, Figgins, and Golen, 1984). In a sense, then, communicators enter into a deal, a transaction: the more they work at their negotiation of meaning to better align their fields of experience, the better they can make meaning (in other words, the better they can communicate). Figure 1.4 illustrates the transactional model.

Transmissional, Constitutive, and Ritual Views of Communication The linear model of communication falls under the transmissional view, which sees communication as the process of sending and receiving— transmitting or transferring—information from one person to another. By con- trast, the transactional model falls under the constitutive view, which sees communication as creating (constituting) something that did not exist before.

In this second view, communication does not simply represent some ob- jective world that preceded it; it produces and then reproduces a new reality— shared meaning—and as a result, new experiences for the communicators, who are now themselves changed (Craig, 1999). For example, say a classmate invites you to her home for Thanksgiving break. She may say, “I know you live

transactional model a repre- sentation of the elements of communication as interde- pendent and the process of communication as ongoing and dynamic.

constitutive view The per- spective that communication creates something that did not previously exist.

transmissional view The perspective that communica- tion is the process of sending and receiving information from one communicator to another.

You and a friend might have different ideas about the meaning of “dog.”

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FIGURE 1.4 The Transactional Model

Culture

Im me

dia te c

onte xt

Fie ld of experienceFie

ld of experience

Noise

NoiseNoise

Noise

Encodes

Encodes

Verbal message

Verbal message

Nonverbal message

Nonverbal message

Decodes

Communicator A Communicator B

Decodes

Noise Cha

nne l

Cha nne

l

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pretty far away, so how would you like to come home with me for the holiday?” The transmitted message is clear: “Do you want to come to my house for Thanksgiving, yes or no?” But what new “thing” has been constituted (pro- duced) by those few words? In you, a new reality—a new understanding of what kind of person she is and the knowledge that, possibly, she wants to be your friend. When you say “Yes,” she realizes that you welcome her friendship. Together, you have constituted a new understanding of the nature of your relationship. More important, you have made a new friend.

To emphasize the extraordinary impact of this mutual creation of mean- ing, sociologist and communication scholar James Carey offered a third view of how communication works. For Carey (1989), the ritual view links com- munication to

“sharing,” “participation,” “association,” “fellowship,” and “the possession of a common faith.” It has the same root as the words “commonness,” “communion,” “community” . . . A ritual view of communication is directed not toward the extension of messages in space but toward the maintenance of society in time; not the act of imparting informa- tion but the representation of shared beliefs. (pp. 18–19)

In other words, communication constitutes culture. Revisit the example of the Thanksgiving invitation. We’ve seen that the

simple message transmitted from your classmate to you was, “Want to come to my house, yes or no?” But the invitation was special because it was for Thanksgiving. The holiday is imbued with all kinds of rituals that bind fami- lies in meaning: who gets invited, where people sit, who is relegated to the kids’ table, what is on the menu, who falls asleep on the sofa. Thanksgiving is also part of a larger ritual that binds together the millions of people who cele- brate it, from the 30-pound turkey to the big parades and even bigger football

ritual view The perspective that communication is di- rected not toward the exten- sion of messages in space but toward the maintenance of society in time and the repre- sentation of shared beliefs.

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It wouldn’t take a visitor long to identify your family’s Thanksgiving rituals, such as your uncle Carl falling asleep on the sofa. These specific rituals are part of the broader holiday tradition.

games. One set of rituals helps define a family’s culture; another set helps define American culture. Both are representations of shared beliefs. You will quickly learn how to act at your new friend’s Thanksgiving celebration in ac- cordance with her family’s traditions, which are within the context of the na- tional tradition.

The Power of Culture No two people ever share precisely the same culture. Your culture is defined not only by your country but also by your gender, for example, and your spe- cific set of geographic and ethnic experiences. Think of the words you use. Depending on where you live, you may enjoy an occasional sub sandwich or maybe a grinder or possibly a hoagie, perhaps a po’ boy, hero, torpedo, or zeppelin. And again, depending on where you call home, you may sell your excess stuff at a garage sale (Midwestern United States and the West Coast), a yard sale (most of the East Coast and the Mountain States), or a tag sale (Western Mas- sachusetts and Connecticut). You may or may not be a part of campus Greek life. If you are a baseball fan, you may be part of Red Sox Nation; if you are a football fan, you may well be a Cheese Head (a Green Bay Packers fan), dwell in the Dog Pound (a Cleveland Browns fans), or hang out with the Hogs (Wash- ington Redskins fans). Or you may be troubled by the fact that a sports fran- chise in our nation’s capital uses a racial slur as its nickname (Enten, 2014).

When we communicate with others, we find what is common to our experiences—language is an obvious example—and then we mutually negoti- ate new meanings, creating even more shared experiences. This is the true power of culture. Culture is the background, the set of experiences and expec- tations that we each carry around with us wherever we go. Culture allows us to interact with people who are different from us, while in the process we become more alike. With every successful communication effort, big or small, culture is in transaction, in constant change. Anthropologist Edward T. Hall called culture “the medium evolved by humans to survive. Nothing is free from

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cultural influences. It is the keystone in civilization’s arch and is the medium through which all of life’s events must flow. We are culture” (1976, p. 14). As you might imagine, then, something as big and important as culture will have many different definitions. This text employs a definition that speaks specifi- cally to the role of communication in culture’s influence on meaning making:

Culture is the world made meaningful; it is socially constructed and maintained through communication. It limits as well as liberates us; it differentiates as well as unites us. It defines our realities and thereby shapes the ways we think, feel, and act. (Baran, 2014, p. 14)

Our discussion so far should make it clear that culture is learned, negoti- ated, transacted, constructed, and maintained through communication. But how does culture limit and liberate, differentiate and unite? Cultural

culture The world made meaningful, socially con- structed and maintained through communication.

Communicating Well to Land the Job

employers consider good communication skills to be the most important factor in job performance and career advancement. But what communication skills are important in getting that job or internship? research by the consulting firm right Management (2008) identified five factors that make the difference:

1. Conciseness of Answers—Don’t give long, mean- dering answers. They tell an interviewer that you are nervous, or didn’t understand the question, or worse, that you are trying to substitute quantity for quality.

2. Structure of Answers —a well-conceived, concise answer to a question shows that your thinking is or- ganized, that you know your subject matter, and that you can communicate it. Try to anticipate questions before the interview and consider possible avenues of response.

3. Logical Flow of Information—logical responses show that you reason critically, connect ideas, and can be a skilled persuader.

4. Eye Contact—eye contact creates rapport, engage- ment, and trust. It tells your interviewer that you are interested in your interaction.

5. Clarity of Speech—Don’t mumble. Speaking clearly tells your interviewer that you are giving your words conscious thought.

employment writer Kate Wilson (2012) offered her take on the top five communication “skills [that] are es- pecially helpful for recent grads who may not know ex- actly what to expect”:

1. Think of the interview as a conversation, not an interrogation—You’re less likely to be nervous in a con- versation than you would be in an interrogation, and the interviewer will have a better time talking with you.

2. Ask questions when you are giving answers—Just as in conversation with friends, interact by both an- swering and asking questions.

3. Connect with the interviewer on a personal level—If you discover a personal connection, a fa- vorite sports team, a hobby, the same college, or travel to an interesting place, for example, elaborate. Making that connection could help you stand out.

4. Use the interviewer’s name—Doing this signals that you are paying attention and that you care enough to be personal.

5. Directly answer questions, but don’t be afraid to digress—expand on your answers as needed to show imagination and critical thought.

The guide at www.oup-arc.com offers a much more detailed look at communicating successfully in interviews.

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE

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These women may be part of their campus’s Greek culture, but they also are part of the larger american culture.

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assumptions can indeed limit people’s ability to express themselves. A male boss who speaks forcefully and dominates his workplace is per- ceived as a natural leader, a man among men. A female boss is less likely to employ force and dominance in her management style because doing so may subject her to a much different evaluation by her colleagues (Sandberg and Grant, 2015). But culture also liberates us, as it offers us a wealth of information in all our inter- actions, making communication easier and more effective and efficient. We know quite a bit about the people and settings in which we find our- selves because of our cultural experiences and the assumptions we make from them. They free us to make meaning more deeply, more quickly, more mutually. Of course, as you’ll see in Chapter 9, when these efficiencies become prejudices, they are noise, interfering with communication.

Culture differentiates because it defines. You communicate within your country’s dominant culture (sometimes referred to as the mainstream culture): the collective cultural experience held and shared by the large ma- jority of people. But you simultaneously belong to several bounded cultures (sometimes called co-cultures): these are your cultural identities existing within (bounded by) the larger culture. Maybe you identify with and take pride in your Latino/a or African-American heritage. Or being a country boy or a city girl sets you apart from the group. Or you stand out because you are a Star Trek fan or a member of a sorority.

Americans pride themselves in their ability to move between different bounded cultures (sorority member and Trekkie) and also between bounded cultures and the dominant culture (all Americans rooting for the United States in the Olympics). As different as individual Americans may be, they are still united (in this example) by their national culture. If you’re American and have traveled overseas, you probably had little problem identifying other Americans around you.

Communication and Perception But how did those other travelers communicate to you that they were indeed American? Most likely they weren’t shouting “USA . . . USA” as they went about their sightseeing. Nonetheless, they communicated their American-ness. This is the question of intentionality, expressed as, “Is it possible to not communi- cate?” The answer, which is no, rests on perception, being aware of and creat- ing meaning from the world around us.

One way to understand the connection between intentionality and per- ception is to look at the work of researchers who came to be known as the Palo

dominant culture (main- stream culture) The collec- tive cultural experience held and shared by the large majority of people.

bounded culture (co-culture) Cultural identities existing within the larger culture.

perception Being aware of and making meaning from the world around us.

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What is each of these instructors communicating to you? Which one is teaching Business 101? Twentieth-Century lit?

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Alto Group. In the 1960s, they offered an early challenge to the source- dominated view of communication ( Watzlawick, Beavin, and Jackson, 1967). Communication does not happen when a source sends a mes- sage, they argued (as we’ve already seen in this chapter); it happens when a receiver draws meaning from inter- action with the source. For example, on the first day of class you may meet two new professors, one of whom wears a suit while the other wears old jeans. Without a word being uttered, quite a bit of communication has oc- curred. The Palo Alto scholars empha- size that because every human behavior is potentially communica-

tive (culture shapes the ways we think, feel, and act), it is impossible to not com- municate. You’ve drawn meaning from those instructors’ style choices, just as you can easily draw meaning from your boyfriend’s or girlfriend’s refusal to “communicate” with you. Unanswered texts accompanied by the silent treat- ment when in person may be the absence of talk, but they most certainly aren’t the absence of communication.

Perception involves selection, organization, and interpretation as we inter- act with our environments. Back to our traveling Americans: they did not in- tentionally communicate their American-ness to you; you perceived it. But what was it about them that said “American”—that you noticed (or selected)? Was it that they were speaking English; that they seemed a bit loud and ener- getic; that they were wearing Nikes, jeans, and L.L. Bean backpacks? There were many other things—some new, some familiar, some exciting, some routine—going on around you, but you selected a relatively small number and then organized them into a collection that you interpreted as American.

We’re incapable of processing the enormous tide of sensory stimuli that washes over us at all times. It’s not that we’re too lazy or not smart enough; there’s just no advantage to doing so. In fact, if we ever attempted it, we’d be immobilized by information overload; we’d accomplish nothing. What’s the temperature in the room where you’re reading these words? Unless it inter- feres with what you’re doing, there is no need to pay attention (to select) it for perception. But if the room does indeed become too hot or too cold to the point that you cannot focus on the immediate task of reading, that might change. In fact, it’s quite likely that you were unaware of the temperature until we asked the question.

As you traveled abroad, the presence of people similar to and different from you was relevant to where you were and what you were doing. Therefore, what was distinctive about the Americans stood out; you paid attention to

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those differences. If you were an American traveling in the States, however, American-ness would not necessarily be relevant or interesting to you. In that case, you’d be more likely to pay attention to pieces of data you perceived as Hawaiian, Californian, or Southern, for example.

Individual bits of data tell us relatively little, so we have to organize them in some useful way in order to interpret them meaningfully. We accomplish this by developing schemas, mental structures built from past experiences that we use to process new information and organize new experiences; they are “active organization[s] of past reactions, or of past experiences” (Bartlett, 1932, p. 201). What makes up your American schema? Your Hawaiian, Califor- nian, or Southern schemas? Where did those schema come from? They come from your experiences—your interactions, in the media and in the physical world—with American, Hawaiian, Californian, or Southern in the past.

An obvious and sometimes troubling form of schema is a stereotype, a generalization about people, places, or things. Stereotypes may or may not be accurate; as you’ll read in Chapter 9’s discussion of intercultural communica- tion, they may mask as many truths about people, places, and things as they

schema a mental structure built from past experiences that we use to process new information and organize new experiences.

stereotype a generalization about people, places, or things.

effective communication grants power, letting you shape your own realities and those of the people around you. But like all power, it can be used for good or bad.

ethics are rules of behavior or moral principles that guide human actions. There are metaethics, fundamen- tal cultural values like justice, and there are normative ethics, generalized rules or principles of moral behavior such as “don’t steal.” how we apply both the big rules and the general guidelines to our everyday interactions is called applied ethics.

Your ethics are constituted by the moral choices you make. Keep in mind, though, that applying ethics is rarely the choice between equally good options, or even be- tween good and bad ones. There’s no moral dilemma in those instances. applying ethics is quite often choosing between equally bad options. Communication ethicist Patrick Plaisance calls this “the art of uneasy compro- mise” (2014, p. 11). Do you stretch the truth on a resume to get a job? lying is a bad option, but failing to get the job is also a bad option. Do you advertise sugared cereals to little kids? Targeting small children with commercials for unhealthy foods is a bad option, but so is getting fired for refusing your client’s demand. What do you do?

Throughout this book, “ethical Communication” boxes present ethical dilemmas that communicators

regularly face. examine these situations and weigh your choices. Because there is rarely a “right” choice, your task is not to pick one option over another; rather, it is to be able to explain why and how you would make a choice. as ethicist Plaisance counsels, “ethics is about our thinking process . . . The focus is on the quality of the deliberative process and not on the outcome” (2014, p. 10; italics in the original). he continues, “ethics is about getting good at asking the right questions, which, in turn, clarify the problem and enable us to ex- plore more effectively possible solutions or acceptable compromises” (p. 37).

There are several ways to apply ethics. Do you prac- tice the Golden Rule, doing unto others as you would have them do unto you? Do you look for the Golden Mean, or middle ground? are you an absolutist, apply- ing the Categorical Imperative so that your moral deci- sion makes no exceptions? Or might you apply utilitarianism toward the goal of making the most people happy (or bringing unhappiness to the fewest people)? Do you don the Veil of Ignorance, blocking out any thought of what most benefits you as a path toward finding what is moral? Consider these questions as you read the “ethical Communication” boxes in each chapter.

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION

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illuminate. Yes, they may be useful in helping us quickly make meaning, but they may also produce ill-conceived or simply incorrect meanings. Yes, Americans traveling overseas often speak English, carry themselves with vigor, and wear Nikes, jeans, and L.L. Bean backpacks, but not all do.

Signs and Symbols Meaning making is based on our perception and interpretation of signs and symbols. Recall your boyfriend’s or girlfriend’s refusal to talk to you. The dis- tance you feel surely means something, most likely something not good. But is it a sign or a symbol?

Communication scholars differentiate between signs and symbols, some- times in contradictory ways. For now, though, we’ll take the more traditional route, defining a sign as something that signals the presence of something specific, more or less an objective substitute for that thing. A stop sign means stop. You may not want to stop; you may not stop when you encounter this sign at an intersection; however, you objectively know what it means. Like- wise, the changing color of leaves signifies the coming of autumn and the let- ters d-o-g signify a canine mammal (at least in English).

But the word “dog” can be a symbol as well, just as your friend’s silent treatment is more symbol than sign. A symbol, then, is a much more arbitrary indicator of something else. While the meanings attached to both signs and symbols are arbitrary (there is nothing inherently meaning “stop” in a hexag- onal piece of red sheet metal; English speakers may have decided that d-o-g signifies a canine, but Spanish speakers prefer p-e-r-r-o), the meanings at- tached to symbols are more open to negotiation and more dependent on the context in which they are used. When you and your boyfriend or girlfriend sit silently while driving long-distance at night, that silence symbolizes some- thing much different from the silence of unanswered texts. When your team- mates tell you to stop dogging it, “dog” is a symbol for laziness, but when your

sign Something that signals the presence of something specific; relatively objective.

symbol arbitrary indicator of something else; relatively subjective and abstract.

What do these signs signify?

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FIGURE 1.5 Ogden and Richards’s Triangle of Meaning

Reference Homegrown courage

Symbol Referent Original

13 colonies

Stands for

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S I G n S a n D S Y M B O l S

bosses commend you for working like a dog, “dog” is a symbol for hard work. As philosopher Susanne Langer wrote, symbols “are not proxy of their objects, but are vehicles for the conception of objects” (1942, p. 61). In other words, symbols are not simply substitutes for other things; they are the means by which the meaning of those things is carried, negotiated, and maintained.

In 1923, linguist C. K. Ogden and literary critic I. A. Richards offered their triangle of meaning, a way of understanding the relationship between an object, our sign or symbol for it, and the meaning we give it (see Figure 1.5). Although there have been many variations in the way it’s represented, we still use it today. Meaning comes from the relationship between

• the referent (the object itself)

• its sign or symbol (designed to “stand in” for the referent), and

• the reference (the thoughts generated by the sign or symbol; in other words, meaning).

Keep in mind, though, that not only are signs and symbols arbitrarily as- signed to their referents, but the subsequent references (meanings) are con- structed and negotiated, and they vary given the context. So the triangle of meaning may show the linkage between referent, sign/symbol, and reference as pretty straightforward, but there is a great deal of individual and cultural experience that goes into forging those connections. American history offers a famous example. When the Founders determined that the Great Seal of the United States would feature the bald eagle as its centerpiece, they wanted to link the United States (referent), the eagle (symbol), and majestic bravery (ref- erence). But Ben Franklin, in a letter to his daughter, confessed that he could

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not make the same connections. “The turkey is in comparison,” he wrote, “a much more respectable bird, and withal a true original native of America . . . He is besides, though a little vain & silly, a bird of courage” (“The Eagle,” 2012). Franklin connected the United States (referent), the turkey (symbol), and ref- erence (home-grown courage) in a much different and personally meaningful way than did his Colonial colleagues. Nonetheless, American culture seems to have decided that it prefers the eagle to the turkey as the national symbol.

Franklin was arguing that the turkey would better symbolize (be a better stand-in for) his new nation, so he presented his version of the “facts” to his daughter. And this is one of the most important lessons of the triangle of meaning. Although communication can be representational—describing or conveying some objective fact or information—it is almost always presentational—someone’s version of the facts or information. In other words, someone connects referent and symbol in a specific way to produce meaning. Television news offers an obvious example. There may be some ob- servable, objective event that journalists cover, but how is the reality of that event represented? It is represented by the reporters’ images and words chosen for presentation. Where do reporters place their cameras? Whom do they choose to interview; which interviews make it on air; and what parts of those interviews are included or edited out? These choices will produce specific meanings. This is not the work of lazy or biased reporters; this is simply the operation of the meaning triangle writ large: the connection between referent (the event), symbol (material chosen for inclusion), and reference (resulting thoughts) is different for different reporters covering the same event.

The same thing happens when you are communicating face-to-face. For example, when a classmate asks you how you did on an exam, how do you re- spond? You present your version of your performance to suggest a specific re- ality. Yes, you could respond representationally, for example, offering the grade itself with little inflection in your voice, “Got an 89.” But more than likely you would say (present) that score somewhat shyly, concerned that your

representational communication Describing or conveying some fact or information.

presentational communication an individual person’s version of facts or information.

What does each of these presentations say about attendance at this protest? Both are from the same demonstration, but the reality has been presented differently through the choices (camera angles) made by the photographer.

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colleague might not have done as well as you. Or, delighted by your unex- pected success, you might boldly present the 89, as in “Yeah, I nailed it.” If you are indeed concerned about your classmate’s feelings, you might do what stu- dents typically do: you matter-of-factly present your performance as, “I did O.K.” The words and actions (symbol) standing in for your grade (referent) are designed to produce a specific meaning for your friend (reference). In fact, just as there are scholars who argue that there has been no communication unless there is change in the participants, many communication experts also believe that communication is always presentational, always designed to effect new thought, to produce that change, even if the goal is as benign as getting your conversational partner to be more comfortable in your presence or to like you more (Hauser, 1986).

Communication and Identity But why do you care what your classmate thinks about your performance on the test? Just as important, you did great, so why should you worry about pro- tecting her feelings? You care because your identity—who you are—is trans- acted through communication. Regardless of who you might think you are, if you boast about your grade with little concern for your classmate’s feelings, she will perceive you as not very nice, as will those who witness your behavior. Then it really doesn’t matter who you think you are; to the world you are not nice. Like it or not, intentional or not, you are what you communicate. Just as import- ant, you are always, simultaneously, all of your many identities. Sometimes one or more of these identities are more visible to you and those around you.

There are several different ways to examine the relationship between communication and identity, each highlighting a different aspect of that con- nection. We’ll look at two, each of which adds something a little different to our understanding of that relationship: symbolic interaction and frame analysis.

What do you do with your skill as a communicator? Do you try to make the people around you comfortable when talking with them? how do you make meaning for and of yourself when you engage others and the larger culture? Do you use your role as others’ looking glass to help them see a better self? how well do you interact with people who are unlike you? Do you gravitate to people who look a certain way? how would you respond to some friends’ racist description of that new sopho- more in the front row? What you do and say will tell them not only who you think they are, but who you are.

In the “Personally responsible Communication” boxes throughout this book, you will be asked to con- sider just how much responsibility you carry when you communicate. Because communication is so natural and seemingly routine, it is easy to be a lazy or careless communicator. It’s easy to not pay attention to the meaning we make and that others make from us. But if you truly understand this book’s philosophy, you know that while communication can often be complex and its responsible use sometimes difficult, you are what you communicate.

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

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You don’t read a book on how to be a good teammate or an ever-reliable relief pitcher; you learn from playing the game.

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Symbolic Interaction and the Looking Glass Sociologist George Herbert Mead offered what has become known as symbolic interaction as a way to understand how people’s sense of self develops from their ongoing, interlinked conversations in and with a culture. His book Mind, Self, and Society (1934) explains that meaning (mind) and identity (self) arise in the context of culture (society). “Through a social process,” wrote philoso- pher Charles Morris as he explained Mead’s thinking, “the biologic individual of proper organic stuff gets a mind and a self. Through society the impulsive animal becomes a rational animal, a man [sic] . . . [Through] the social process of communication, the individual gains the mechanism of reflective thought . . . acquires the ability to make himself an object to himself and . . . becomes a moral individual” (1959, pp. xxv–xxvi).

Mead suggested that we look at how people learn to play baseball or other team sports. We don’t go online to learn how to field a grounder deep in the hole or get a good break on a sharp line drive to right field. What actually happens is that we learn to play from other players as we play the game, that is, through interaction with one another and with the game itself. But be- cause we don’t all play the same position, we each learn our specific role within the larger team and game. We do this by observing and interacting with our team members. We accept their comments, encouragement, and criticism; and if the team plays well, we enjoy our newly negotiated role as a productive teammate. Now that this role provides us with the ability to con- trol our behavior (play better; be a better teammate) and garner the support and affection of those around us, we internalize it and our identity becomes bound up in it. We come to value ourselves to the extent that this role is re- spected by others.

Of course, in real life we play on many teams, that is, we have many differ- ent roles across the many different situations in which we find ourselves. You may be a ballplayer, but you may also be a marketing major, a liberal, a boy- friend, and an atheist. In each of those different situations you take the role of

others with whom you interact, trying to judge how

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Symbolic Interaction

We develop our sense of self

through interaction. We look

to significant others to see

how they behave in various

roles, and then we use these

social cues to guide our own

behavior. How successful we

are is determined by how

well others see us doing.

The Looking Glass Self is

expressed as “I am what

I think that you think I am.”

they perceive you. Mead identified two import- ant others:

• the significant other—influential people in the different situations in which you find yourself

• the generalized other—your sense of how others see you.

What kind of friend are you? Everyone knows what friend means; it is a word or symbol possess- ing a strong cultural meaning. But you have known people who have shown themselves to be real friends, especially your older sister (signifi- cant other), so you may try to act as she does (role

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THUMBNAIL THEORY

Frame Analysis

We present ourselves in

various situations based on

our experiences of those

situations, both real-world

and mass mediated. The ex-

pectations we have about

them and about the actors in

them are called frames. We

frame situations in an at-

tempt to adopt an appropri-

ate role and enact it properly.

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taking), and for this your pals often commend you on your worth as a friend (generalized other). This process of creation and maintenance of identity is known as the Looking Glass Self; the self is accomplished by seeing our- selves as others see us. There is a well-known quote sometimes attributed to Mead, sometimes to another early sociologist, Charles Cooley (1902), from whom Mead took the term, that neatly encompasses the spirit of the Looking Glass Self: “I am not what I think I am and I am not what you think I am; I am what I think that you think I am.” This quote also suggests how complex (and complicated) communication, even a simple conversation between two friends, can be. It tells us that there are not simply two people communicating (Cooley, 1902). There are actually six “selves” involved in all interactions:

• You

• The Other

• What You think of the Other

• What the Other thinks of You

• What You think the Other thinks of You

• What the Other thinks You think of Him or Her.

Imagine buying a new car. You’re in the salesroom with the salesperson. You size her up as she sizes you up. You try to figure out what she thinks about you in order to present your best case for a better price; all the while, she is wondering what you’re thinking about her and her sales pitch in order to get you to pay as much as possible for the car. You can easily identify the operation of the six selves in any interaction. Try it out using the situation of asking someone out for a date or getting your parents to pay for your spring break trip with your friends.

Mead borrowed Cooley’s mirror analogy in order to make his central point: we can only experience ourselves in relation to others, and we do that through communication. We communicate, Mead explained, through the mutual work we undertake in assigning meaning not only to ourselves, but to the symbols (including ourselves) that surround us. He called these symbols social objects, that is, any objects to which we can refer to make meaning. In this way Mead makes the final significant point of symbolic interaction: iden- tity, as the most basic social object that makes communication possible, is not only created, defined, and maintained through interaction with the social world, it is performed in that world for others to see. Have you ever dressed up, danced, or practiced a speech in front of a mirror? If so, you were perform- ing your identity to determine how others would make meaning of it. As Wil- liam Shakespeare noted, we are all performers: “All the world’s a stage, and all the men and women merely players.”

Frame Analysis Sociologist Erving Goffman uses that same theater analogy to make a similar, but subtly different point. Where Mead wanted us to know that we constitute

Looking Glass Self In symbolic interaction, the idea that the self is accomplished by seeing ourselves as others see us.

social objects In symbolic interaction, any objects to which people can refer.

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We see ourselves in the looking glass created by our interactions with others.

What is this place? What role do you play in it? What cues do you see that can help you answer these questions?

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our identities through interaction with others, Goffman stresses that in our everyday lives we readily and routinely learn to perform those iden- tities as presentations of our different selves (Goffman, 1959). To combine an idea we have al- ready discussed with Goffman’s ideas, we use communication, which is presentational, to pres- ent ourselves. “What talkers undertake to do is not to provide information to a recipient,” he wrote, “but to present dramas to an audience. Indeed, it seems that we spend most of our time not engaged in giving information but in giving shows” (1974, p. 508).

To Goffman, the various situations or set- tings we find ourselves in are different scenes in a

play and we, life’s actors, carry on different performances to let our audiences know who we are. But how do we know which role (identity) is appropriate at a given time and situation? Just as in a play, we look for cues. Goffman calls his theory frame analysis because those cues alerting us to the proper role we should play are embedded in what he calls frames—a specific set of expec- tations we use to make sense of the specific social situation we may find our- selves in at the time. As a close reader, you can see that frames and schemas share many similarities. No one has to tell you as you enter a classroom for the first time in a new semester to don your student identity. No one has to give you your lines or tell you what your motivation is. You enter the room, see the rows of chairs and desks, and notice an individual standing at the front. Your classroom frame directs you to raise your hand to ask a question and not to interrupt when the professor is speaking. You know why you’re there and what your professor expects of you. In fact, country boy or city girl, Trekkie or so-

rority member, your identity is that of student as long as you maintain that frame.

But what happens when your professor begins addressing you and your classmates infor- mally, telling a lot of jokes? You use that cue to make meaning of the changing situation, adjust- ing your character, presenting a variation on your student role that might be more in line with how you see yourself. You upshift, you frame the situation as less serious, more open to personal expression. But one of your classmates goes a bit too far, referring to the professor by an unflatter- ing nickname. Your instructor becomes stern. You downshift, framing the changing situation as more serious, less open to expressions of your personal identity.

frames In frame analysis, specific sets of expectations that people use to make sense of specific social situations.

upshift In frame analysis, framing a situation as less serious, more open to personal expression.

downshift In frame analysis, framing a situation as more serious, less open to expres- sions of personal identity.

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Our classroom frames are built in part from media’s hyper-ritualized representations. What did you come to understand about school from Glee?

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We easily upshift and downshift because we are skilled at reading social cues in interactions, allowing us to fine-tune our presentations of self. How do we learn to interpret or make meaning from those cues? Mead would respond, “Through communication with the various others with whom we interact.” But Goffman returns to the stage analogy to investigate the question raised by that answer: If we are actors upon a stage, in- teracting with many different people, identifying many different significant others, each of us framing different situations and reading social cues in individual, personally meaningful ways, why does there seem to be order to our daily lives? How can we coordinate our identities and actions with others to apparently so easily mutu- ally make meaning? We are able to do this be- cause we share a common set of experiences with those performing with us on the stage; we share their perceptions. We’ve built those perceptions growing up at home, with friends, in church or temple or mosque, in the schoolyard and when traveling, reading, listening to music, texting and friending online, and watching movies and television. Yes, we may each have our individual identities, but we read from much the same script as do the other actors shar- ing our bounded and dominant cultures.

We personally encounter all kinds of people and situations in our every- day lives, and the people involved in those interactions choose to present specific, certainly not all, aspects of their identities. We decode—make meaning—of those cues and they become part of our frame of the situation where that encounter took place. But we also encounter all kinds of people and situations in mass media portrayals of those people and situations. Because of the way those portrayals are constructed (no media portrayal can show every single aspect and nuance of a phenomenon, so Goffman calls them hyper- ritualized representations of social actions), our attention is directed to a specific, narrow set of cues. We decode those cues and they, too, become part of our frame of that situation. Return to our classroom example. Yes, your classroom frame has quite a bit of everyday, “real world” experience in its make-up, but it is also composed of a lot of mass media experience as well. Think of the hundreds of television shows, movies, and books you’ve read that present people much like yourself in school. What might Pretty Little Liars, 90210, Community, Glee, Ferris Bueller’s Day Off, Old School, Animal House, and the American Pie movies have added to your classroom frame (or schema)? Figure 1.6 shows how our experiences with the world, both in human interac- tion and mass-mediated, combine to constitute the frames we use to choose which identities (and which characteristics of those identities) to perform in different situations.

social cue In frame analysis, information in an interaction, allowing the fine-tuning of presentations of self.

hyper-ritualized representations In frame analysis, media portrayals that cannot represent all the nuances of a phenomenon.

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FIGURE 1.6 Frame Theory Model

Everyday encounters Exposure to mass media representation

of everyday communication

Attention directed toward cues used by media

professionals in media representation

Attention directed toward cues presented

by self and others in everyday situations

Frames developed to interpret and

plan real-life identities

Decoding of media representations of everyday communications

Decoding of everyday communication

You interact not only with your friends and family, but with layer upon layer of ever larger groups and institu- tions. You have different roles in each and every one. You may be a friend and a son or daughter, but you may also be an employee, a boss, a patient, a customer or client, a student, a club member, a juror, an official, a cit- izen, and a voter. In each of these situations you are not simply you. In fact, if there are six selves involved in any face-to-face encounter, imagine how many there are in larger settings, when the expectations placed on you multiply exponentially.

When you work in a group, what identity do you assume? are you the devil’s advocate or the tension re- leaser? as a boss, how do you manage cultural differ- ences that put your employees in conflict? as a citizen,

how do you make an informed vote? how do you engage in the kind of responsible talk that builds and maintains a culture benefitting everyone?

In the chapters ahead, “Socially responsible Com- munication” boxes will ask you to consider just how much responsibility you have to the larger culture around you. In a world as big and complex as ours, it’s easy to hide, to take the path of least resistance. But if communication is power, why would you want to cede control to others? Why would you decline the chance to make the world your world? The world you inhabit is the world you create. If you work responsibly to make mean- ing in and of your world, if you are a thoughtful and gen- erous communicator, you will live in a more thoughtful and generous world.

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

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What Does Communication Give You the Power to Do? Communication is power—the power to control the making of meaning and, therefore, our own identities and realities. Even when we are talking with friends, we want to control the meaning they take from our words. Sometimes we may choose to be vague and ambiguous, but that is still our choice—we want the meaning to be unclear.

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W h aT D O e S CO M M u n I C aT I O n G I v e YO u T h e P O W e r T O D O?

We use communication to meet many goals other than developing and maintaining our sense of self. We also communicate to accomplish the following:

• Be human—We are all social animals, as dependent on the sight and sound of others as we are on food and water. Communication is our primary means of interaction.

• Exchange information—We are all naïve scientists, always exploring new people, places, and things. Communication is our primary tool of discovery.

• Build and maintain relationships—None of us is an island; we are part of a sea of friends, family, and important others. Communication binds those ties as it defines them.

• Have influence—we are always persuading. From vital topics—“This is my version of me”—to those less important—“Let’s go out to eat tonight”—communication is the vehicle for expressing and securing the things we want.

In all these instances we have something in mind; we want to be success- ful. We know that as people make meaning with us, they are making meaning of us. We want to control others’ perceptions. We all want to be liked, and in line with this chapter’s discussion of identity, others are the looking glass through which we come to see ourselves. Why wouldn’t we want to shape what is reflected?

We’ve also learned in this chapter that the creation of meaning occurs against the backdrop of culture. And although we communicate in and with culture, much of culture’s influence in shaping our meanings comes from the mass media. For example, how does a culture define attractiveness? Even if you do not accept your culture’s view of attractiveness, if those around you do, it affects how you see yourself.

For these reasons, this text devotes space to a variety of communication skills and literacies, both face-to-face and mediated. The world contains other humans. You often have conflict with these people, many of whom come from different cultural backgrounds, making conflict resolution even more diffi- cult. Many people want to persuade you to their point of view, just as you hope to move them to yours. While you are working to make meaning of the world, producers of mass media content encourage you to accept their meanings. Social scientist Michael Crotty wrote that “meanings are constructed by human beings as they engage with the world they are interpreting. Before there were consciousnesses on earth capable of interpreting the world, the world held no meaning at all” (1998, p. 43). Becoming a better communicator gives you greater power as you engage with your world; it allows you to create a personally meaningful reality; it grants you control over the meanings that will come to define you.

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1.1 Illustrate how models of communication evolved from linear to transactional. Communication was initially seen as the sending of messages from a source to a receiver. Feedback was then added to the model, as were interaction and mutual influence, resulting in the transac- tional perspective—communication changes communicators as they communicate.

1.2 Demonstrate how communication is an ongoing and dynamic process of creating meaning. Communication is social—it involves people in interaction; it is a process—its parts operate interdependently and continuously; and it is dynamic—it is always changing.

1.3 Contrast the transmissional, constitutive, and ritual views of communication. The transmissional view sees communication as the mere sending of signals from sources to re- ceivers. The constitutive view sees communica- tion as creating something that did not exist before. The ritual view sees communication as central to the maintenance of society and the representation of shared beliefs.

1.4 explain the power of culture as the backdrop for creating meaning. Communication can occur only when partici- pants share some common experiences. Culture

is the set of experiences and expectations we each carry with us wherever we go. Culture shapes the ways we think, feel, and act. As a result, culture forms the backdrop for mutually negotiating new meanings, thus creating even more shared experiences.

1.5 Describe the relationships between perception, communication, and identity. Perception involves selection, organization, and interpretation as we interact in and with our en- vironments. Because we cannot possibly make meaning of the flood of stimuli that surrounds us, we selectively perceive pieces of data that are personally and situationally relevant. We orga- nize these into schemas that shape our percep- tions and identities. Symbolic interaction and frame analysis demonstrate the idea that the self is constituted through interaction with others (the Looking Glass Self). We readily and routinely learn to perform our identities as presentations of our different selves by building frames for dif- ferent situations.

1.6 explain when and how communication grants power. Communication is power—the power to control meaning making and, therefore, our own identi- ties and realities. We communicate to be human, to exchange information, to build and maintain relationships, and to have influence.

Review of Learning Objectives

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Key Terms communication 4 linear model 5 source 5 medium 5 receiver 5 noise 5 feedback 5 source-dominated model of communication 6 encoding 6 decoding 6 transactional model of communication 7 transmissional view of communication 7 constitutive view of communication 7 ritual view of communication 8 culture 9 dominant culture (mainstream culture) 11 bounded culture (co-culture) 11 perception 11 schema 13 stereotype 13 sign 14 symbol 14 representational communication 16 presentational communication 16 symbolic interaction 18 Looking Glass Self 19 social objects 19 frame analysis 20 frames 20 upshift 20 downshift 20 social cues 21 hyper-ritualized representations 21

Questions for Review 1. What distinguishes the linear and transac-

tional models of communication? What are the elements of each?

2. What are the four types of noise? Give an ex- ample of each.

3. What differentiates the transmissional view of communication from the constitutive and ritual views?

4. How do you define culture? How does it limit and liberate, differentiate and unite, and define our realities? What are dominant and bounded cultures?

5. What are the elements involved in perception?

6. Is it possible to not communicate? Explain.

7. What are the elements of the meaning triangle? How do they interact to produce meaning?

8. Is communication primarily representational or presentational? Explain your answer.

9. What are symbolic interaction and the Looking Glass Self? How do they relate?

10. What are the elements of frame analysis, and how do they operate to shape our understand- ings of ourselves?

Questions for Discussion 1. Do you ever reflect on the question “Who am I?”

Most people don’t when all is well. But in times of crisis or confusion, most of us do ponder our identities. Has this ever happened to you? What were the circumstances? How did you arrive at an answer to that essential question?

2. Can you test your own experience on a sports team or club against Mead’s baseball analogy? How did you learn your identity among your colleagues? How did you come to define your specific role? Who were the significant others? Why were they important to you? What did you learn from them about membership in the team or club? About yourself?

3. Have you ever committed a framing error, fail- ing to properly read the cues? What were the circumstances? How did you salvage the situa- tion, if you did?

r e v I e W O f l e a r n I n G O B J e C T I v e S

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Chapter Outline

Theory and Scientific Inquiry 28

Three Philosophical Questions That Shape Scientific Inquiry 33

Traditions of Communication Inquiry 35

Tools of Observation: Research Methods 39

For the first time, you are taking advantage of your communication

professor’s office hours. You hope she can answer what seems to be

a simple question.

After reading the first chapter of the text, you tell her, you no-

ticed that most of the important ideas did not seem to come from

the discipline of communication. Instead, they were related to

sociology, philosophy, political science, psychology, anthropology,

linguistics, and literary criticism. Yes, Wilbur Schramm seemed to

be a communication scholar, and James Carey, according to the

text, studied communication as well as sociology, but still, many of

the big concepts came from other fields. “Am I right about this?”

you ask her. “Aren’t I supposed to be getting an introduction to

communication?” You prepare yourself for a condescending smile.

But your instructor surprises you. “Nice observation,” she replies.

“You caught something that most students miss.” She explains that

all social sciences borrow ideas, theories, and research methods

from one another. Equally important, when you sit in an introduc-

tory communication class, you are actually getting an introduction

to the social sciences, because all social sciences have the same

questions at their core: How do we know our world and how it

works? How do we know who we are and how to make our place in

that world? How do we best use what we learn about that world and

ourselves to make things better for ourselves and others? The

answer to those questions, she says, is through communication.

Communication Research and Inquiry

2

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Because communication borrows ideas, theories, and research methods from all the social sciences, there is a multitude of them. What’s more, they are always evolving—some live, some die, some gain influence, others lose it. In this chapter, we will investigate the values, philosophies, and research methods that enrich not only the discipline of communication, but all the social sciences.

Theory and Scientific Inquiry In 2012, the Kentucky Legislature challenged the inclusion of “a thorough knowledge of evolution” as part of the standardized biology testing program for the state’s high school students. One critic, Senator David Givens, said, “We don’t want what is a theory to be taught as a fact.” But another Kentuck- ian, Vincent Cassone, chair of the University of Kentucky’s biology depart- ment, argued for its inclusion: “The theory of evolution is the fundamental backbone of all biological research. There is more evidence for evolution than there is for the theory of gravity, than the idea that things are made up of atoms, or Einstein’s theory of relativity. It is the finest scientific theory ever devised” (both in Blackford, 2012).

Defining Theory Part of the disagreement between these two men rests on what they mean when they talk about theory. Senator Givens said evolution is a theory, not a fact. He is absolutely correct—a theory is not a fact. But it’s also not a guess, although most of us use the word in this way in everyday conversation: “Why did the football team lose by three touchdowns?” “I’m guessing it was the refs, but that’s just a theory.” Dr. Cassone, who also would agree that a theory is not a fact—no legitimate scientist would ever make that claim—was applying a more formal, more widely accepted definition of theory—a unified, coherent, and organized set of explanations, concepts, and principles describing some aspect of the world. For social scientists, that aspect of the world is human social life.

theory a unified, coherent, and organized set of explana- tions, concepts, and principles describing some aspect of the world.

2.1 define theory using analogies.

2.2 explain the relationship between the three steps of social-scientific inquiry.

2.3 describe the different ontologies, epistemologies, and axiologies providing philosophical support to scientific inquiry in communication.

2.4 differentiate between traditions of communication inquiry.

2.5 describe the benefits and drawbacks of the most common research methods employed in communication inquiry.

Learning Objectives

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Theories provide explanations; they are the best available descriptions—a “grand synthesis”—of the sum of our knowledge of specific phenomena (Moore, 1984). Not only is a theory not a fact, good science is dedicated to demonstrating that the “best available description” is always inadequate and in need of updating. “Science,” wrote renowned astrophysicist Carl Sagan, “is a self-correcting process” (in Zimmer, 2011, p. SR12). In science, every answer should produce new questions—an idea known as the specification of ignorance (Merton, 1967). Neuroscientist Stuart Firestein (2013) quotes Nobel laureate physicist David Gross, who argues that “the most important product of science is ignorance,” and then adds that science’s ability to find “truth” is “a challenge on par with finding a black cat in a dark room that may contain no cats whatsoever.” Another Nobel laureate physicist, Albert Einstein, chose to liken the knowledge generated by scientific inquiry to a spotlight (see Figure 2.1). As the spotlight’s circle of light increases (illuminat- ing what we know), so does the circumference of the darkness around it (the number of things we still don’t know).

But if a theory is not fact, how do we know it’s a good theory? We con- sider its usefulness. How useful is the theory in explaining as accurately and thoroughly as possible what it is that needs explaining? “Questioning a theory’s usefulness is wiser than questioning its truthfulness,” write com- munication theorists Stephen Littlejohn and Karen Foss. “In matters of human life, no single theory will ever reveal the whole ‘truth’ or be able to address the subject of investigation totally. Theories function as guidebooks that help us understand, explain, interpret, judge, and participate in the communication happening around us” (2011, pp. 19–20). As we saw in Chapter 1, George Herbert Mead wanted an explanation for how people de- veloped their identities in interaction with others, and Erving Goffman wondered how individuals could so seamlessly coordinate their behaviors

specification of ignorance The idea that in science, every answer produces new questions.

FIGURE 2.1 Every Answer Produces New Questions

What we don’t know

What we know

What we don’t know

What we know

What we don’t know

What we know

What we don’t know

What we know

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and interactions in different and constantly changing settings. Both social scientists developed theories.

Another communication theorist, Em Griffin (2009, pp. 5–6), offers a valuable way of thinking about a theory’s usefulness. He suggests that we think metaphorically. Think of theory as

• A net—Griffin quoted philosopher of science Karl Popper: “Theories are nets cast to catch what we call the ‘world’ . . . We endeavor to make the mesh even finer and finer” (1959, p. 59). Much as a fisherman uses a net, theory is one of communication researchers’ most vital tools. They cast about the world, working to apprehend the reality that is human experience.

• Lenses—Theories are not mirrors; they do not reflect the world. They are camera lenses or eye glasses that shape researchers’ “perception by focusing attention on some feature of communication . . . Two theorists could analyze the same communication event . . . and depending on the lenses each uses” come to different conclusions.

• A map—“Communication theories are maps of the way communication works . . . We need theory to guide us through unfamiliar territory.” Theories, like maps, lay out the roads others have traveled, show us where we are, and offer directions about where we want to go.

Whether we imagine theories as nets, lenses, or maps, we need to keep sev- eral things in mind. Theories are human constructions—they are developed by people who have biases, interests, skills, and values. Theories always present someone’s take on the issue at hand. People interested in intercultural commu- nication, for example, will inevitably approach their work from a specific set

of cultural assumptions. People who study conflict in families will develop a different kind of theory than will those who look at conflict in the work- place. Theories are dynamic—they are always changing. As the world changes, so, too, must our understanding of it. Theories shaping our understanding of communication between the genders are much different today than they were in the 1950s. Media violence theories from the days of black-and- white movies will certainly differ from those developed in the era of 3-D, single-shooter video games. Theories are abstractions. They reduce the issue at hand to categories, variables, propo- sitions, and assumptions. They inevi- tably leave something out, which leads to the specification of ignorance and

Media violence theories from the days of black-and-white movies will certainly differ from those developed today.

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the requirement that researchers use different nets of varying mesh sizes, different or sharper lenses, or more up-to-date or more detailed maps.

Scientific Inquiry Because theories are dynamic and abstract human constructions, scholars are constantly at work refining them, making them better, or sometimes even discarding them. They do this through scientific inquiry: the active, system- atic process of discovery, leading scholars from observation to knowledge and, eventually, to theory. That’s why our “theory” of why the football team lost by three touchdowns is just a guess; it’s not a theory because it is not the product of scientific inquiry. Because there are many different theories of interest to people who study communication, there are many different ways to conduct scientific inquiry (that is, many different ways to do research). But all scien- tific inquiry includes three steps:

• Ask scientifically testable questions. “How come my family keeps giving me lousy birthday presents?” is not testable. In the social sciences, testable questions are typically “How,” “Why,” “What if,” and “Does” inqui- ries. “How do people know when it’s their turn to talk when in conversa- tion with others?” “Why do we tend to believe some people more than others?” “What if little kids were specifically taught to distinguish between the commercials and the television shows they watch?” “Does scaring teens about the dangers of texting while driving produce more responsible behavior than appealing to them with statistics?” These questions revolve around people, events, relationships, and other interesting phenomena in the social world. They have to do with scientific concepts, not opinions, feelings, or beliefs. They are open to investigation, using some form of sys- tematic observation. Scientifically testable questions produce evidence and data that can be used to explain how the social world works.

• Engage in systematic observation. The answers to researchers’ questions reside in the evidence they observe. Social scientists look for patterns, relationships, and consisten- cies in the social world. They engage in observation to learn why a particular phe- nomenon happens the way it does, or to ex- plain something in the social world that seems new or different, or sometimes even to challenge or test the prevailing under- standing that others, particularly other re- searchers, have of the social world. The nature of those observations—the research methods—vary dramatically for different scholars coming from different research tra- ditions who are looking at different research questions; nonetheless, their observation is planned and systematic.

scientific inquiry The active, systematic process of discov- ery that leads scientists from observation to knowledge and, eventually, theory.

“how come my parents keep giving me bad gifts?” is not a scientifically testable question.

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• Develop answers. Researchers then have to explain what they ob- served. This always involves definitions and descriptions based on evi- dence. This doesn’t mean that scientists do not bring interpretation and judgment to bear on what they have observed. But it does mean that the answers they construct from their observations must be evidence-based. This is what makes science different from opinion.

Thinking logically, looking for connections, and marshaling and evaluating evidence are the hallmarks of scholarly inquiry, but they are also the products of a college education, signs of an educated critical thinker, and keys to success on the job, as you can read in the box “The Benefits of Critical Thinking.”

The Benefits of Critical Thinking

“By far,” explains career expert andrea Kay, “aside from particular technical skills, what employers want most are people who can think clearly and critically, who know themselves, who have the ability to listen to others and interact respectfully” (2012). But what con- stitutes thinking clearly and critically on the job? employment writer George Root (2015) says that critical thinking takes place when “employees and managers look at a situation and weigh all possible solutions before coming up with a final answer.” It can be “a long process that requires input from different people within the organization,” he writes, but its benefits include the following:

1. Bringing in new ideas—Critical thinkers reject easy assumptions, resist the temptation to see new situa- tions as mere replays of things that have happened in the past, and rarely accept the conventional wisdom.

2. Fostering teamwork—Critical thinkers actively seek the knowledge, wisdom, and experience of others. as a result, more people develop a stake in a problem’s solution or the efficient operation of some plan.

3. Promoting options—The workplace as a whole bene- fits from the development of a wider range of solu- tions or practices because critical thinkers seek and accept input from others. Critical thinking boosts innovation.

4. Uncovering spinoffs—Critical thinkers, because they look at problems or issues from a variety of perspectives, generate more comprehensive solutions or ideas that can be applied across a greater variety of situations.

Management consultant Chris Jones, who describes on-the-job critical thinking as “the ability to seek a deep, rigorous understanding of our challenges,” argues that it tends to escape people when they need it most, so he offers seven steps for keeping it on hand (2011):

1. Use data to drive decisions—Replace guesswork with facts and data; challenge decisions unsupported by meaningful data.

2. Do your homework and share it—Citing sources for your evidence makes a stronger case and helps you explain and defend your decision.

3. Vet your conclusions—Talk to others because a diver- sity of perspectives usually ensures a better solution.

4. Know your social media experts—all workplaces have in-house experts as well as links to outside experts. find them, get to know them, and engage them on social media.

5. Reject “face value”—Reject easy assumptions; do not accept the conventional wisdom; think outside the box.

6. Build your skills—Read, write, and engage others with in-depth conversations on important, complex topics.

7. Prioritize “think time”—Time pressure is the enemy of critical thinking. Make time for deep thought.

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE

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Three Philosophical Questions that Shape Scientific Inquiry Social scientists approach their inquiry from many different perspectives; of course, this shapes the kind of questions they ask, the observations they un- dertake, and the answers they produce. These approaches differ in large part because they grow out of distinct philosophical questions about the world and how to best study it. These are questions of

• Ontology—What is the nature of reality; what is knowable? • Epistemology—How is knowledge best created and expanded? • Axiology—What is the proper role of values in research and theory

building?

The ontology of chemistry and physics is simple. If something can be measured, it’s real. But as we’ve already seen, things aren’t this simple for researchers studying communication. How do they measure affection, fear, patriotism, or beauty? Communication scholars, then, consider three per- spectives on the nature of reality. The realist position says the world is real, tangible, and measurable. It exists apart from anyone’s effort to study it. If you think a tree falling in the woods makes a noise even if no one’s there to hear it, you’re a realist. But does the effective flow of information up and down a large corporation exist if no one is there to measure it? The nominalist posi- tion says that reality exists only to the extent that we humans are able to ex- perience it through the names and labels we give to the things we find in it. For a nominalist, there is no such thing as “love”; it is not a real, tangible thing. It exists only because we’ve given it a name. There is a middle position, however, the social construction posi- tion, which says that reality is a com- bination of the real world “out there” and our experiences with and of it. There can be no doubt that there is something that happens between a father and his child and between two young people about to wed. We choose to call it “love,” and we may even give it various names to better make mean- ing of it—for example, “paternal love” or “romantic love.” This is where most scientific inquiry in communication operates; after all, communication is about meaning making, so it’s only logical that communication research- ers would be interested in how people make meaning of the world out there.

The social-constructionist ontology sees a father’s love for his children as real and measurable.

axiology Questions of the proper role of values in re- search and theory building.

epistemology Questions of how to best create and expand knowledge.

ontology Questions of the nature of reality and what is knowable.

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The epistemology of chemistry and physics is simple. Knowledge is best created and expanded when a lot of different scientists, all operating in- dependently, ask similar questions, employ simi- lar methods, and produce similar results. This community of scholars relies on the scientific method: they propose explanations of the phe- nomena of interest (hypotheses) and conduct experimental studies to test these hypotheses. Their research must be replicable; that is, re- searchers must provide enough information on how they did their work so they, or anyone else, can repeat the study. And again, things aren’t that simple for communication researchers. Dis- tilled water always boils at 100 degrees Celsius at sea level. No matter where the scientists may be,

the water will boil at 100 degrees if they reduce the atmospheric pressure to that of sea level. But no two people are ever alike, nor are they likely to make precisely the same meaning from a communication experience. In fact, no one individual is the same from one moment to the next. So communication re- searchers consider two perspectives on the best way to generate and spread knowledge. The scientific method-based approach we just described is the objec- tivist position. But there is also the subjectivist position, which argues that the best way to generate and expand knowledge is through closing the gap between knower and known; that is, true understanding can only come from getting close to the topic of interest, from studying communication from the point of view of those who are communicating. Different communication scholars fall at different points along the continuum from objectivist to subjectivist.

The axiology of chemistry and physics is simple. Keep values out of in- quiry. Many social scientists accept this standard. “Scientists, like all men and women, are opinionated, dogmatic, ideological,” wrote behavioral researcher Fred Kerlinger. “That is the very reason for insisting on procedural objectivity; to get the whole business outside of ourselves” (1979, p. 264). There is a second position, however, one that realizes that it is impossible to completely keep values out of any human activity. As a result, researchers, after admitting this reality, either do their best to limit the influence of those values on their in- quiry (they “bracket” them), or they embrace them as part of the work itself. It’s not likely, for example, that a feminist scholar would expect us to believe that her research on the portrayal of working women on prime-time televi- sion is value-free. And there is a third axiological position, one which puts values front and center, arguing that values should drive research, which, like all good science, is intended to create change. As with epistemology, different communication scholars fall at different points along the values continuum represented by these three positions.

Sociologist Kenneth Bailey wrote, “To this day you will find within social science both those who think of themselves as scientists in the strictest sense of

If you think a tree falling in the woods makes a noise even if no one’s there to hear it, you subscribe to the realist ontology.

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the word and those with a more subjective approach to the study of society, who see themselves more as humanists than as scientists” (1982, p. 5). Ultimately, scholars’ ontological, epistemological, and axiological positions will be deter- mined by the questions they want to answer, the nature of the observations they want to make, and the kinds of evidence they require to build the theory they think will be most useful. And still, communication researchers, like all social scientists, must confront the “messiness” of human behavior, as you can read in the box “Solving Not-So-Well-Posed Problems.”

Traditions of Communication Inquiry All communication research and the theories it produces are the products of three broad traditions of inquiry that differ in their ontology, epistemology, and axiology. They are the postpositivist, interpretive, and critical traditions.

Postpositivist Theory and Research In the early days of communication research, social scientists wanted to be “scientific,” so they looked to the traditional natural sciences for models of

Solving Not-So-Well-Posed Problems

MIT physicist alan lightman wrote, “years ago, when I was a graduate student in physics, I was introduced to the concept of the ‘well-posed problem’: a question that can be stated with enough clarity and precision that it is guar- anteed an answer. Scientists are always working on well- posed problems . . . We scientists are taught from an early stage of our apprenticeship not to waste time on ques- tions that do not have clear and definite answers” (2011).

But rarely do questions about communication—about human social life—lend themselves to these clear and definite answers. Professor lightman recognizes this:

We cannot clearly show why the ending of a particular novel haunts us. We cannot prove under what condi- tions we would sacrifice our own life in order to save the life of our child. We cannot prove whether it is right or wrong to steal in order to feed our family, or even agree on a definition of “right” and “wrong.” We cannot prove the meaning of our life, or whether life has any meaning at all. For these questions, we can gather evidence and

debate, but, in the end, we cannot arrive at any system of analysis akin to the way in which a physicist decides how many seconds it will take a one-foot-long pendu- lum to make a complete swing.

although he was talking about the value of the arts and humanities, Professor lightman could not have better expressed the challenge (or the excitement) in- herent in trying to solve the not-so-well-posed prob- lems that interest communication researchers. It may be much more difficult to measure a parent’s love or to determine how a culture negotiates what is “right” and “wrong” than it is to compute the time it takes a pendu- lum to complete a swing. But that’s no reason not to do it, and communication researchers make it their respon- sibility to seek knowledge in the messy world of the social sciences. What about you? What issues of human social interaction interest you? do you ever ask yourself questions about how we create meaning? If you do, how clear and definite are the answers?

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

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how to do research and develop theory. They saw that people studying in fields such as physics and chemistry based their work on positivism. Posi- tivists believed that only quantifiable, observ- able, measurable phenomena were the legitimate building blocks of knowledge and theory. But there was a problem for social scientists. A gram of sulphur is always a gram of sulphur, and a hy- drogen molecule always contains two atoms. But what is a gram of friendship? How many parts to a family?

So, social scientists who are committed to de- veloping theory using quantifiable, observable, measurable phenomena practice postpositivism. It’s as close as possible to what natural scientists do, but it recognizes that humans living in a social world are not as constant or predictable as are the measurable elements of the physical world.

“Humans are not like billiard balls propelled solely by forces external to them,” explains cognitive psychologist Albert Bandura. “Billiard balls cannot change the shape of the table, the size of the pockets, or intervene in the paths they take, or even decide whether to play the game at all. In contrast, humans not only think, but, individually and collectively, shape the form those external forces take and even determine whether or not they come into play. Murray Gell-Mann, the physicist Nobelist, underscored the influential role of the per- sonal determinants when he remarked, ‘Imagine how hard physics would be if particles could think’” (2008, pp. 95–96).

The theories that grow out of the postpositivist approach, much like those of positivist research in the natural sciences, seek explanation, prediction, and control. For example, researchers who want to explain the operation of health-oriented public service campaigns, to predict which appeals will be most effective, and to control the health-related behavior of a targeted group would rely on postpositivist theory. Researchers in this tradition believe that the world, even humans acting in a social world, exists apart from people’s perceptions of it and that human behavior is predictable and patterned enough to be systematically studied. But because they believe that the social world has more variation than the physical world and that humans manage that variation by assigning meaning to it (remember Professor Bandura’s billiard balls), postpositivists adopt a social-construction ontology. Like the positivists, they adopt an objectivist epistemology, arguing that knowledge is best advanced through the systematic, logical search for regularities and causal relationships employing the scientific method. And it is this reliance on the scientific method that defines postpositivism’s axiology—the objectivity inherent in the use of the scientific method keeps researchers’ and theorists’ values out of the search for knowledge as much as humanly possible.

postpositivism Communica- tion scholarship that recog- nizes that humans living in a social world are not as con- stant or predictable as the measurable elements of the physical world.

Research in physics is easy because “[b]illiard balls cannot change the shape of the table, the size of the pockets, or intervene in the paths they take, or even decide whether to play the game at all” (Bandura, 2008, p. 95).

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Interpretive Theory and Research But many communication scholars do not want to explain, predict, and control social behavior. Their goal is to understand how and why that behavior occurs in the social world and how it is transacted through communication. Their interpretive research is the study of understanding, especially through the systematic interpretation of social actions or texts.

There are different types of interpretive research and theory. For exam- ple, some communication researchers want to understand how people in a social situation interpret their own communication behavior in that situa- tion. Another type of interpretive work looks for hidden or deep meaning in people’s interpretations of different symbol systems—for example, in media texts. An important idea running through the interpretive tradition of research and theory is that any text, any product of social interaction— an online video, an argument between a teen brother and sister, a Facebook wall, a blockbuster movie, or a best-selling novel—can be a source of understanding.

The ontology of interpretive theory accepts that there is no “real,” mea- surable social reality. Instead, “people construct an image of reality based on their own preferences and prejudices and their interactions with others, and this is as true of scientists as it is of everyone else in the social world” (Schutt, 2009, p. 92). Put another way, knowledge is local; that is, it is spe- cific to the interaction of the knower and the known. But because this is just as true of the researchers as it is of the texts they study, interpretiv- ists’ epistemology, how they believe knowledge is advanced, relies on the subjective interaction between the observer (the researcher or theorist) and his or her community. Naturally, then, the axiology of interpretive theory accepts, rather than disdains, the influence of the researcher’s and theorist’s values. Personal and professional values, according to communication theorist Katherine Miller, are a “lens through which social phenomena are observed” (2005, p. 58).

Critical Theory and Research Some communication scholars do not want explanation, prediction, and control of the social world. Nor do they seek understanding of the social world. They believe that they understand it quite well, arguing that some aspects of the social world are flawed and in need of change. Their goal is to challenge existing ways

interpretive research The study of understanding, espe- cially through the systematic interpretation of social ac- tions or texts.

text any product of social interaction.

any product of social interaction, even secrets passed between teen sisters, can serve as a text worthy of inquiry.

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of organizing the social world and the people and institutions exercising power in it. They want to gain knowledge of the social world so they can make it better. Critical theory is openly political, and therefore its axiology is proudly value-laden. Critical theorists study inequality and oppression. Their theories do more than observe, describe, or interpret; they criticize. Critical mass communication scholars, for example, view “media as sites of (and weapons in) struggles over social, economic, symbolic, and political power (as well as struggles over control of, and access to, the media them- selves)” (Meyrowitz, 2008, p. 642). Critical interpersonal scholars would view traditional standards of conversational address between men and women in the workplace as reinforcing and maintaining patriarchy (Woods, 1988). Critical scholars argue that knowledge is advanced only when it serves to free people and communities from the influence of those more powerful than themselves. Their epistemology, then, seeks emancipatory knowledge. The ontology of critical theory and research, however, is a bit more complex.

For critical researchers, what is real and knowable in the social world is the product of the interaction between structure (the social world’s rules, norms, and beliefs) and agency (how humans act and interact in that world). Reality, then, to critical theorists, is constantly being shaped and reshaped by the dialectic (the ongoing struggle or debate) between the two. When elites control the struggle, they define reality (in other words, their control of the structure defines people’s realities). When people are emancipated, they define reality through their behaviors and interactions (agency), and furthermore, that agency can indeed change structure. For example, despite formal laws and religious and community traditions that for centuries have defined the “reality” of homosexuality as illegal, shameful, and worthy of disgust, contemporary people, through their behaviors and actions, reject those structures. Now, new structures—new realities—regarding homosex- uality have been constituted. Gay marriage is legal across the United States, openly gay people are welcomed in the military, openly gay people work in virtually all professions, and it is illegal to discriminate against people based on their sexual orientation. In this instance, people’s everyday interactions surrounding homosexuality challenged the structures erected by the power- ful (religion, law, long-standing tradition) and, through that agency, eman- cipated themselves from those very structures that constrained those interactions.

Researchers and theorists interested in how routine news reporting prac- tices delegitimize the otherwise reasonable political positions of minori- ties and working people, or social scientists interested in the impact of English-only school curricula on identity formation and educational perfor- mance in children whose first language is not English, would employ critical research and theory. Critical researchers believe that they confront the “big issues” of the day, as you can read in the box “Communication Inquiry Needs to Be Bigger!”

emancipatory knowledge The epistemology of critical research and theory; knowl- edge is advanced when it serves to free people and communities from the influence of the powerful.

structure In critical theory, the social world’s rules, norms, and beliefs.

agency In critical theory, how humans behave and interact in the social world.

dialectic In critical theory, the ongoing struggle or debate between agency and structure.

critical theory Theory that challenges existing ways of organizing the social world and the people and institu- tions exercising power in it.

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Tools of Observation: Research Methods The richness and variety of communication, its centrality to all human social and cultural interaction, and the multitude of questions this raises require that communication researchers use a variety of methods to find their answers and build their theory. Some methods are rightly associated with specific ap- proaches to inquiry, but contemporary communication scholarship is increas- ingly receptive to the proposition that a method’s best application is defined by the question at hand. Communication research employs quantitative research—inquiry relying on the collection and analysis of numerical data— and qualitative research—inquiry relying on the collection and analysis of symbolic data such as language and other cultural products. These data are collected using primarily three methods: experiments, surveys, and textual analysis. But don’t be fooled. As with much else in this chapter, things aren’t really that simple.

quantitative research Inquiry relying on the collec- tion and analysis of numerical data.

qualitative research Inquiry relying on the collection and analysis of symbolic data such as language and other cultural products.

Communication Inquiry Needs to Be Bigger!

Communication researcher dietram Scheufele (2010) recently wrote, “Communication as a discipline has come to a crossroads . . . [The] changes in how content is produced and communicated are paralleled by much more far-reaching shifts in how some cohorts in soci- ety interpret traditional notions of privacy, objectivity, and source credibility. and so far, our discipline has not done a very good job at offering answers to what have become increasingly pressing questions in various societal debates.”

his argument is that communication researchers think too small. he quotes another professor who claims that social scientists “often speak in terms of ‘an inter- esting puzzle,’ a small intellectual conundrum . . . that tests the ingenuity of the solver, rather than the large, sloppy and unmanageable problems that occur in real life.” We are faced, he continues, with “enough of these sloppy, unmanageable problems for our society and for us as communication scholars, ranging from mandates for a green economy, to climate change, stem cell re- search, and global warming. all of these issues relate to

the increasingly blurring lines between science, politics, society . . . and, of course, communication. These are the same areas where most societal debates of the next 50 years will take place. and unless we as communica- tion researchers . . . find a way to make both scholarly and public contributions to these conversations, we will increasingly be marginalized as a discipline.”

Professor Scheufele’s worry is less about the welfare of the discipline than it is about the well-being of the world in which it operates. We face “big, upcoming chal- lenges” that can best be met by solid research and theory, he argues, and those who are skilled in commu- nication inquiry have an obligation to use their skills to meet those challenges. But inquiry in and of itself is in- sufficient, he argues; communication researchers should undertake socially responsible inquiry, research, and theory that serve the larger good. how can this happen? Can you speculate on what communication has to do with sloppy, unmanageable problems like the green economy, climate change, stem cell research, and global warming?

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

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Experiments Experiments involve the manipulation of one variable (the independent vari- able) to measure its influence on another variable (the dependent variable). All other possible agents of influence are held constant, or controlled for. In this way, any change observed in the dependent variable is sure to be the product of the manipulation of the independent variable.

Take a classic television violence study as an example. Researchers show one group of children a violent cartoon and a second group a nonviolent car- toon. Cartoon violence is our independent variable; it is what we’ve manipu- lated. After the kids watch their cartoon, they are given 20 minutes of free play in a room filled with all kinds of toys. They are monitored through a two-way mirror, and the number of blows each child delivers to the room’s inflatable clown doll is counted. Blows to the doll is our dependent variable. Experiments like this almost always employ a control group, participants who see no cartoon at all; they are not subjected to the experiment’s manipulation of the indepen- dent variable. In the logic of the experiment, then, if those kids who saw the violent cartoon exhibited more “aggression” against the doll than those who saw the nonviolent cartoon, the cartoon violence must have “caused” that ag- gression. After all, kids who had seen no violence showed less aggression. And the fact that the kids who didn’t see any cartoon at all showed the same nonag- gression as the kids in the nonviolent cartoon condition means that it isn’t cartoons that caused more blows, it was the violence in the cartoons. After all, that video violence is the only variable not common to any two groups.

But is hitting an inflatable doll really aggression? In a social-scientific experiment, researchers operationalize their variables; that is, they identify a

behavior that, for the duration of the experiment, stands for the phenome- non of interest. Other researchers may question the particular opera- tionalization, but they must admit that the kids who saw the violent car- toon did indeed hit the doll more times than did the kids in the other two groups. But did the violence in the cartoon “cause” the kids to deliver those blows? In the logic of the exper- iment, they certainly did. If all else was held constant—the kids were ran- domly assigned to their groups; each cartoon was exactly eight minutes long and used precisely the same char- acters, settings, and plot (except for the violence, of course); the playroom was identically equipped for each kid; the observer used the same definition

experiment Research method involving the manipulation of one variable to measure its influence on another variable.

In this famous Tv violence study by albert Bandura, aggression, operationalized as blows to the inflatable doll, was the dependent variable.

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of “hit” for all kids and was unaware of which kids had seen which cartoon or if they had seen one at all—then the only thing that could have caused the increased aggression must have been the one thing that was different.

This is causality—when one event precedes a second event and that second event is deemed to be a consequence of the first. And this is why ex- periments are the most-favored research method of postpositivists; they are the only way that causality can be demonstrated. Experiments give commu- nication researchers other benefits in addition to the demonstration of cau- sality. They grant researchers complete control over their inquiry; they permit precision (in our example, researchers may want to vary the kinds of cartoon violence and the age of the animated characters to refine even more precisely their definition of cartoon violence); and they are repeatable, as required by the scientific method.

But these benefits come at a price. It is difficult to generalize from a highly structured and controlled experimental setting to the larger world. Children don’t view eight-minute cartoons under the watchful eye of an adult and then immediately go to 20 minutes of free play. They watch all kinds of television, as well as other media; they have different family situations, different person- alities, different genetic make-ups, and different daily frustrations. Lack of generalizability is closely related to two other problems. First, in exchange for the experiment’s control and precision, researchers must limit the number of variables or inputs they include in their work. Second, other experimenters may be able to replicate the procedures of the experiment, but the original experiment is still a one-time event. In our example, a replication would, at the very minimum, use different kids. The replicating researcher can’t even use the same children from the original experiment because (a) they are not the same kids they were the first time around—they’re older for one thing— and (b) they’ve already seen the cartoon, so the replication would not be a replication because maybe the increased aggression is a product of the kids’ frustration at having to watch the same cartoon again.

Surveys Surveys rely on questionnaires and interviews to solicit self-reported data from respondents. Researchers identify a population about which they want to know something, draw a sample of respondents from that group, and ask them verbal or written questions either in person, on the phone, by mail, or online. If you’re of voting age, you’ve no doubt been surveyed. So let’s use as our example a survey designed to measure the impact of a candidate’s debate performance. Our researchers might be interested specifically in how voting-age women in Ohio responded. “Voting-age women in Ohio” is the population. But the re- searchers can’t interview every single one of those women, so they draw a sample, a statistically adequate number of those people whose responses they assume will be representative of the population. That sample might be random (all population members have an equal likelihood of appearing in it)—or it may not be. Researchers sometimes draw nonrandom, or stratified, samples to ensure

causality When one event precedes a second event and that second event is deemed to be a consequence of the first.

survey Research method relying on questionnaires and interviews to solicit self-reported data from respondents.

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the inclusion of particular categories of people. In our example they may want to make sure that single moms are sufficiently represented, as they typ- ically refuse to take the time to answer surveys. Once these quantitative data are collected, the researchers will subject them to analysis, determine what the sample’s members thought of the candidate’s performance in the debate, and then argue that that’s how the population, voting-age women in Ohio, reacted.

Survey research offers scholars a number of advantages. Their findings can be confidently generalized to a large population. Surveys can be conducted over time; for example, to get an even clearer picture of attitudes about the debate performance, our researchers might survey this population at the start of the campaign, the day before the debate, the day after the debate, and the morning of the election. Researchers can investigate the influence of a large number of variables. In our experimental example, the likely variables beyond watching cartoon violence, at best, could have been the children’s age and gender. In our survey, the variables could have ranged from rental or owner- ship of home, level of education, marital status, number of children living at home, political party affiliation, likelihood of voting, household income, and on and on. This gives the product of survey researchers’ inquiry greater breadth. Yes, the population of interest may have been voting-age women in Ohio, but the researchers can now comment on Democratic, married, voting- age women in Ohio who own their own homes, have some college education, no longer have children living at home, earn more than $50,000 a year, and are likely to vote. Surveys also offer greater breadth when considering the communication under examination. In our experiment, the communication variable was cartoon violence, either the presence of cartoon violence, no car- toon violence, or no cartoon at all. The survey, on the other hand, could have investigated the speaker’s appearance, expertise, forcefulness, credibility, level of detail provided, quality of argument on housing, quality of argument on the economy, quality of argument on women’s reproductive rights, quality of argument on education, and on and on.

But these benefits come at a cost. Surveys cannot demonstrate causality. If our Ohio women of voting age loved the candidate’s performance and that candidate did indeed prevail in the election, the survey data do not tell us if

the positive debate performance caused those women to vote for him or her. Survey researchers also cede some control over their inquiry. For example, some other event might occur that is as or more powerful in shaping respondents’ responses than the debate itself. Maybe the morning after the debate the local paper revealed that the candidate has a long drunk-driving record. Finally, survey data are self-report data, and people often are the worst reporters of their personal data. From our example, age and gender may be easy answers to provide, but what about household income, political party affiliation, and likelihood of voting? Now imagine a different survey, perhaps one examining verbal spousal abuse in homes suffering from

Surveys permit the investigation of a large number of variables.

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long-term parental unemployment. How accurate and trustworthy do you think this work’s self-reported data would be?

Textual Analysis Many communication scholars engage in textual analysis, the deep reading of an individual message or group of messages. Those texts, as we’ve already seen, can be any product of human social interaction, and the goal of the anal- ysis is description and interpretation of the text. Researchers who engage in textual analysis usually do so from a specific point of view, so their work is subjective, although as we’ve read, some interpretive scholars attempt to bracket, or set aside, their personal experiences when undertaking these anal- yses. Nonetheless, this subjective orientation is this method’s strength. It ac- knowledges that meaning making is local; it occurs between the reader and the text. But this is also its weakness. It lacks objectivity; different readers may make different meanings from the same text. Textual analysis also lacks generalizability. This is intentional—meaning is made between text and “reader,” so there is no intention to generalize. “But,” ask the method’s critics, “Now what? That’s your reading, and it kind of makes sense, but now what?” The interpretive researcher’s response would be something along the lines of, “Now nothing. I have offered a deeper understanding of this text, its creator, and (possibly) the time and context of its delivery. That’s valuable in and of itself. Feel free to find other analyses or even do your own.” One example of textual analysis might be a rhetorician’s analysis of a retiring religious leader’s final sermon. What themes dominated? Was there a call to action or a plea for social justice? Did the sermon’s narrative revolve around the life of the congre- gation, or the pastor’s personal experiences with the faithful?

Mixing Methods and Traditions Another example of textual analysis might be the work of researchers inter- ested in how employees in a large organization ask for time off for important family matters. They might collect two months’ worth of e-mail between workers, their supervisors, and the human resources office and analyze the nature of the appeals for time off that they contained. Their reading might suggest to them that there are six strategies or approaches that workers usu- ally take, for example, asking only for what they know they can have and couching their requests in terms of organizational interests. So they compute the proportion of the total number of appeals represented by each of those six themes to determine which are most and least used. But when they notice that men tend to employ certain strategies more often than do women, they create a typology of strategy by gender. They also see that newer employees differ from company veterans in the kinds of appeals they usually make, so they expand their model to include type of appeal, gender, and years on the job. But all of this new data is quantitative: six types of appeal, two genders, zero to 44 years on the job. This work is content analysis, quantitative textual anal- ysis that depends not on researchers’ deep reading, but on their objective categorization and accurate measurement based on their deep reading. This is

textual analysis The deep reading of an individual mes- sage or group of messages.

content analysis Quantita- tive textual analysis that relies on objective categorization and accurate measurement.

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clearly textual analysis, but it is from an objective rather than subjective orientation.

Another example of textual analysis might be the work of researchers who move into a halfway house for delinquent teens and become part of the insti- tution’s daily routine. They observe, record, and make notes on every conver- sation the residents have with their teachers in order to understand the nature of student-teacher interaction during class, as well as in the general daily life of the facility. These conversations are text and the researchers’ transcriptions and observations are qualitative data, so this work is in the interpretive tra- dition. But this method represents another kind of interpretive research, ethnography—the study of human social interaction from the inside, in this case, by a participant observer. But someone working from the critical tradition might also use content analysis and ethnography. Why should employees, when approaching their bosses, be forced to strategize to get time off to tend to family? Shouldn’t family be more important than work? If they have earned time off, why do they have to provide an explanation at all? Doesn’t the making and shaping of requests reinforce the power disparity between employees and bosses? And why does a country as rich as ours warehouse its troubled chil- dren? Quite possibly, if these kids were more fully integrated into the life of regular school they might be better and more traditionally socialized. Who benefits from these “special” schools?

There is definitely a relationship between theory and research traditions— postpositive, interpretive, and critical—and the methods typically associated with each. But that’s the point—typically associated. Critical scholars use ex- periments. The experimental study of the effects of cartoon violence is clearly designed to give voice to the less powerful (parents and kids) in their interac- tion with the more powerful (the media industry). Content analysis—part quantitative, part qualitative—is often used by people working in the inter- pretive tradition. As a result, social science scholars often mix, match, and blend their approaches as they do their work. Communication researchers

William Benoit and R. Lance Holbert explain, “Understanding communication is enhanced when research is not conducted in isolation . . . [R]esearch which systematically investigates an aspect of communication with a series of related studies con- ducted across contexts or with multiple methods is particu- larly valuable in our efforts to understand communication” (2008, p. 615).

For example, one of the most famous and groundbreaking pieces of textual analysis is Janice Radway’s study of romance novels (1991). Her reading revealed that the characters and plots in these books are drawn from patriarchal myths that support the ideology that the male-dominated social order is natural and just. Men are strong and aggressive; women are

ethnography The study of human social interaction from the inside.

Romance novels—reinforcement of patriarchal myths or readers’ declaration of independence?

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weak, passive, and dependent. But Radway then began meeting regularly with groups of women who also read these novels, asking them in person and through a questionnaire what they thought was happening inside those pages. Undertaking a statistical analysis of their responses and meeting with them in groups, she discovered that many of her respondents used the novels to construct personally important interpretations that rejected that patriarchal ideology. Reading the romance novel, Radway discovered, was their “declaration of independence” (1991, p. 11). Was her work quantitative or qualitative? Was it textual analysis or survey? Was it interpretive or crit- ical? The answers to those questions are not as important as the fact that hers is very good communication inquiry; it has advanced our knowledge of meaning making.

As we’ve seen, different researchers adopt different methodological ap- proaches, and sometimes even mix and match them, given their preferred ontology, epistemology, and axiology. But all communication researchers should approach their work with a commitment to right and wrong. But that distinction is not always clear cut, as you can read in the box “Where Do You Draw the Line?”

Where Do You Draw the Line?

you are a communication researcher. you work to un- derstand communication and human behavior because you believe that the more knowledge people have about communication, the better they can make per- sonally useful meaning. That seems to be a noble goal. you could advise companies on the best way to inform employees about a new benefits package, or you could consult with the health department on a designated driver campaign, or you could help a school system dis- tinguish between threatening and harmless student tweets.

But what if a tobacco company wants you to use your communication research skills to help it improve the pro- motional campaign for its new fruit-scented cigarette? They’d like you to conduct some interviews with young adults, survey college students in response to the

company’s youTube commercials (which do not seem to be clicking), and offer a deep reading of those commer- cials. The pay is more than you’d make just about any- where else; these are tough times to get a job; and smoking is legal for people over 18, so why not? But what if your best friend had lost a parent to a smoking-related disease? What if you had lost your mother, a smoker, to lung cancer? Would your personal connection to tobacco- related loss influence your decision? Should it? Why or why not?

These are not imaginary situations. Communication researchers are asked to confront issues such as this all the time, and they have to make a decision—how do they use their communication inquiry skills? In these scenarios, how would you? Would you take the job? Why or why not?

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION

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2.1 define theory using analogies. A theory is a unified, coherent, and organized set of explanations, concepts, and principles describing some aspect of the world. It is a grand synthesis of the sum of our knowledge of a given phenomenon. Theories are nets designed to capture the world; lenses that focus attention on some aspect of the world; and maps that show the roads traveled, where knowledge currently exists, and where social scientists should go in their search for knowledge.

2.2 explain the relationship between the three steps of social-scientific inquiry. Communication inquiry involves asking scientifi- cally testable questions, engaging in systematic observation, and developing answers. The nature of the questions determines the method of obser- vation, which shapes the character of the result- ing answers.

2.3 describe the different ontologies, epistemologies, and axiologies providing philosophical support to scientific inquiry in communication. Communication researchers conduct their work against the backdrop of three important philo- sophical questions of research and theory building. Ontological questions deal with the nature of reality—that is, what is knowable and measurable? Epistemological questions revolve around the issue of the best way to create and expand knowledge. Axiological questions examine the proper role of human values in research and theory building.

2.4 differentiate between traditions of communication inquiry. Communication research and theory are prod- ucts of three broad traditions of inquiry differing

in their ontology, epistemology, and axiology. They are the postpositivist tradition, which seeks explanation, prediction, and control; the inter- pretive tradition, which seeks understanding; and the critical tradition, which seeks emancipa- tory knowledge, that is, knowledge of the social world that will free people from the influence of those more powerful than themselves.

2.5 describe the benefits and drawbacks of the most common research methods employed in communication inquiry. Communication scholars use a variety of re- search methods, including experiments, surveys, and textual analysis. Experiments offer the only method for the demonstration of causality, sig- nificant researcher control over inquiry, and pre- cision of measurement. However, the number of variables that can be investigated at one time is limited, and experiments are one-time events that may not be easily generalized to the larger world.

Surveys rely on questionnaires and inter- views to solicit self-reported data from a sample, the results of which can then be generalized to a larger population. In addition to the ability to confidently generalize, surveys’ other advan- tages are that they can be conducted over time and they offer great breadth of inquiry; that is, they can include a large number of variables. Surveys, however, cannot demonstrate causal- ity; researchers have limited control over the environment in which they are doing their work; and survey data are self-reported, which can be unreliable.

Textual analysis is the deep reading of an in- dividual message or group of messages. This method’s subjective orientation is its greatest strength but also its greatest drawback.

Review of Learning Objectives

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Key Terms theory 28 specification of ignorance 29 scientific inquiry 31 ontology 33 epistemology 33 axiology 33 postpositivism 36 interpretive research 37 text 37 critical theory 38 emancipatory knowledge 38 structure 38 agency 38 dialectic 38 quantitative research 39 qualitative research 39 experiment 40 causality 41 survey 41 textual analysis 43 content analysis 43 ethnography 44

Questions for Review 1. Define theory. Is a theory the same as a fact?

What is the specification of ignorance?

2. What three metaphors can we use to judge the usefulness of a theory?

3. What are the three steps of scientific inquiry?

4. What questions are considered by researchers’ ontology, epistemology, and axiology?

5. What is postpositivist theory? What are its ontology, epistemology, and axiology?

6. What is interpretive theory? What are its ontology, epistemology, and axiology?

7. What is critical theory? What are its ontology, epistemology, and axiology?

8. Distinguish between quantitative and qualita- tive research.

9. What are the benefits and shortcomings of experimental, survey, and textual analysis?

10. What are content analysis and ethnography?

Questions for Discussion 1. The ontology of critical theory revolves around

the dialectic between agency and structure. Can you think of a contemporary social issue (other than acceptance of gay people) where human activity (agency) has reshaped struc- ture (rules and norms)? What was the nature of the debate? How was communication utilized in that dialectic?

2. The axiology of communication research ranges from limiting the influence of values on in- quiry as much as possible to the open celebra- tion of values in the shaping and conduct of the work. Where do you think values belong in the search for knowledge?

3. Which metaphor for theory do you find most convincing in explaining what communication researchers and theorists are trying to do? Explain your answer.

R e v I e W O f l e a R n I n G O B J e C T I v e S

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You find yourself fighting with a friend over something silly, the

meaning of a word—voting. Your friend says you are unpatriotic for

not voting in the presidential election. Voting is a citizen’s patriotic

duty, he argues. You counter that your non-vote was actually a vote

against the outsized influence of money in American electoral pol-

itics. You are the patriotic one, you insist, because for you, dissent is

the highest form of patriotism. But your friend is not convinced,

even by your lofty rhetoric. “Look,” he says, “You have a duty to reg-

ister your opinion at the ballot box; you failed the first test of

citizenship.”

This disagreement is actually over the meaning of several words

beyond voting—unpatriotic, dissent, patriotism, duty, and citizen-

ship. It has become heated because you are fighting not only about

their meanings, but about the sense of self that each of you has

invested in those meanings. The one word you thought was in

dispute—voting—is actually the least abstract, most concrete of

all. In the context of the election, voting is the act of going to the

polls and completing a ballot. But who can say what is patriotic and

unpatriotic? One person’s dissent is another person’s disloyalty;

one person’s duty is another person’s freedom. And what signifies

citizenship? Birthplace, a piece of paper earned through a test, a set

of beliefs and values, an unconditional love of country, disappoint-

ment in your country because its actions do not match its ideals?

You and your friend are not fighting over words; you are fighting

over what those words mean to you and about you.

Chapter Outline

The Structure of Language 50

Language and Thought 52

The Functions of Language 58

Language and Meaning Making 62

Language and Protecting Self-Identity: Politeness Theory 66

Verbal Communication

3

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flight pattern may signal, “Come this way, not that way.” That’s pretty impressive for a bug. But only human language allows an infinite combina- tion of words and sounds to impart very specific information. You can tell your friends, “Come this way, not that way, because there is a very big tree across the road. It fell during the night, but in fact its roots were weakened by last month’s wind storm.” Try something simpler. You know the definition of the word friend. But what is the intended meaning of that word when it is com- bined with other words and sounds in these sentences?

a. Pat and I are friendly. b. Pat and I are friends. c. Pat is my friend.

It’s clear that Pat and you know each other, but syntactically, the personal relationship ex- pressed in “c” is stronger than the one in “b,” which is stronger than the one expressed in “a.” Let’s see a bee do that!

It’s important to distinguish between grammar, the rules describing the proper construction of phrases and sentences, and syntax, because grammar actually has little to do with meaning making. Here is a grammatically terrible sentence: “He am being yesterday at the store.” You can easily figure out what it means. But here is a grammatically perfect sentence offered by linguist Noam Chomsky (1957) that makes no sense because it lacks proper syntax:

Colorless green ideas sleep furiously.

This sentence has adjectives, a noun and a verb, and an adverb all in the grammatically correct spots. But these words syntactically cannot co-occur; that is, green can’t be colorless and ideas can’t be green, nor do they sleep, furi- ously or otherwise. But who says this sentence has no meaning? We do.

We make meaning cooperatively in a speech community, people who speak the same language and who not only “interact by means of speech,” but also agree on the “proper” and “improper” use of language (Bloomfield, 1933, p. 42). Dolphin A can signal Dolphin B, “Hey, it’s me.” But that’s about it. Humans, however, can go a bit further. You know when it’s proper to identify yourself by first name only, for example when starting a conversation with the person sit- ting next to you on a plane: “Hi, I’m Chris.” You know when it’s proper to use your first and last name, for example when introducing yourself to a prospective employer: “Hello, I’m Chris Morse.” When a classmate offers the standard greet- ing, “What’s up?” you know not to answer, “The opposite of down,” or “My blood pressure,” or “The national debt.” A simple “Not much” does the job.

syntax The occurrence and ordering of words and sounds to convey an intended meaning.

grammar rules describing the proper construction of phrases and sentences.

speech community People who speak the same lan- guage and agree on the proper and improper use of language.

As you learned in Chapter 1, you are what you communicate. When specifi- cally considering verbal communication, your “choice of words is choice of worlds” (Penn, 1990, p. 116). In this chapter, we’ll discover how that choice is open to many different possibilities, each with the potential to aid us in making meaning for ourselves and those around us.

The Structure of Language Ever since you were a child, you’ve heard that humans are the only species on earth that uses language. As philosopher Susanne Langer explains, “Animal ‘speech’ never has structure. It is merely an emotional response. Apes may greet their ration of yams with a shout of ‘Nga!’ But they do not say ‘Nga’ between meals. If they could talk about their yams instead of just saluting them, they would be the most primitive men [sic] instead of the most anthro- poid of beasts. They would have ideas, and tell each other things true and false, rational or irrational; they would make plans and invent laws, and sing their own praises, as men [sic] do” (2013, p. 109).

In other words, apes, like many animals, can signal physical needs and states (dogs wag their tails and bark when excited; some bees emit odors to reg- ulate the population in their hives, and some fly in specific patterns to indicate direction; dolphins whistle and squeak to identify themselves to other dolphins), but only humans have language, a communication system made up of formal units combined in systematic ways to cooperatively make meaning. Those formal units are words and sounds, that is, symbols we use to represent objects, ideas, and emotions. Your puppy’s tail may signal that she’s happy you’re home, but only humans can say they’re happy, overjoyed, delighted, ecstatic, elated, and jubilant that the plans and preparations for next week’s surprise graduation party, extravaganza, and soirée appear to be progressing smoothly, without a hitch, and quite seamlessly, thank you very much!

That systematic combining is syntax, the occurrence and ordering of words and sounds to convey an intended meaning. The bumblebee’s figure-eight

language a communication system made up of formal units combined in systematic ways to cooperatively make meaning.

3.1 explain the structure of language and the functions of its different components.

3.2 Describe the role of speech communities and speech networks in creating meaning.

3.3 Identify the relationship between language and thought.

3.4 Identify the functions of language.

3.5 explain how we use language to make meaning.

3.6 effectively use language to protect self-identity.

Learning Objectives

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flight pattern may signal, “Come this way, not that way.” That’s pretty impressive for a bug. But only human language allows an infinite combina- tion of words and sounds to impart very specific information. You can tell your friends, “Come this way, not that way, because there is a very big tree across the road. It fell during the night, but in fact its roots were weakened by last month’s wind storm.” Try something simpler. You know the definition of the word friend. But what is the intended meaning of that word when it is com- bined with other words and sounds in these sentences?

a. Pat and I are friendly. b. Pat and I are friends. c. Pat is my friend.

It’s clear that Pat and you know each other, but syntactically, the personal relationship ex- pressed in “c” is stronger than the one in “b,” which is stronger than the one expressed in “a.” Let’s see a bee do that!

It’s important to distinguish between grammar, the rules describing the proper construction of phrases and sentences, and syntax, because grammar actually has little to do with meaning making. Here is a grammatically terrible sentence: “He am being yesterday at the store.” You can easily figure out what it means. But here is a grammatically perfect sentence offered by linguist Noam Chomsky (1957) that makes no sense because it lacks proper syntax:

Colorless green ideas sleep furiously.

This sentence has adjectives, a noun and a verb, and an adverb all in the grammatically correct spots. But these words syntactically cannot co-occur; that is, green can’t be colorless and ideas can’t be green, nor do they sleep, furi- ously or otherwise. But who says this sentence has no meaning? We do.

We make meaning cooperatively in a speech community, people who speak the same language and who not only “interact by means of speech,” but also agree on the “proper” and “improper” use of language (Bloomfield, 1933, p. 42). Dolphin A can signal Dolphin B, “Hey, it’s me.” But that’s about it. Humans, however, can go a bit further. You know when it’s proper to identify yourself by first name only, for example when starting a conversation with the person sit- ting next to you on a plane: “Hi, I’m Chris.” You know when it’s proper to use your first and last name, for example when introducing yourself to a prospective employer: “Hello, I’m Chris Morse.” When a classmate offers the standard greet- ing, “What’s up?” you know not to answer, “The opposite of down,” or “My blood pressure,” or “The national debt.” A simple “Not much” does the job.

syntax The occurrence and ordering of words and sounds to convey an intended meaning.

grammar rules describing the proper construction of phrases and sentences.

speech community People who speak the same lan- guage and agree on the proper and improper use of language.

although bees can communicate ideas such as “come this way,” they do not have language.

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People also belong to speech net- works, that is, people with whom they regularly interact and speak. Like members of a speech community, they know the language, the rules for its use, and how to interpret what they hear. But because members of a speech network communicate frequently (cooperatively make meaning), they build and share a specific common language, and because of that, they build and share a greater understand- ing of one another. If you are reading this book, it’s quite likely you are a member of the American English speech community. But you likely also belong to several speech networks. For example, you and your coworkers undoubtedly have your own “lan-

guage,” as do you and your teammates on the intramural quidditch team; you and your circle of friends may have your own language consisting of nick- names, made-up words, specific slang expressions, and idiosyncratic greetings and farewells.

Language and Thought How does the language we hear come to represent objects, ideas, and emotions? That is, how are language and thought related? How do words and sounds become “pictures in our heads”? One way to answer this question is simply to recall our discussion of the meaning triangle from Chapter 1. People mutually make meaning because they share a common experience with the referent, its symbol, and its reference. Think how easily and naturally the picture in our head changes given a word’s connotative and denotative meanings. Denotative meaning is a word’s explicit meaning, the one that directly comes to mind when used by a specific speech community. Connotative meaning is a word’s more implicit, usually emotionally or culturally enriched meaning. For example, the denotative meaning of these three words is the same:

• domicile

• house

• home.

Their connotative meaning, however, could not be clearer—You don’t go to your domicile for the holidays; you don’t even go to your house; you go home! Each of these words—domicile, house, home—produces not only a different thought, but also different types of thought. How does this

speech networks People who regularly interact and speak with one another.

denotative meaning a word’s explicit meaning when used by a specific speech community.

connotative meaning a word’s implicit, usually emotionally or evaluatively enriched meaning.

We belong to several speech networks, each with its own specific language. These quidditch teammates no doubt have their own idiosyncratic expressions.

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happen? Linguistic and communication scholars offer several explanations. Among them are the Linguistic Relativity Hypothesis, metaphor, and the ladder of abstraction.

Linguistic Relativity Hypothesis Sometimes called the Whorf-Sapir hypothesis after the linguists who origi- nally developed the concept, the Linguistic Relativity Hypothesis asserts that the language a speaker uses influences the way he or she thinks. As Iman Tohidian explained, “The grammatical and semantic categories of each lan- guage, in addition to serving as instruments for communicating a person’s thoughts, mold ideas and program mental activity. Thus, people with different native languages will not have the same view of the universe” (2008, p. 67). The classic example is the word snow. English speakers have one word for snow— maybe two, if you want to count slush. But Eskimo Inuit speakers have several words that acknowledge many distinctions in the cold, white stuff—it’s falling; it’s already on the ground; it’s wind-blown. People who live in the snow think and speak differently about snow than do people who deal with it less dramat- ically. Think of your own experience. How many words do you have for the kind of wave you find at the beach? Most of us have a few—big, small, and possibly OMG! But surfers think about waves much differently. So they have a few more words for wave, including A-frame, ankle-snapper, bake, barrel, bazza, big mamma, blown-out, bomb, brutal, bump, cave, chubbie, epic, glossy, ground swell, massive, section, set, soup bowl, smackable, stavewave, sucky, tesani, and valid.

We can also see this connection between language and worldview in dif- ferent languages’ use of the second-person pronoun. English speakers, no matter how well they know the other person, no matter how old or important that other person may be, refer to others as you. In English, you is you, as in, “Are you happy?” But many languages have different forms of you, depending on how well the speakers know each other and their relative status—German speakers differentiate Du and Sie; Spanish speakers have tú and usted; and French speakers use tu and vous. In each instance, the first option is used when addressing familiar people or people of the same or lower social rank or age. Why doesn’t En- glish draw these distinctions while those other languages do? What might this say about how these languages reflect their cultures’ worldview of status and rank in relationships? And why do German speakers capitalize their versions of the word you while Spanish and French speakers do not? The answer lies in cultural differences.

Another example of the connection between words and thought exists in the gendering of nouns. In Spanish bridge is el puente, a mascu- line noun. In German, bridge is die Brücke, a fem- inine noun. Both words mean bridge, the structure that gets one across a body of water; but German

Most people have a few words for ocean waves; surfers, however, have as many as there are boards in this shop.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Linguistic Relativity Hypothesis

Different languages lead to

different ways of thinking. It

is impossible to understand

society without understand-

ing language, as society de-

pends on, is shaped by, and

itself shapes language. The

language we use influences

how we think, and vice versa.

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speakers typically attach more romantic adjectives such as beautiful, elegant, fragile, pretty, and slender to their descriptions of bridges, while Spanish speak- ers tend to speak of bridges as big, dangerous, strong, sturdy, and towering, that is, as masculine (Boroditsky et. al., 2003). Do Germans see beauty in bridges, while Spaniards see their bridges as mere functional, get-me-from-here-to- there structures? This is the fundamental question underlying the Linguistic Relativity Hypothesis: “Do different languages lead to different ways of thinking?” In other words, are speakers of a particular language “led to think, perceive, and remember the world in a way specific to that language?” (Tohidian, 2008, p. 66–67).

The answer is yes. “Language and society are so intertwined that it is im- possible to understand one without the other,” writes linguist Elaine Chaika, “There is no human society that does not depend on, is not shaped by, and does not itself shape language” (1989, p 2). Tohidian agrees: “This statement best defines the relationship between language, thought, and reality, for lan- guage not only shapes the way reality is perceived but reality can also shape language.” But she makes clear that the relationship is relational, not causal: “Language does influence thought and perception of reality but language does not govern thought or reality” (italics added; 2009, p. 73).

There is significant scholarly evidence supporting this view. For example, Mandarin speakers think of time as vertical, and English speakers think of it horizontally. Mandarin uses up and down as time markers, as opposed to En- glish’s last and next. Where an English speaker would say next week and last week, a Chinese speaker would say the week below and the week above. Could it be that given Americans’ fast-paced existence we see time as something always behind and ahead of us, while the more traditional, reflective Manda- rin-speaking Chinese see time more as a tool for building up or collecting ex- periences (Boroditsky, 2001)? The Navaho and English languages reflect the different values that each culture places on the importance of objects’ form and shape. The endings of the Navaho verb to carry change given the shape of the object being carried. Could it be that the language of an ancient culture, long accustomed to carrying objects by animal or human effort, places greater significance on how difficult or easy that task might be than does a more modern, industrialized culture (Carroll and Casagrande, 1958)?

Metaphor Language and perceptions of reality are clearly related, but language can also express a deeper cultural reality through metaphor, unstated comparisons between things or events that share some feature. Researchers estimate that one out of every 25 words we encounter every day is a metaphor (Gorlick, 2011), but linguists George Lakoff and Mark Johnson explain the true beauty and value of metaphor:

Metaphor is for most people a device of the poetic imagination and the rhetorical flourish—a matter of extraordinary rather than ordinary language. Moreover, metaphor is typically viewed as characteristic of language alone, a matter of words

metaphor unstated comparisons between things or events that share some feature.

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rather than thought or action. For this reason, most people think they can get along perfectly well without metaphor. We have found, on the contrary, that metaphor is per- vasive in everyday life, not just in language but in thought and action . . . The concepts that govern our thought are not just matters of the intellect. They also govern our ev- eryday functioning, down to the most mundane details. Our concepts structure what we perceive, how we get around in the world, and how we relate to other people. Our conceptual system thus plays a central role in defining our everyday realities. If we are right in suggesting that our conceptual system is largely metaphorical, then the way we think, what we experience, and what we do every day is very much a matter of metaphor. (1980, p. 3)

They offer the American English-language metaphor ARGUMENT IS WAR as evidence that our metaphors structure our “everyday functioning”:

ARGUMENT IS WAR Your claims are indefensible. He attacked every weak point in my argument.

His criticisms were right on target. I demolished his argument.

I’ve never won an argument You disagree? Okay, shoot! with him.

If you use that strategy, he’ll He shot down all of my arguments. wipe you out.

American English speakers routinely and naturally use this language. “It is important to see that we don’t just talk about arguments in terms of war,” Lakoff and Johnson wrote. They continue,

We can actually win or lose arguments. We see the person we are arguing with as an opponent. We attack his positions and we defend our own. We gain and lose ground. We plan and use strate- gies. If we find a position indefensible, we can abandon it and take a new line of attack. Many of the things we do in arguing are par- tially structured by the concept of war. Though there is no physical battle, there is a verbal battle, and the structure of an argument— attack, defense, counter-attack, etc.—reflects this. It is in this sense that the ARGUMENT IS WAR metaphor is one that we live by in this culture; its structures the actions we perform in arguing. (1980, p. 3)

But Lakoff and Johnson’s example makes an equally im- portant point about the link between metaphor and reality: metaphors not only highlight similarities, they mask differ- ences in the compared concepts. According to the theory of metaphor, cultural reality is expressed in a language’s met- aphors. “Try to imagine a culture where arguments are not viewed in terms of war, where no one wins or loses, where

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Theory of Metaphor

Cultural reality is expressed

in a language’s metaphors,

unstated comparisons be-

tween things or events shar-

ing a common feature. Our

conceptual systems (the way

we view the world) are cen-

tral to defining our everyday

realities, and they are largely

metaphorical. The ways we

think, what we experience,

and what we do every day are

thus shaped by metaphors.

Metaphors not only highlight

similarities between things

or events, they mask

differences.

Do you see argument as war or dance?

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there is no sense of attacking or defending, gaining or losing ground,” they continue. “Imagine a culture where an argument is viewed as a dance, the par- ticipants are seen as performers, and the goal is to perform in a balanced and aesthetically pleasing way” (1980, p. 4). Think how differently we would behave, how much better we would get along with others, if we approached conflict or disagreement as dance rather than war. You can read about another use of the war metaphor in the box “War! What Is It Good For?”

The Ladder of Abstraction Our meaning-making ability is also enriched, but also possibly hampered, by our ability to use abstract language, language signifying concepts, qualities, or ideas. Imagine you want to tell your friends about the wealthy farming family you met while on vacation. How wealthy were they? They had 17,541 cows. That’s a precise, or concrete, answer, but it really doesn’t tell your friends much unless they are well versed in the value of cows. So, how rich were they? They were fabulously wealthy. Fabulously wealthy is an abstract answer; it says nothing about how or why they are wealthy. They could be wealthy corn farm- ers, or they could be wealthy in land but not in money, or they could be wealthy in life, loving one another and content in their home. Which was the better answer? It depends on the meaning you wanted to make.

Linguist S. I. Hayakawa (1978) developed the ladder of abstraction to explain how we use various levels of abstraction to make different types of meaning, and, yes, he did so using cows (see Figure 3.1).

From the bottom of the ladder moving up, language becomes more ab- stract. It also becomes richer in connotation and more open to interpretation

abstract language Language signifying con- cepts, qualities, or ideas.

FIGURE 3.1 Ladder of Abstraction

Wealth is extremely abstract; Bessie (and the farm) have disappeared.

A farm can be many things and may or may not include cows as assets.

If I call Bessie “livestock,” I am referring to those aspects of her “cowness” that she shares with sheep, goats, etc.

If I call Bessie a “cow,” I am referring to characteristics associated with all female bovines, not Bessie specifically.

That cow is ol’ Bessie; the name stands for a very specific cow.

Most abstract Wealth

Farm

Livestock

Cow

Bessie

Most concrete

THUMBNAIL THEORY

The Ladder of Abstraction

A visual representation of

using various levels of ab-

straction to make different

types of meaning. Moving

from the bottom up on the

ladder, language becomes

more abstract. As it does so,

it becomes richer in connota-

tion and more open to

interpretation.

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and, as a result, more likely to be misinterpreted. But what do you want to do with your words? Do you want to convey a definite physical reality? “Tom is sad” is abstract. “Tom cried uncontrollably, tears drenching his cheeks” is con- crete. You’d choose the latter sentence because it makes much clearer what you want to communicate. Do you want to deceive? “My plan grants us more freedom” is abstract. “My plan grants us more freedom to deny membership in our country club to people of a different religion than ours” is concrete. You’d

War! What Is It Good For?

In a classic antiwar song from the late 1960s, the singer edwin Starr asks, “War! What is it good for?” The answer comes back strong: “absolutely nothing!” but war as a metaphor is very useful for mobilizing.

Metaphors are valuable linguistic tools, and these implied comparisons can create deep layers of meaning. War means that the stakes couldn’t be higher. When the united States commits itself to meeting a major chal- lenge, it metaphorically “goes to war”—the War on Pov- erty, the War on Terror, the War on Drugs. The similarities are intentional: a massive, cooperative effort to defeat an enemy bent on harming the nation; no sacrifice is too big, no individual effort too small. Defeat means ruin; victory means greatness. but metaphor not only high- lights similarities, it masks differences, and those differ- ences may often be more meaningful.

In an actual war, the goal is to defeat the enemy. but who is the enemy in the War on Drugs, for example? Since the War on Drugs was declared, it has cost the united States $1 trillion, with another $51 billion added to the total every year. and yet addiction rates haven’t changed, death by overdose is at an all-time high, and illegal drugs are less expensive than they’ve ever been. as the “war” has ground on, there have been 45 million drug-related arrests, and the united States now has the highest incarceration rate in the world, with more than 2.3 million people behind bars (branson, 2014).

how might the situation differ if, instead of confront- ing america’s drug problem as war, we considered drug abuse as illness, as we do alcohol abuse? President barack Obama explained, “What we have done is instead of focusing on treatment—the same way we focused, say,

with tobacco or drunk driving or other problems where we treat it as public health problem—we’ve treated [drugs] exclusively as a criminal problem. I think that it’s been counterproductive” (in newman, 2015). In other words, we do not arrest alcohol abusers; we help them get treatment. Critics of the War on Drugs contend that we are locking up millions of americans because in a war there must be an enemy, so drug users will have to do.

how can we responsibly use metaphors in shaping public opinion and policy? Is it a fair trade-off to mobi- lize the country toward a worthwhile goal while using imprecise, if not harmful, metaphors? Would drug abus- ers be more likely to seek treatment if they were under- stood as sick rather than as the enemy?

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

Who is the enemy in the war on drugs? What if we approached the country’s drug problem as a matter of health rather than combat?

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go with the former option because it obscures the true details of your plan. Do you want to inspire? “These new office procedures will free us to work more efficiently, more cooperatively, and more profitably” is abstract. “These new office procedures will increase our profits 1.7 percent” is concrete. Research tells us that in this instance we might want to use the abstract option, because successful charismatic leaders use “dynamic speaking skills” to motivate, make meaning, and define reality for their subordinates. They use language to “garner strong personal attraction from followers . . . articulate a compelling and evocative vision . . . and transform nature of work by making it appear more heroic, morally sound, and meaningful” (Dongil and Sosik, 2006, p. 12). Heroic, morally sound, and meaningful are pretty abstract.

The Functions of Language Language is an essential part of being human; it is integral to how we behave. It is our primary means of interaction with one another. Like all communication, lan- guage is dynamic and transactional. Through talking with others we learn who they are; from how they respond to us we learn about ourselves; and from how we talk and react to one another we create, re-create, and define our relationships with them. Take this common exchange with a professor as an example. When your instructor returns your mid-semester exam, you make the proper response, “Thank you.” But what have you really done? Sure, you’ve expressed gratitude. But you’ve also told her that you are a competent person because you know—and know how to use—the appropriate classroom interactional rules. You may also have increased her respect and liking for you because your warmth and courtesy stand in stark contrast to the shrugs, mumbles, and snarls she usually gets when returning tests. Language, then, serves several functions, sometimes obvious, sometimes less so, sometimes in isolation, sometimes simultaneously. Knowing the functions of language can make you a better communicator.

• Language serves an instrumental function. It helps you get what you want or need. Your parents certainly understand this. When asked to identify the skills that are “most important for children to get ahead in the world today,” overwhelmingly—90%—responded “communication” (Goo, 2015). You, too, recognize the importance of language’s instrumen- tal function in your everyday life. For example, when you want a slice of pepperoni pizza and a root beer for lunch, you tell the server that’s what you want. Your verbal order is instrumental in getting the correct meal to your table. You can read about the instrumental value of good verbal communication skills at work in the box “Speaking Well to Do Well.”

• We also make use of language’s regulatory function, to control the action of others. Comedienne Lily Tomlin explained, “We developed language because of our deep inner need to complain” (in Marche, 2012). But that’s only one way we use language to control, or regulate, the behav- ior of others. When you want your roommates to turn off the television

instrumental function using language to get what is wanted or needed.

regulatory function using language to control the behavior of others.

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so you can study, you ask them to do so. These first two functions of lan- guage are fundamental, so much so, that every one of us, beginning in kindergarten or even earlier, has been told to “use your words.”

• Language has an informative function. We use talk to provide infor- mation for ourselves and others. We tell stories, for example, “On my summer vacation I worked at the beach and. . . .” And we ask questions, for example, “What did you do on your summer vacation?” The detail and richness of our stories—their informativeness—come in the form of language. So do the answers to our questions.

Speaking Well to Do Well

as business leadership coach Pramila Mathew explains, verbal skills are

the foundation upon which all deals are based. Whether it is horizontal, vertical, or lateral communica- tion, evidence suggests that good disposure, listening, comprehension, and body language strengthen rela- tionships and result in a healthy working climate. There exist strong group dynamics in organizations wherein the employees have open discussions and are open to feedback. (2012)

She counsels “speaking to be understood,” specifically recommending the following:

1. always be conscious of the words you speak. When possible, think for a moment before you convey your thoughts.

2. Occasionally ask for verbal acknowledgements of your words to make sure your listener has under- stood your point of view.

good workplace verbal communicators, she advises, in addition to always being truthful, follow the abCs:

Accuracy—Provide complete instructions or mes- sages while you speak. Brevity—remember to KISS the message; in other words, Keep It Short and Simple. Clarity—Work to ensure that your words are clutter-free and directional.

another workplace trainer, Christy eichelberger, pro- vides seven specific rules for on-the-job talk (2010):

1. enunciate; speak clearly. 2. add to, but don’t dominate, the conversation. Let

everyone share their ideas and opinions. 3. Don’t speak too quickly. 4. always make eye contact with listeners and speakers,

showing  that you are interested in them and what they have to say.

5. Wait until speakers have finished what they are saying before taking your turn to talk; don’t interrupt.

6. Speak calmly even when upset. 7. If you are having an informal conversation, have it in a

location where it won’t interfere with the work of others.

her overall advice on good workplace verbal com- munication recognizes not only the instrumental func- tion of language, but its informational and relational value as well. She writes,

The most important thing is to remain professional.  Respect your coworkers and listen to their thoughts and ideas. Give everyone a chance to speak and don’t take part in workplace gossip. And use [these] tips to make sure that you are successful in communicating your own thoughts and ideas and in clarifying any issues that could keep you from performing your job to the best of your ability. Being a good listener and getting your thoughts and ideas across honestly and effectively, in the best way you are able, will make you a good communicator. (2010)

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE

informative function using language to provide and get information.

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• Language serves a persuasive function; we use it to change the atti- tudes, points of view, or thinking of those around us. We debate, we chal- lenge, we cajole—and we lie. Lying is delivering information with the intention to deceive while believing it to be untrue, and as such it has three components: (1) the speaker offers information; (2) the speaker be- lieves the information is not true; (3) the speaker intends to deceive or mislead. Imagine that your friends want to go to the movies but you want to go bowling. You can’t physically force them to take your position, so you try to talk them into it. How far can you ethically stretch the truth when trying to persuade them? (The box “Lying” explores such questions.)

Lying

Of the many things humans do that are “wrong,” lying is the most common. In fact, it’s an unavoidable fact of ev- eryday life. We lie to spare our friends’ feelings. We lie to escape a parking ticket. We lie to move a conversation or story along. no problem, right? after all, these are only little lies. but what about these situations, offered by ethicist Sissela bok?

Should physicians lie to dying patients so as to delay the fear and anxiety which the truth might bring them? Should professors exaggerate the excellence of their stu- dents on recommendations in order to give them a better chance in a tight job market? Should parents conceal from children the fact that they were adopted? (1999, p. xxviii)

So maybe these aren’t exactly little lies, but they are good lies, right?

They are, if you believe that lying is permissible when there’s a good reason to lie. but what’s a good reason? Maybe there never is one, as the philosopher Immanuel Kant wrote in his Metaphysics of Morals. “The dishonor that accompanies a lie also accompanies a liar like his shadow,” he argued, because “by a lie a man [sic] throws away and, as it were, annihilates his dignity as a man” (1797/1991, p. 225). ethicist Tim Mazur expands on this absolutist position on lying: “People often poorly estimate the consequences of their actions or specifically undervalue or ignore the harm- ful consequences to society.” It is impossible, he continues, “for anyone, even honorable persons, to know that a lie will bring more good than the truth; the consequences of ac- tions are too often unpredictable” (1993).

and yet we lie and are lied to constantly. research demonstrates “that in a given day we may be lied to any- where from 10 to 200 times,” writes professional decep- tion detector Pamela Meyer. “In one study, strangers lied to each other three times within the first ten minutes of meeting each other. What makes this study interesting is not the volume of lies told—it’s that before seeing the video of themselves lying, participants overwhelmingly reported that they had been truthful. That we under- report the number of lies we tell suggests that lying is so common, so reflexive, that we are literally unaware of the steady stream of falsehoods we utter” (2012).

how comfortable are you with Ms. Meyer’s claim that you are a reflexive liar, unaware of the stream of false- hoods you utter? Maybe you’re just a sensitive and com- petent user of the language. What do you think?

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION

One-third of all professional resumes contain false information (Meyer, 2012).

persuasive function using language to change the attitudes or thinking of those around us.

lying Delivering information believed to be untrue with the intention to deceive.

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• Language connects us to others. This is its relational function. We use lan- guage to establish, define, and maintain relationships. We use small talk, scripted and superficial conversations based on social convention, when first establishing relationships. Of course, small talk is really big talk, because it tells both you and your listener if you want to keep the relationship going after that early encounter. You can learn how to get better at small talk by reading Table 3.1, “11 Big Rules for Improving Your Small Talk.”

We use language to define relationships. Are you seeing each other? Hanging out? Dating? Just dating? Hooking up? Going steady? Pinned? Engaged? Sorta engaged? When you and a friend go out for lunch, it’s likely you each pay for your own meal. But when that lunch is during a date, a different set of rules and expectations is in play. We use language to maintain relationships. The things you talk about, the things that make you laugh, and the secrets you reveal keep the relationship alive.

Table 3.1 11 Big Rules for Improving Your Small Talk Making a good first impression using small talk is a skill, and like all skills it can be acquired, practiced, and mastered. here are 11 big rules for improving your small talk.

1. Pre-plan. You know when you’re going to be in a situation where you’ll meet new people. Come up with two or three questions that might logically fit what you’re doing and where you are. First day of class, fraternity or sorority rush, try-outs for a team, on-campus job fair—each brings with it at least a hundred possible small-talk possibilities. Find the ones you know you can build on when you are engaged in conversation.

2. Say “hello” first, smile, offer a handshake, and identify yourself. “hi, I’m Olga Sullivan.” It’s that simple.

3. Pay close attention to the return identification. In other words, make sure you note and remember the name of the person you’ve just greeted. Then use that name.

4. Get the other person talking. This is where your pre-planned questions or comments are most valuable. Make them open-ended and pertinent to the situation or location—“What do you know about this teacher?” “how’s rush been going for you?” “What other sports have you tried out for?” “how many job fairs have you been to this year?”

5. Be nonverbally immediate. use eye contact and nonverbal cues to show your interest in your conversational partner. Don’t look around the room when you’re talking or being spoken to. be conscious of your body language. If you appear uncomfortable, your listener will be, too.

6. Draw the other out. In other words, giving feedback shows interest.

7. Listen more, talk less. People who get to talk more tend to evaluate those conversations more positively (bostrom, 1970). So let others do more of the talking, and listen to what they say.

8. Have something interesting to say. You’re going to have to talk, so be ready. Pay attention to current events—“What’s your take on . . . ?” but be sure to avoid controversial or negative news events.

9. Don’t be a downer. Keep it light; accentuate the positive.

10. Plan your entry. If you enter an ongoing conversation, just listen for a minute. This lets you gauge the tone of the conversation (for example, fun, professional, flirty, serious) and assess others’ attitudes (you don’t want to get into a dispute with someone you’re just meeting). You can plan your opening comments before you become a participant.

11. Plan your exit. “always leave ’em wantin’ more” works as well in small talk as it does in show business. remember, this is an audition. You are being judged on what you say and how you say it. So pre-plan your exit line. “This has been great, but I have an 8 o’clock tomorrow.” be gracious—“It was great chatting with you.” Set the stage for the next interaction— “Maybe I’ll see you tomorrow in class/during rush/when the games finally start/at next month’s job fair.”

relational function using language to establish, define, and maintain relationships.

small talk Scripted and su- perficial conversations based on social convention.

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• Language serves a ritualistic function when we use it to meet an important social convention or expectation. We pray or chant aloud in church, mosque, or synagogue. In some religious settings we testify. We sing Take Me Out to the Ballgame during the seventh-inning stretch. We salute our friends with wedding toasts and remember them in eulogies.

• Language can bring pleasure and delight to both speaker and listener. This is its imaginative function. We sing songs to ourselves and for our loved ones. We whisper sweet verse to our sweethearts. We play word games and make puns with our friends in what linguist Gail Jefferson calls “the poetics of ordinary talk” (1996, p. 29). She offers this example:

Alice: “The speakers cost $20.” Betty: “Each!” Alice: “Eatcher heart out!”

We’re sure you can do better.

• Language serves an expressive function when we use it to state per- sonal feelings, thoughts, and attitudes. When your roommates refuse to turn off the television, you tell them how selfish you think they are. When your friends accept your plea to go bowling rather than to the movies, you serenade them with a few lines from the song “You Make Me So Very Happy.” When your “date” tells you you’re paying for your own meal, you give him or her a piece of your mind.

Language and Meaning Making Ultimately, the function of language is to make meaning. In this section we will detail how meaning making is influenced by situational, social, and cul- tural factors; syntactic ambiguity; and euphemistic language. Our use of lan- guage is natural, routine, and seemingly effortless, but as we all know, the match between the meaning we intend and the meaning we ultimately make is not always precise. Rare are individuals who have never had to defend them- selves with “I was only joking!” or “That’s not what I meant!” or “How can you think I’d say something like that?!” There are reasons that we and the people we are talking with sometimes fail to make our intended meaning. So as we discuss how we use language to make meaning, we will also look at possible meaning-making problems.

Situational, Social, and Cultural Meaning We make situational meaning through the forms of language that we in- clude or exclude in various contexts. A joke in the classroom means something different than the same joke told at a funeral. The curse you aim at a friend during a pick-up basketball game means something much different when di- rected at the clerk at the dry cleaners. The more formal the situation, the more

situational meaning Meaning made through spe- cific forms of language that occur or are excluded in various contexts.

ritualistic function using language to meet an import- ant social convention or expectation.

imaginative function using language to bring pleasure.

expressive function using language to state personal feelings, thoughts, and attitudes.

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clearly we pronounce our words, the more likely we are to avoid slang, and the more likely we are to construct more elaborate sentences and phrases. It’s not too difficult to see the importance of proper situational meaning making to identity: our listeners naturally make judgments about us based on the appro- priateness or inappropriateness of our language use in specific situations.

Language has social meaning as well. This is the meaning made by our choice of word and sound alternatives when speaking with a specific group of people. For example, listeners will react quite differently to a high-level bank executive’s use of sloppy grammar than they will to the same grammatical deficiency in the clerk at the dry cleaners. Bilingual speakers may choose to speak one language on some occasions and another on other occasions, de- pending on the location and formality of the conversational setting, how well they know the people they’re talking with, and how serious the topics under discussion might be (Rubin, 1985). People in specific occupations use jargon at work but not at home. Again, the link between using socially appropriate and effective language and identity formation and maintenance is clear.

And inasmuch as the meaning of all symbols, including the words and sounds that make up a language, are culturally negotiated, language has cultural meaning as well. “The vocabulary of a language is not merely an inven- tory of arbitrary labels referring to objects, entities, or events,” writes linguist Nancy Bonvillain, “Words also convey many kinds of cultural meanings that add to, transform, or manipulate basic senses of words” (2014, p. 58). For example, what would listeners’ likely reaction be to a man who referred to his spouse as the wife (“I left the wife at home”) or the little lady (“I’d like to introduce you to the little lady”)? Although the, wife, little, and lady are common and seemingly innocuous words, most listeners would reject these word choices and combinations as cul- turally antiquated and insulting. Over the last few decades, the culture has trans- formed the meaning of the words this man has chosen to refer to his spouse.

The mere existence of specific words also produces cultural meaning. As evidence, take the English you’re using right now. English speakers note the age and sex of culturally important animals and ignore these distinctions when talking about other animals. The way we talk about horses sug- gests that they occupy a culturally important role. We think of them as beautiful; we groom and care for them; they are integral to several sporting activities; there are even famous liter- ary and real horses, Flicka, Black Beauty, Silver, Shadowfax and Bill the Pony from The Lord of the Rings, Secretariat, and Seabiscuit, to name a few. One way in which English speakers signify horses’ cultural importance, then, is through words that differentiate their sex (mare, stallion, gelding) age (foal, nag), or age and sex together (filly, colt). Why don’t we use parallel words for squirrels?

social meaning Meaning made by our choice of word and sound alternatives when speaking with a specific group of people.

cultural meaning Meaning based in shared experience.

The english language differentiates horses by gender and age. Why doesn’t it do that for squirrels?

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Language makes cultural meaning in another way as well; it helps us make meaning of others and helps others make meaning of us. This is the concept of cultural presupposition—speakers assume that those who share their cul- ture share their knowledge of a word’s meaning (they presuppose familiarity), and as a result make judgments of those others based on their appropriate and inappropriate use of those words. Remember our boorish husband married to the little lady? No contemporary male should ever refer to his female partner that way; otherwise his listeners probably would not think very much of him. And people into horse racing and polo are practically required to use filly and colt, not young female horse and young male horse. And if you tell your friend that your brother plays linebacker on the school football team and he asks, “Offensive or defensive linebacker?” you can be fairly sure he is not the grid- iron fan he claims to be.

Syntactic Ambiguity Among the wonders of language are its richness and flexibility. We can say the same thing in different ways to produce the same meaning. “We’ll be together forever” and “You and I, a couple ’til the end of time” have the same meaning. We can also say the same thing with slight variation to produce different shades of meaning. Recall “Pat and I are friendly” versus “Pat and I are friends” versus “Pat is my friend.” These sentences are almost the same, but each has a different meaning. Ours is a grammatically, syntactically, and vocabulary-rich language. But that richness can lead to ambiguity.

Grammar, as we’ve seen, consists of the rules for the proper construction of phrases and sentences. But if you know the rules, you can break them to make meaning. “Ain’t no way I’m pullin’ an all-nighter before the exam.” The grammatically horrible ain’t and double negative don’t get in the way of the meaning you hope to convey to your roommates. In fact, not only are you saying, “I’m going to bed at a reasonable time tonight,” but your grammatical errors add emphasis. We sometimes call this type of construction speaking in the vernacular, and in this case, because your roommates share your social and cultural meaning, they’ll understand.

As for vocabulary, estimates of the number of words in the English lan- guage range from 500,000 to just under a million. But no one knows for sure; for example, if you simply counted aloud from 0 to 999,999 you’d already be at one million words (Sheidlower, 2006). Then, if you add only the names of the earth’s 600,000 varieties of fungus, a few words from the dictionary that have no vowel—nth, shh, psst, and TV—and for good measure linoleum, you’d have 1,600,005. And even though a new word is coined every 98 minutes, the typi- cal English speaker, depending on education, knows only about 35,000 to 50,000 of the language’s uncountable options and regularly uses only about a third of those (Gall, 2009). Of course, we do make vocabulary errors, either when we misuse a word, for example aggravate (to make worse) instead of irri- tate (to promote displeasure), or when we use a word unfamiliar to our listen- ers. But although they can sometimes be embarrassing, these mistakes don’t often get in the way of successful meaning making, largely because we are

cultural presupposition The assumption that those who share a culture share knowledge of a word’s meaning.

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making situational, social, and cultural meaning with our listeners; whether you use aggravate or irritate, they know what you mean. Also, speakers tend to match or converge their vocabularies; that is, they bring similar vocabularies to their conversation, further reducing the likelihood of misunderstanding.

Language is enriched by syntax as well. For example, depending on its placement and use in a sentence, flying can be a noun, a verb, or an adjective.

• Noun: Flying is fun.

• Verb: I am flying to Vegas tonight.

• Adjective: Watch out for flying debris.

But in this famous example from Noam Chomsky (1965, pp. 21–22), is flying an adjective or a verb?

“Flying planes can be dangerous.”

This sentence suffers from syntactic ambiguity. It can reasonably be interpreted in more than one way. Does it mean that the act of flying planes can be dangerous, or does it mean that the planes that are flying around you might hit you? Chomsky offered a simpler sentence that he argued was even more ambiguous than his flying example:

“I had a book stolen.”

Your friends might say, “That’s horrible,” because you told them, “I had a book stolen.” But what if you meant you paid someone to steal a book for you, as in, “I had a book stolen”? They shouldn’t feel too bad for you. Or maybe you were almost out of the store with a book under your jacket when your theft was discovered, as in, “I had a book stolen.” Syntactically, the three sentences are identical, but in the first, someone stole a book from you; in the second, you arranged to have a book stolen from someone else; and in the third, you almost succeeded in stealing a book.

Naturally, we can minimize syntactic ambiguity by speaking less ambigu- ously, but that often stilts our language. “To fly planes can be dangerous” sounds awkward and silly. We can also add context, “I had a book stolen when I left it on the sofa in the student union.” Adding context is the most obvious solution, but what if you don’t want to because you just discovered the theft and the meaning you intend to convey is shock, as in “I HAD A BOOK STOLEN!”? This is the price we pay for the freedom and flexibility our lan- guage provides. But don’t despair. As you’ll read later in this text, we do not communicate by language alone. Contextual and nonverbal cues in the com- munication situation (Chapter 4) and active listening on our part and the part of our listeners (Chapter 5) greatly improve the quality of meaning making.

Euphemisms Another way we use our language’s flexibility to make meaning is through euphemism, the substitution of vague or less emotionally charged words for more direct options. It might be more precise, however, to say that we use

syntactic ambiguity When a sentence can reasonably be interpreted in more than one way.

euphemism The substitution of vague or less emotionally charged words for more direct options.

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euphemism not so much to make meaning but to mask or soften meaning. We do this for a variety of reasons. We may hope to hide an unpleasant truth: I’m not overweight, I’m big-boned. We may want to drain our words of unpleasant emotion: My aunt didn’t die, she went to a better place. We may wish to spare the feelings of another: Isn’t my newborn beautiful? Yes, she’s something!

Of course, the risk of miscommunication resides in the possibility that our euphemism may be our listener’s literal meaning. Euphemism can also produce empty conversation, where nothing is really said and no real meaning is made. Nonetheless, most speakers easily master this art.

Language and Protecting Self-Identity: Politeness Theory But why do we use euphemisms? Why don’t we just speak directly, in a matter- of-fact way? Because we want to appear competent; we want to be liked. According to linguist Robin Lakoff, there are two language rules of pragmatic competence: first, be clear; and second, be polite. Ideally we try to meet both rules, but when they are in conflict, politeness prevails because it is “more important in a conversation to avoid offense than to achieve clarity . . . since in most informal conversations, actual communication of important ideas is sec- ondary to reaffirming and strengthening relationships” (1973, pp. 297–298).

Although speakers of different languages may act according to these rules in different ways, this politeness is a universal cultural value. According to linguists Penelope Brown and Stephen Levinson’s politeness theory, we use polite language to protect face, the “public self-image that every member [of a culture] wants to claim for [her or himself]” (1987, p. 161). All people have a basic need to feel appreciated and be protected—needs so thoroughly inter- twined with identity that Brown and Levinson call them face-wants—and they specify two types. Positive face-wants are reflected in people’s desire to be approved of and appreciated, and this leads to positive politeness in language. For example, speakers show concern, claim common ground, or convey coop- eration, as in, “It’s freezing. Are you as cold as I am? Why don’t we share a cab?” Negative face-wants are reflected in people’s desire to be unimpeded in their actions or free from intrusion, and this produces negative politeness, in which speakers express their reluctance to impose on hearers. Therefore, the request to share a cab might sound like this: “I don’t mean to be a pain, and you’d probably prefer to be alone, but it’s freezing. Would it be too big a bother if we shared a cab?”

We build these strategies into our everyday language to deal with the in- evitable face-threatening acts, interactions, or requests that might threaten listeners’ face-wants (1987, p. 60). Face-threatening acts are common and normal; after all, we interact with and rely on other people all the time. Yes, we could speak in what Brown and Levinson call bald on-record language—that is directly, with no concern for our listeners’ face. Unless we’re speaking to a close friend or family member, “Wanna share a cab?” is rude, not likely to

face The public image people try to claim.

face-wants The need to feel appreciated and be protected.

face-threatening acts Inter- actions or requests that might threaten listeners’ face-wants.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Politeness Theory

People use polite language to

protect face, the public image

they try to claim. Everyone

has face-wants. People may

respond to face-threatening

acts either directly (with

little concern for listeners’

face) or indirectly (off-re-

cord). We protect ourselves

and others from loss of face

through communication

strategies called facework.

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succeed, and as a result, threatening to our own face. Or we could speak off-record—that is, we could be indirect, vague, or ambiguous. “It’s freezing” is likely to be received simply as commentary on the weather, is not likely to suc- ceed, and again as a result, is threatening to our own face. Of course, neither is likely to be as effective as speaking with positive or negative politeness.

It isn’t too hard to hear echoes of Chapter 1’s discussion of symbolic inter- action and the Looking Glass Self in these ideas. Our face, that is, our self- identity, is reflected back to us in how well we protect the face of the people we are talking to. As a result, we protect ourselves from loss of face through facework, communication strategies designed to protect face, both ours and others. Facework is closely related to an individual’s culture, as you’ll see in Chapter 9, but for now you can read more about facework in the box “Speaking Inclusively.”

facework Communication strategies designed to protect our and others’ face.

Speaking Inclusively

Sexist and racist language demeans you and your listen- ers. It seeps into conversation in many ways. One is the use of markers, adding gender- or race-specific adjec- tives to a description, as in female doctor and male nurse. Why designate a doctor as female unless there is some- thing odd or “not usual” about a female physician? unless we are willing to mark football player Peyton Manning as a white quarterback, there is no reason to mark robert griffin III as a black quarterback or Mark Sanchez as a Latino quarterback.

We are all now pretty comfortable with the use of gender-neutral pronouns and avoiding man when refer- ring to all people and specific professions. “When a person runs, he needs good shoes” easily becomes “When a person runs, he or she needs good shoes,” or even better, we use the plural, as in, “When people run, they need good shoes.” Mankind readily becomes humankind; fireman becomes firefighter; and chairman becomes chair.

but more subtle is our routine selection of words that carry sexist or demeaning connotations. Why are women the opposite sex? regardless of your gender, has a coach or teammate ever told you to man up? Why, when refer- ring to different-sex couples, do we always put males first (men and women, he or she, I now pronounce you husband and wife)? Why don’t men give up their family names when they get married? Why do we refer to wives by their husband’s complete name (Mrs. John Smith) but

never the reverse (Mr. Mary Smith)? Why are couples re- ferred to as John Smith and his wife, but never Mary Smith and her husband? Why do men talk but women chat? Men and women both laugh and yell, but only women giggle and screech. Why do the adjectives derived from these words all have negative connotations: chatty, screechy, giggly?

Inclusive language protects positive face. We all want to be approved of and appreciated. but it also protects negative face, because no one wants to be a problem or a burden. Language that suggests that others are somehow less worthy, or less powerful, challenges their self-identity. Failing to consider this challenges our self-identity as well.

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

Who is the doctor and who is the nurse?

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3.1 explain the structure of language and the functions of its different components. Language is composed of the systematic combin- ing of words and sounds (syntax). The rules that describe the proper construction of phrases and sentences are grammar.

3.2 Describe the role of speech communities and speech networks in creating meaning. Speech communities interact by means of speech and agree on the proper and improper use of lan- guage. Speech networks are composed of people who regularly interact and speak with one another, and as such share a specific common language.

3.3 Identify the relationship between language and thought. Language’s connotative meanings lead to different thoughts than do its denotative meanings. The Lin- guistic Relativity Hypothesis explains that people who speak different languages think about the world in different ways. Metaphor shapes thinking by highlighting unstated comparison between ob- jects and concepts while masking differences. The ladder of abstraction graphically demonstrates how language can move from concrete to abstract depending on the speaker’s intention.

3.4 Identify the functions of language. Among language’s several uses are its instrumen- tal function (it helps us get what we want or

need); its regulatory function (using language to control the behavior of others); its informative function (we use talk to provide information for ourselves and others); its persuasive function (we use it to change the attitudes of those around us); its relational function (language connects us to others); its ritualistic function (we use it to meet important social convention or expectations); its imaginative function (language brings pleasure and delight); and its expressive function (we use it to state personal feelings, thoughts, and attitudes).

3.5 explain how we use language to make meaning. Language has situational, social, and cultural meaning. Meaning making, however, can be hin- dered or advanced by syntactic ambiguity and euphemisms.

3.6 effectively use language to protect self-identity. Speakers want to appear competent and likable, so they use language to protect face, theirs and listeners’. Positive face-wants are reflected in the desire to be approved of and appreciated. Negative face-wants are reflected in the desire to be free from intrusion. When identity is po- tentially challenged by face-threatening acts, speakers employ various forms of facework for protection.

Review of Learning Objectives

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Key Terms language 50 syntax 50 grammar 51 speech community 51 speech network 52 denotative meaning 52 connotative meaning 52 Linguistic Relativity Hypothesis 53 metaphor 54 theory of metaphor 55 abstract language 56 ladder of abstraction 56 instrumental function (of language) 58 regulatory function (of language) 58 informative function (of language) 59 persuasive function (of language) 60 lying 60 relational function (of language) 61 small talk 61 ritualistic function (of language) 62 imaginative function (of language) 62 expressive function (of language) 62 situational meaning 62 social meaning 63 cultural meaning 63 cultural presupposition 64 syntactic ambiguity 65 euphemism 65 politeness theory 66 face 66 face-wants 66 face-threatening acts 66 facework 67

Questions for Review 1. What are language, syntax, and grammar?

2. Differentiate between speech communities and speech networks.

3. Differentiate between connotative and denota- tive meaning.

4. What is the Linguistic Relativity Hypothesis? What does it say about the link between lan- guage and thought?

5. What is metaphor? What is its role in meaning making?

6. What is the ladder of abstraction? What does it suggest about the use of concrete and abstract language?

7. What are the eight functions of language?

8. Differentiate between situational, social, and cultural meaning.

9. What are syntactic ambiguity and euphemisms? How do they affect meaning making?

10. What are the elements of politeness theory, and how do they operate in the use of language to protect identity?

Questions for Discussion 1. Do you approach arguments as war? Do you

typically win? As in any war, even the winners suffer some loss. What do you think you lose in the process of winning your argument/war? How might your answers to these questions differ if you thought of argument as dance?

2. Identify one of your important speech net- works. Do you and the people who share it with you have your own specific, common language? Can you list five or ten words from your common vocabulary and explain what they mean and how they came into being? How do they reflect the cultural values of your group?

3. Do you agree that speakers want to appear competent and to be liked? If not, why not? If you do, can you imagine times when being liked and appearing competent are at odds? How might this affect the use of language, especially in shaping face-wants?

r e V I e W O F L e a r n I n g O b J e C T I V e S

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Chapter Outline

What Is Nonverbal Communication? 72

Theory of Nonverbal Coding Systems 75

Types of Nonverbal Coding Systems 76

The Role of Nonverbal Communication in Creating Meaning and Identity 89

Nonverbal Communication

4

It is Thanksgiving break and you finally have a few days off—time

away from the madness of papers, exams, and presentations. This

will be an especially good holiday because you’ll be spending it in

the country with your relatives.

When you reach your grandparents’ small town, you feel an over-

whelming sense of comfort. People you know are smiling and

waving as they notice you drive by. As you pull up to the house, you

see the big brown and orange papier mâché turkey hanging on the

front door. Your grandparents have had it since you were five. As

you walk into the house, you smell the stuffed turkey roasting in

the oven, the apple pie cooling on the window sill, and the crack-

ling fire in the living room. The same family pictures from forever

ago line the walls and shelves, and you think, I’m finally home.

Grandpa hears the door and is the first to greet you with his famous

bear hug. He’s sporting the fishing shirt you gave him for his birth-

day. You feel proud as you remember finding that perfect gift for

him that year. All of a sudden, Grandma, wearing her apron and

smiling with excitement, comes hurrying down the hall. Later in

the day, you sit down to a delectable meal, preceded by a silent

moment of thanks.

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This scenario may sound simple. But a closer examination reveals that the com- munication that occurs throughout is actually quite complex. All kinds of meaning have been made through nonverbal communication, or communica- tion without words. People in town express that they are happy to see you through their hand gestures and facial expressions. Your family’s value of hon- oring tradition is evident in the turkey decoration on the door. Grandpa’s hug tells you he loves you a lot, and Grandma’s greeting and cooking are also expres- sions of love and caring. The silence of the dinner prayer relays gratitude and perhaps deep-rooted spirituality. So much is said without saying a word. In this chapter, we look at all the ways in which we make meaning without speaking.

4.1 Define nonverbal communication, identifying examples.

4.2 Compare and contrast verbal and nonverbal communication.

4.3 Describe the operation of nonverbal communication and coding systems.

4.4 Describe several types of nonverbal coding systems.

4.5 explain the role of nonverbal communication in creating meaning and identity.

Learning Objectives

What Is Nonverbal Communication? Nonverbal communication occurs when we relay messages and create meaning without the use of spoken words. Estimates vary on how much we use nonverbal communication, though you may have heard the statistic that 93 percent of communication is nonverbal. This estimate comes from the groundbreaking work of Albert Mehrabian, whose research also indicated that 38 percent of communicated meaning comes from tone of voice and an- other 55 percent from facial expressions (1971). Not everyone agrees with Mehrabian’s precise proportions, but no one disputes his central point: most of our communication is nonverbal. Remember in Chapter 1 when we discussed the fact that it is impossible to not communicate? This is largely because of nonverbal communication. When you’re in class and falling asleep in the back row, your nodding off communicates something to your professor. Sleeping in class may mean that you’re bored, tired, sick, or simply didn’t sleep well the previous night. But one thing is sure—you’re not listening, and that message is clear. Even when you think you’re not saying anything, you are actually ex- pressing quite a bit. From hairstyles to clothing, to gestures, to home décor, nonverbal communication is constant and complex. It is important to remem- ber that “the ability to understand and use nonverbal communication . . . is a powerful tool that helps you connect with others, express what you really

nonverbal communication The process of relaying messages and meanings without the use of words.

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mean, navigate challenging situa- tions, and build better relationships” (Segal, Smith, and Jaffe, 2012).

The differences and similarities between verbal and nonverbal com- munication might seem obvious, but in actuality they entail a number of characteristics we don’t often con- sider. The most obvious difference, as we’ve already pointed out, is that verbal communication involves saying words, and nonverbal communication does not. Table 4.1 summarizes the comparison. Many other distinctions revolve around important compo- nents such as culture, senses, symbol- ism, and intentionality.

Similarities to Verbal Communication Looking first at similarities, both verbal and nonverbal forms of communica- tion are influenced by rules. In the case of verbal communication, factors such as grammar, syntax, formal and informal language, and conventional greet- ings shape what we say and how we say it. Similarly, how close we stand to people when we talk with them, the style of clothing we wear, and whether we shake a person’s hand are all examples of cultural rules we follow when com- municating nonverbally.

Another similarity between verbal and nonverbal communication is that both are symbolic. Both are composed of arbitrary symbols to which we give meaning, and we, in turn, behave according to those meanings. For example, who says ♥ or <3 symbolizes love, and what’s the point of saying “I love you” to someone? We give meanings to these symbols, and they evoke emotion and action in all of us.

What can you conclude from the nonverbal communication in this photo?

Table 4.1 Comparing Verbal and Nonverbal Communication VERBAL

COMMUNICATION NONVERBAL

COMMUNICATION

Similarities Guided by rules, conventions Symbolic

Influenced by culture Intentional or unintentional

Differences less honest More honest

Involves seeing and hearing uses all senses

begins and ends Flows continuously

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Since we decide as a society on shared interpretations of these symbols, cultural influence is another commonality between verbal and nonverbal com- munication. What we do and do not verbalize are dictated in large part by the culture in which the communication occurs. American English speakers might get to a task “right away,” whereas British English speakers would get to theirs “straight away.” As for nonverbal communication, how and when we dress a certain way, how much eye contact we make when we talk, and what foods we eat and when we eat them are also indicative of cultural influence on commu- nication. As intercultural communication scholar Sheila Ramsey explains:

According to culturally prescribed codes, we use eye movement and contact to manage conversations and to regulate interactions; we follow rigid rules governing intra- and interpersonal touch, our bodies synchronously join in rhythm of others in a group, and gestures modulate our speech. We must internalize all of this in order to become and remain fully functioning and socially appropriate members of any culture. (1979, p. 111)

The final similarity has to do with intentionality, or whether what we communicate is intended; in both verbal and nonverbal communication, we communicate much that we do not intend. For one thing, we make mistakes. We may have a specific meaning or outcome in mind, but that outcome or meaning may not necessarily follow. Verbally, we may want to sound smart by using a few big words in conversation with friends, but using them incorrectly may make us sound not so smart. Nonverbally, we may want to dress in our best outfit to impress our date’s parents, but all they see is someone trying just a little too hard.

Even when we have no intention of communicating a specific meaning— verbally or nonverbally—we may do so. Remember last chapter’s discussion of sexist and racist language. Your intention might be to offer greater detail in a story about a “lady doctor,” but the unintended result might be offending your listener and losing face. As for nonverbal communication, even unintended messages say something about what we are thinking. Consider a first date. You certainly do not want your date (someone you like very much) to think you are

nervous. But as you sit across the dinner table, uncomfortably pausing between sentences and beginning to sweat, it becomes clear that you are. And no matter what you say (or don’t say), your date is able to detect your discomfort.

Differences from Verbal Communication The differences between verbal and nonverbal communication are just as significant. Take our dating example above; it perfectly illustrates the first difference—nonverbal communication is more honest. While you may tell your date that you are “OK,” your body language offers a much more honest perspective.

intentionality Whether what we communicate verbally and nonverbally is intended.

how do these people simultaneously know when to clap?

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A second distinction has to do with the five senses. Verbal communi- cation involves hearing and seeing, whereas nonverbal involves all five senses—taste, touch, smell, hearing, and seeing. Of course you see facial expressions, and you hear the si- lence when you ask your date if you can go out again. Consider, too, the smells of Thanks giving dinner that convey traditions, caring, and devotion, and the touch of a hug that communicates love or con- cern. Tastes and textures of food identify specific cultures and even geography; think of the cinna- mon, nutmeg, and cumin in a Moroccan salad, for example.

A final difference between nonverbal and verbal communication is that nonverbal communi- cation never stops; it continues to flow, while verbal communication begins and ends. In other words, we all stop talking at some point, but our demeanors, accesso- ries, facial expressions, and other nonverbal indicators con- tinue to carry meaning long after our conversations have ceased.

Theory of Nonverbal Coding Systems Our understanding of the operation of nonverbal communication is the product of research on nonverbal coding systems. One prominent example is communication scholar Judee Burgoon’s work on nonverbal coding systems (1994), which sees nonverbal coding systems as groups or clusters of behaviors that convey meaning, for example body movements, gesticula- tions, and facial expressions. These clusters, or systems, share several properties:

• They are analogic rather than digital. That is, they are continuous, rather than discrete like numbers, and flow along a range or continuum. We can’t classify smiles, for example, into discrete categories. Smiles, like voice volume, have gradations.

• They can be iconic; that is, they objectively represent the thing being represented. The symbol for “OK,” for example, is the touching of the thumb and forefinger into the shape of an “O.” And have you ever used your hands to outline the shape of something as you were trying to explain what you were looking for?

• Many, but not all, possess universal meaning. Some universally understood codes are automatic: laughing, crying, and smiling, for example. Some are less so, for example a clenched fist showing anger.

• They permit the simultaneous transmission of many messages. Your joy can be seen in your wide eyes, broad smile, nervous hopping, and loud

What do these comfort foods communicate to you?

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Theory of Nonverbal Coding Systems

Nonverbal coding systems

are groups or clusters of be-

haviors that convey meaning.

These systems share several

properties: They are analogic

rather than digital. They can

be iconic. Many, but not all,

possess universal meaning.

They permit the simultaneous

transmission of many mes-

sages. They can generate or

evoke an automatic response.

And they are often

spontaneous.

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voice. In this case, your different nonverbal expressions all reinforce a single meaning. But as we saw above in our discussion of nonverbal com- munication’s honesty, they can send different or conflicting meanings— your smile and attentive eyes say you’re happy to be on the date, but your sweaty forehead and cracking voice say you’re terrified to be on the date.

• They can generate or evoke an automatic response. What do you do when someone offers her or his hand? What do you do when someone smiles at you?

• They are often spontaneous. Are you a pacer? Do you twirl your hair or shift from foot to foot when nervous?

We use nonverbal coding systems to frame the verbal messages we deliver to others. Framing is how we structure a message by using nonverbal communica- tion to repeat, complement, contradict, substitute for, and regulate what we say.

Nonverbal codes can repeat verbal communication or vice versa. A child asks for a cookie and mom first nods her head, and then says “Yes.” Her answer is the same—relayed first through nonverbal and then verbal communication. Nonverbal codes can also complement verbal communication. When a student goes home for the weekend and a younger sibling says, “I’m so glad you came home” while flashing a wide smile, the message is clearly being complemented through emphasis. A message can also be contradicted. When we ask a seemingly stressed-out friend, “What’s wrong?” and she replies, “Nothing!” with an angry tone, she is verbalizing one thing, but her inflection expresses the opposite. Nonverbal codes can also substitute for verbal communication; for example, when we don’t want to dignify someone’s ridiculous question with a response, we simply roll our eyes. The last function of nonverbal coding systems is that it can regulate verbal communication. Such is the case when a public speaker pauses between comments or transitions, indicating to the audience that it can clap or briefly ponder the point. We all use eye contact and slight turns of our head to tell our conversational partners that it is their turn to speak.

Types of Nonverbal Coding Systems Below we look at 11 types of nonverbal coding systems. You probably think about some of these quite often, while others might surprise you.

Proxemics Proxemics has to do with our use of space and distance to make meaning. Our perceptions of interpersonal space, while obviously related to our physical senses, are shaped and patterned by our cultures (Hall, 1966). Your decision of where to sit in the classroom or how close to stand to an acquaintance both have to do with proximity and what you want to communicate in making that choice. For example, you may sit in the front row to communicate that you are a diligent student. Part of your decision may have to do with territory, the space you consider as yours. Your territory can be either temporary or permanent.

framing Structuring the meaning of verbal communication through the use of nonverbal cues.

proxemics Our use of space and distance to make meaning.

territory The space people consider theirs.

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You may routinely sit in the same seat for each class because you see it as your place in the room and, in turn, feel in- vaded when someone else sits there. You may also throw your sweater over a seat at the movies to keep others from sitting next to you.

When we think about the use of space in communication, there are four specific distance zones to consider: intimate distance, personal distance, social distance, and public distance. As people move from one zone to an- other, the degrees of intimacy change, which also determines the formality of the communication. And, depend- ing on the culture, the interpretations of these zones and the appropriate- ness of language use can differ greatly. Nonetheless, in all cultures, when people communicate with one another, they use distance zones to identify the closeness and context of their relationships (Hall, 1966).

In the United States, the range of intimate space is 0–18 inches and im- plies an extremely personal connection. The partners share total intimacy and use informal, quite personal language. Examples of intimate distance include a mother tending to her baby, two lovers talking and walking hand-in-hand in the park, or a father giving sensitive advice to his son. In each of these cases, being physically close is considered normal in American culture. But consider a different situation: think how you feel on a crowded bus, shoulder-to-shoulder with a stranger. It’s usually pretty awkward; you would most definitely con- sider this an invasion of your intimate space. However, in India, where pushing and shoving are commonplace and culturally accepted, it’s not so awkward.

Personal space implies a closer relationship and is anywhere from 18 inches to four feet in distance. Sitting with a close friend at lunch, having a casual conversation with your roommate, or reviewing business proposals with your work partner may all involve the use of personal space. Your language is informal, signifying familiarity, if not some intimacy.

The third distance zone is social space, four to 12 feet apart. There is little, if any, intimacy in these situations. Cocktail parties, job interviews, and wedding showers are all settings in which we would typically demonstrate social distance. In each of these cases, we are likely to be with some people with whom we are close, others who are mere acquaintances, and many we don’t even know. Our talk is an appropriate mix of formal and informal language.

The final distance zone is public space, more than 12 feet apart. This fourth zone is the least intimate and places people into a more formal lan- guage environment. Shopping at the grocery store, attending a concert in a

intimate space 0–18 inches; distance zone that implies an extremely personal connection.

personal space 18 inches to 4 feet; distance zone that implies a close, but not intimate relationship.

social space 4 to 12 feet apart; distance zone suggesting little, if any, intimacy.

public space More than 12 feet apart; distance zone implying little intimacy and indicating a more formal language environment.

What distance zone is represented by these people?

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park, or going to a flea market are all examples of settings in which we would utilize our public zones. Table 4.2 summarizes the characteristics of each zone.

Haptics Another type of nonverbal communication is haptics, communicating through touch. Consider all the different types of physical contact we routinely

enact: hugs, kisses, back slaps, handshakes, punches, massages, cheek pinches, kicks under the table, sexual intimacy, hand-holding, and tickles, for example. Certainly you can come up with several more.

Touch is an important part of human connec- tion. Unlike our other senses, it is not localized to a specific part of our bodies. We can interact with the world literally from the top of our heads to the bottom of our feet. Touch is important, if not central, to child development, persuasion, rela- tional development, and psychological and phys- ical well-being. We often hear that children’s emotional stability is dependent on the amount of physical bonding they experience with their caregivers. Adults also benefit from the touch of another. Scientists have linked physical bonding to emotional health and overall success. For ex- ample, Daniel Keltner, a psychologist from the University of California, Berkeley, found that basketball teams whose players had more physi- cal contact with one another won more games. Other work has shown that eye contact and a pat on the back from the doctor can increase the survival rates of patients suffering from serious diseases (both in Williams, 2010). Researchers at Carnegie Mellon University discovered that hugs could not only reduce stress from conflict, but protect people from contracting infectious diseases. And although hugs given for a reason

haptics Communicating through touch.

Table 4.2 The Four Distance Zones DISTANCE ZONE ZONE CHARACTERISTICS

Intimate distance 0 to 18 inches; informal language; total intimacy

personal distance 18 inches to 4 feet; informal language; partial to total intimacy

Social distance 4 to 12 feet; informal and formal language; some intimacy possible

public distance Over 12 feet; formal language; no intimacy at all

Touch is an important part of human communication.

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(e.g., to signal the end of a conflict) offer these benefits, the most effective hugs, it turns out, are those given “just because” (in Casner, 2015).

Keep in mind, though, that the misuse of touch can often be quite prob- lematic. All nonverbal communication is culturally specific, and touch is espe- cially so. It is a primary component in establishing nonverbal immediacy, using nonverbal cues to indicate closeness. While we all use touch to indicate different degrees of closeness, we have to consider that our nonverbal cues may be misrepresented, unintended, or simply inappropriate. Moreover, dif- ferent people have different levels of tolerance for physical contact—some may consider a pat on the back harmless, while others feel threatened. As a result, there are many factors to consider in determining whether and when touch is appropriate. Setting is important; for example, is an arm squeeze given at work or home? Gender is important; for example, that heart-felt hug you gave your classmate could mean many things, especially if one of you is

nonverbal immediacy The use of nonverbal cues to indicate closeness.

Touching in the Workplace

any time people think of being touched in the work- place, one of the first things that comes to mind is sexual harassment. but there are ways to determine the differ- ence between appropriate and inappropriate touching in a professional environment, and it is important to understand those distinctions before entering the workforce.

In discussing haptics, the use of touch, we referenced research studies that tie physical contact to success and self-esteem. So when is touching in the workplace inap- propriate, and when is it encouraged? What if you’re friends with your boss outside work and he or she gives you a congratulatory hug for meeting your quota? What if your colleague places his or her hand on your back while introducing you to a new hire? are these behav- iors appropriate or inappropriate? The answer, while perhaps not satisfying, is “it depends.” It depends largely on whether the recipients share the feelings, and the context can be subjective. If a man works with his wife, for example, he may feel the status of their rela- tionship justifies some occasional displays of affection, while she may feel it is unprofessional and uncomfort- able to draw attention to their personal situation.

according to human resources consultant amy epstein Feldman, there are four things every employee should remember before high-fiving or hugging a coworker:

(1) Hands off. What seems innocent to one person may be sexual harassment to another. Keep your hands off any private areas of the body.

(2) Know your audience. “any touching—even a pat on the back—before you know someone is too per- sonal for strangers. So make sure that you really know your coworker before engaging in any physi- cal contact, even a high five.” What is the nature of your relationship with the other person?

(3) Be sensitive to others’ touching sensitivities. “Do they lean in when you go to kiss their cheek or do they grimace and move backward? Do they initiate pats on the back or is it only one-sided?”

(4) Remember that while touching isn’t always sexual, it can be hostile. “poking someone in the chest while making an angry point, grabbing someone’s arm or any other touching done when angry can lead to dismissal if your action is seen as physically threat- ening” (in Zupek, 2010).

To these we’ll add a fifth. Just as it is your responsibil- ity to remember these rules, it is also your responsibility to immediately confront any form of uncomfortable or inappropriate touching in order to avoid a potentially damaging work environment. First, express your feel- ings to the offending other. If things don’t change, alert your superiors.

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

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female and the other male. Relationship is important; for example, your sar- castic tone with your friends is funny, but with your parents maybe not so funny. The consequences of miscommunication in each of these scenarios could be dramatic, but they are not always detrimental to the relationship of the communicators.

This is the contention of Expectancy Violation Theory, the idea that when social expectations are violated, attention to nonverbal communication is heightened, with either positive or negative effects (Burgoon and Hale, 1988). We all have expectations of other people, expectations based on social and cultural norms, our past experiences with one another, and the settings in which we find ourselves. Of course, we have expectations of verbal commu- nication as well as nonverbal. You might not call your friends’ parents by their first names unless invited to, and you would probably not break out in song at your aunt’s funeral. Unlike verbal communication, however, nonverbal codes are constantly present, visible, and apparently authentic; for these reasons, we tend to make fairly quick and automatic judgments of their meaning. But whereas the violation of a verbal rule (saying something that should not be said) generally results in negative evaluations, violations of nonverbal com- munication expectations can sometimes lead to a favorable judgment of the violator. This is because such violations may draw attention to something more positive about the person; for example, “He shouldn’t have worn shorts and a T-shirt to the wedding, but he did catch my eye and he is kind of cute.”

Expectancy violations can also increase your attentiveness to the violator. Someone making abnormally long eye contact certainly gets your attention, for example, but now you might have to pay closer attention to the violator— is the staring rude or attractive? Another idea from Expectancy Violation Theory is that how we interpret violations is a function of how valuable we find the interaction, that is, its reward valence. To take an extreme example, a kiss on a successful second date, although possibly unexpected, will be judged much more favorably than a kiss from a stranger on the bus. But what if the violation is ambiguous? Here your already held evaluation of the other person becomes important. If you value the other person—for example, you envision starting a serious relationship with him or her—you will interpret the viola- tion positively; if you do not, you will interpret it negatively.

A final haptics issue involves the impact of technology on relationships and well-being. What effect will spending more time communicating online rather than face-to-face have on the development of children? What about parents who pay more attention to their technological devices than to their kids? “Much of the concern about cellphones and instant messaging and Twit- ter has been focused on how children who incessantly use the technology are affected by it,” explains technology writer Julie Scelfo, “But parents’ use of such technology—and its effect on their offspring—is now becoming an equal source of concern to some child-development researchers” (2010, p. D1). We will have much more to say about this subject in Chapter 11, and you can read more about the use of touch in the boxes “Touching in the Workplace” and “On-the-Job Nonverbal Communication.”

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Expectancy Violation Theory

This theory suggests that

when interpersonal commu-

nication expectations are

violated, we pay heightened

attention to nonverbal

communication in order to

interpret the unexpected

behavior.

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On-the-Job Nonverbal Communication

Career guidance writer Kori Rodley explains the impor- tance of understanding nonverbal communication in the workplace:

When we think of communication at work or on the job, most of us think of what we say or what is said to us. We think of the conversations we have or how our supervi- sor tells us what is expected. Dealing with the verbal communication can be challenging enough, and learn- ing how to respond and behave professionally in accor- dance is important . . . [But] it can be just as important to pay attention to HOW things are said or the ways our coworkers stand, look, and maneuver around the work- place to understand what is truly happening (2010).

as you’ve read in this chapter, context is quite import- ant. let’s look at some aspects of nonverbal communi- cation and the particular messages they convey in a professional setting:

1. Eye contact—Maintaining eye contact establishes trust, but in a work setting, especially when giving a presentation, it tells others that you are confident in yourself and your words.

2. Facial expressions—In a work setting, smiling can have the additional benefit of contributing to a friendly atmosphere conducive to cooperation.

3. Proxemics—Space and distance are always import- ant indicators of affection, hierarchy, and mood. In the workplace, where people may not know one an- other very well or may come from a variety of

cultural backgrounds, attention to proxemics can be a career saver.

4. Posture—How you stand tells people where you stand; on the job, sitting or standing straight up and directly facing your colleagues says you stand with them.

5. Vocalics—vocal tone and other sounds augment your spoken words. In the workplace, inappropriate tone or sounds can doom you by expressing sarcasm, impatience, and frustration.

6. Chronemics—Timeliness, especially in american cul- ture, conveys respect. On the job, it conveys even more. If you are always on time—or better yet, a minute or two early—for meetings, interviews, or other work sessions, you tell those around you that you are a professional, that you value their time as well as your own, and that you expect them to meet your demands of professionalism.

The Stony brook university Career Center offers a final hint:

Perhaps the best thing to remember is mirroring— especially when it comes to your boss. Mirroring is exactly what it sounds like—a reflection of the nonver- bal cues of the individual(s) you are interacting with. So if your boss makes a lot of eye contact with you, you should try to do the same. Your best bet is to be aware of how your actions “fit in” with those of everyone around you. (2011)

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE

Chronemics Chronemics is the use of time to communicate. If you’ve ever shown up to class late, or delayed calling a friend because you were angry with him or her, you can understand how time relays messages. In fact, much of our day-to-day lives revolve around the various meanings we give to time. Consider how dili- gently and sometimes obsessively we follow the calendar or refer to our sched- ules. Even our days provide us with a guide of how to interpret and utilize our time. Sunday, for example, may be football day to you, but for some it may be a day to rest after a long work week, and for others a day of celebrating religion

chronemics how we use time to communicate.

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or spirituality. And then there are time rules we follow, depend- ing on our culture; for example, Americans kiss romantic part- ners at midnight on New Year’s Eve; dress up in costumes on October 31; profess affection on February 14; eat cake and ice cream on birthdays; and generally see a work day as about 9:00 a.m. to 5:00 p.m.

Different cultures use time quite differently. In Europe, employees may take two to three hours for a break in the middle of the day, and families may dedicate long periods to dining. Americans, by contrast, generally rush to tasks, as reflected in phrases such as “fast food” and “time is money.” Thanks in part to media technologies, Americans tend to use time polychronically: they multitask. This wasn’t always the case, however. Historically, Americans were long considered to be monochronic, focusing on one task or activity at a time. You can read more about Americans’ use of time in the box “How We Spend Our Time.”

Kinesics A fourth type of nonverbal communication is kinesics, the use of body mo- tions in communication. Ray Birdwhistell, one of the founders of the field of kinesics, estimated that humans can transmit through bodily movement more than 700,000 physical signals that are useful in meaning making (1970). Some of those motions include hand gestures, posture, facial expressions, leg movements, pacing, and even individual habits like hair twirling or clenching fists. Kinesics are intriguing partly because body motions make up a large per- centage of body language, and of all the different types of nonverbal commu- nication, body language is arguably the most honest.

How many times have you been told that your words are saying one thing but your body is telling a different story? Let’s look at some examples that may sound familiar:

polychronic In the use of time, multitasking.

monochronic In the use of time, focusing on one task or activity at a time.

kinesics The use of body motions in communication.

Times and dates are one way that we communicate routines and traditions.

What might this student’s body language be telling his professor?

➙➙ Your roommate asks why you seem to be feeling down. You assure him you are fine, but you’re not smiling and your head is down.

➙➙ The professor calls you to her office to find out why you seem to dislike the class. You say you like the class a lot, but every day you sit in the back with your shoulders slouched and a strained look on your face.

➙➙ You come home past curfew, and your parents want to know if you’ve been out partying. You say “No,” but, avoiding eye contact, you stum- ble by them up to your room.

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How We Spend Our Time

according to the bureau of labor Statistics’ “annual Time use Survey” (2014), americans spend the great ma- jority of their time sleeping, working, and watching tele- vision. In fact, regardless of education level, watching videos on any device takes up the greatest portion of americans’ leisure time. another recent study, this one by the Kaiser Family Foundation, shows that young people spend an average of 6½ to 7½ hours a day con- suming media. accounting for multitasking, that number increases to approximately 10 hours a day. americans are also increasingly sleeping with their cellphones. If we include these sleeping hours as part of their media use, young people are now engaged in technology around the clock (Rideout, Foehr, and Roberts, 2010).

During our discussion of chronemics, we pointed out the many ways in which time communicates meaning. What meaning, then, do we communicate through our use of time? The united States, mostly because of ad- vances in technology, has become an extremely fast- paced society, and a common complaint seems to be a lack of time. but time to do what? Is it that americans never have enough time, or it is possible that they use time in ways that are not productive? In their sometimes careless use of time, do they communicate to their children that disengagement from others and from

civic duty and community service is acceptable? Do americans tell their children that these other-directed activities are not as important and constructive as work- ing or consuming media (often in isolation)? Journalist and mother Susan Maushart explains that for american kids, “media use is not an activity like exercise, or play- ing Monopoly, or bickering with your brother in the backseat. It’s an environment: pervasive, invisible, shrink-wrapped around pretty much everything kids do and say and think” (in Franklin, 2011). The country’s teachers claim that elementary and high school stu- dents’ time with media has lowered their attention spans (71%), hurt their writing skills (58%), decreased their face-to-face communication skills (59%), and dampened their critical thinking (42%; Rideout, 2012).

We need to reassess the ways we choose to spend our time and how those decisions affect others, includ- ing our children. Media time and work time need to be balanced by family time, community time, spiritual time, and reading time. More than 40% of americans will not take a single vacation day this year, and as a nation, americans leave unused half of all the vacation time they have rightfully earned on the job (picchi, 2015). how do you explain this fact? how do you choose to spend your valuable time?

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

➙➙ You know your best friend’s boyfriend is cheating on her. You don’t want to tell her because it would be devastating, but when the two of them are around, you sit with your arms crossed and as far away from them as you can.

Body movement, then, is a highly effective form of communication, whether or not the message is intended. But as we’ve just seen, often the mes- sage is unintended, and people can detect the truth in spite of contradicting words. In fact, there are some who make a living as body language experts— helping law enforcement officials and others distinguish between truth and deception in people.

Nonetheless, we often intentionally use specific movements of our hands and arms to communicate. These are gesticulations. There are five types of gesticulations or hand/arm gestures: emblems, adaptors, illustrators,

gesticulation Specific movement of hands and arms to communicate.

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affect displays, and regulators. Table 4.3 provides definitions and examples for each.

Vocalics Vocalics is a fifth type of nonverbal communication. Also referred to as paralanguage, vocalics are all the sounds and rhythms except for actual words that come out of our mouths (otherwise that would be verbal, not nonverbal, communication). Examples include tone, inflection, laughter, crying, articulation, pitch, coughing, shouting, whistling, and sounds made to communicate direct messages, for example when a librarian says “Shhhhh!” or when people clear their throats to get attention. The voice is able to communicate a lot of emotion; sometimes we can hear that some- thing is wrong—or that something great has happened—just from the sound of someone’s voice. And consider what vocalics do for us emotionally, mentally, and even physically. A sick child in the hospital who hears a par- ent’s voice is comforted, and a newborn’s first cry brings relief and joy to new parents.

Oculesics Oculesics is the use of pupil dilation, eye movement, and eye contact in mean- ing making. Although some scholars categorize oculesics as a form of facial expression, most treat it as a separate entity given the power of the eyes on their own to communicate. Years of research have demonstrated that “chil- dren and adults who avoid or are denied eye contact are more likely to suffer from depression and feelings of isolation as well as exhibit antisocial traits such as callousness” (Murphy, 2014, p. SR6). Marketers even use eye contact generated by cartoon characters on product packaging—think the Quaker Oats man, the Trix rabbit, and the Keebler elves—to create bonds of trust between brands and consumers.

The eyes are so powerful in relaying feelings that they are often re- ferred to as “windows to the soul.” In the HBO television series Curb Your Enthusiasm, comedian Larry David continually insists the eyes do not lie, so he stares down those he deems deceptive, violating their personal space

vocalics (also paralanguage) Sounds and rhythms other than actual words which come out of one’s mouth.

oculesics The use of pupil dilation, eye movement, and eye contact in meaning making.

Table 4.3 Five Types of Gesticulations DEFINITION EXAMPLE

Emblems Gestures that can be translated into words

Shaking your head “no”

Adaptors Gestures used to fulfill a need pushing hair out of your face

Illustrators Gestures that emphasize a verbal message

using your hand to illustrate the height of a child

Affect Displays emotional gestures Shaking when you are anxious

Regulators Gestures to help the flow of speech

Raising your hand in class

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(“The Infamous,” 2010). These actions may be funny, but research suggests that Mr. David may be onto something because “only actual eye contact fully activates those parts of the brain that allow us to more acutely and accurately process another person’s feelings and intentions” (Murphy, 2014, p. SR 6). Gazing and staring are associated with showing interest; increased blinking may equate to stress; squinting may be a sign of uncer- tainty; and looking down could create a sense of submission or guilt (per- haps the person is lying). As with vocalics, eye movements are directly tied to emotions. We speak about smiling with our eyes or notice that someone has dark or sad eyes.

Facial Expressions Facial expressions, the use of the face’s mobility in communication, are an important form of nonverbal communication. Some of the ways we make meaning from facial expressions are in our reading of smiles (expressing joy), frowns (showing sadness or dismay), crinkled foreheads (suggesting wonder or confusion), and puckered or licked lips (indicating disgust, fear, or anger). These examples represent only a few of the many dimensions of the face. Even when we attempt to hide our emotions, we use facial expressions. For instance, you may put on a “brave face” to deliver bad news. Another emotion clearly communicated through facial expressions is embarrassment. Recall from Chapter 3 our discussion of face, the public self-image we each hope to claim for ourselves. The concept is so named because nowhere is our momen- tary sense of who we are—or others’ sense of who we are—more visible than in our face.

facial expressions The use of the face’s mobility in communication.

What emotion does each of these facial expressions convey?

A

C

B

D

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Physical Appearance We also communicate nonverbally through physical appearance. Clothing, height, weight, body adornments (tattoos, piercings, and accessories), skin color, eth- nicity, hairstyle and color, shape, attractiveness, and hygiene are all examples of physical attributes that communicate meaning to others. Consider the follow- ing questions as you examine how physical appearance creates meaning:

➙➙ What is likely to happen if you wear jeans to a job interview at the top law firm in the city?

➙➙ Do we label models on the cover of fashion magazines as attractive or unattractive? Why?

➙➙ How might a Little League team react differently to a 5-foot-tall coach versus a 6-foot-tall coach?

➙➙ What would a patient say if a doctor with dirty hands walked into the examining room?

➙➙ How does your grandmother feel about your piercings and tattoos? ➙➙ Are you likely to hire an obese dietician to help you manage your

health?

Physical characteristics are a major factor in day-to-day communication. Our first impressions of people are usually based on appearance. The distinc- tions we make between cultures are often based on how we describe its mem- bers, and many of our mainstream norms are dictated by the importance we place on physical attributes, such as what we consider attractive or unat- tractive. It is, of course, not uncommon that we use physical characteristics as a gauge for whether to begin a relationship (Snyder, Berscheid, and Glick, 1985). Recent research (Vernon et al., 2014) has demonstrated that facial fea- tures alone (not facial expressions) can dramatically—and quickly, in under 100 milliseconds—influence the initial impressions we make of one another. Researchers measured 65 facial features, such as eye height, nose curve, and eyebrow width, and discovered that people make near-instant judgments about others’ approachability (“Do they want to harm me?”) by looking at the mouth area. They judge youthfulness and attractiveness (“Are they likely ro- mantic partners, friends, or rivals?”) through the characteristics of others’ eyes and eyebrows. And first impressions of others’ dominance (“Can they help or harm me?”) are associated with facial features such as eyebrow height and cheekbones. You can read about a particular physical appearance issue in the box “Freedom of Expression versus Professional Appearance.”

Artifacts Artifacts, objects that we use to identify ourselves, are also a type of nonver- bal communication. Artifacts help define us and our environments and, in turn, tell others how to behave accordingly. What does a wedding ring commu- nicate, for example? Artifacts can also indicate whether others share our

body adornments Tattoos, piercings, and accessories.

artifacts Objects we use to identify ourselves.

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values. If you go home for the holiday with your roommate and notice dozens of family pictures all around the house, what message is communicated about the value placed on family? When you see political bumper stickers on cars, do you judge the values of the driver based on your own political or social per- spectives? Do your parents lecture you about your inability to detach from your smartphone?

Artifacts can inform us about people’s jobs, interests, or hobbies. What conclusion do you come to when you see a person carrying a saxophone into a club? How do we know a person is a doctor if not for the white coat and stetho- scope draped around her neck? A person wearing a backpack on campus and carrying a poster board is clearly a student.

Artifacts can also be a powerful force in allowing us to shape our own identities, as well as announce our membership in a specific culture. For in- stance, many young people define themselves according to objects marked

Freedom of Expression versus Professional Appearance

Shortly after her graduation from college, Rachel had a hard time understanding why she could not land a job. her resume was impressive—a 3.8 Gpa, an abundance of campus and community involvement, and the com- pletion of two internships in her chosen field, public re- lations. She was invited to a number of interviews with different pR firms but never got called back. She decided to turn to her communication instructor for advice.

The recent grad believed strongly in individuality and had streaks of purple and orange in her hair; pierc- ings in her nose, lip, and eyelids; and a tattoo of a boa constrictor on her neck. The professor decided to con- front the problem head on, explaining that what Rachel saw as individuality, interviewers likely perceived as un- professionalism. Despite her strong will, Rachel took out her piercings, dyed her hair its natural brown color, and hid the tattoo beneath a blouse and chic gray suit. Two weeks later she was hired by one of the largest firms in the country.

The concepts of beauty and professional appear- ance are subjective and by definition stereotypes, but the dominant culture has very specific ideas, largely shaped by media, about what is physically acceptable and what is not. The reality is that, in spite of our good intentions to appreciate individuality and freedom of expression, we still deal with cultural biases relating to

attractiveness and professional appearance. better- looking people are generally considered more intelli- gent than others, even though there is no relationship between attractiveness and brain power. In the words of researcher Karel Kleisner and his colleagues, “a clear mental image [of] how a smart face should look does exist for both men and women . . . The ‘high intelli- gence’ faces appear to be smiling more than the ‘low intelligence’ faces. a similar pattern was described for the perception of trustworthiness. perceived intelli- gence correlates with perceived trustworthiness and happiness” (Kleisner, Chvátalová, and Flegr, 2014, p. e81237).

Moreover, returning to our story about Rachel, other research indicates that people who attempt to violate cultural standards of attractiveness or acceptability in the workplace are treated with unfavorable bias (hosoda, Stone-Romero, and Coats, 2006). So where is the ethical line? For Rachel, expressing herself took a backseat to getting a job; but should the biases of others have led her to compromise her individuality, a core part of her identity? Or is acquiescence to the de- mands of the job ethically justified because, as an em- ployee, she represents not just herself, but also her colleagues and her firm’s clients? What would you have done if you were in Rachel’s Doc Martens?

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION

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with popular brand names like Nike, Abercrombie & Fitch, Sony, Alex and Ani, Apple, Under Armour, and North Face, to name a few. For them it may be less about materialism and more about announcing who they are and how they fit into the culture.

Environmental Factors Environmental factors such as temperature, weather, smells, lighting, and designs can also be a form of nonverbal communication. Have you ever noticed that many shopping malls are now designed to resemble quaint villages? The inten- tion is to communicate security and community, making the shopping experience more inviting, which should result in more spending. Similarly, when planning a special date at your place, you might light some candles, dim the lights, and carefully choose music to set the mood.

Because environmental factors can be visu- ally effective in communicating messages, media content often makes use of them. Film directors may use architectural differences to distinguish a European city from an American city, for exam- ple, lighting to set the scene for a romantic based on artifacts, it’s easy to guess what this person does for a living.

because it isn’t possible to not communicate, what this woman wants is impossible.

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encounter, or weather conditions to portray a tropical paradise or a night bound to end in di- saster. News reporters broadcast from the field, foreign correspondents weigh in from various parts of the world, and embedded journalists file their stories from the war zone, not only to pro- vide us with better context for their report, but to communicate immediacy.

Silence A final type of nonverbal communication is silence. It’s not a code usually considered when addressing the different types of nonverbal com- munication, but it is extremely powerful in relay- ing messages. Have you ever observed a moment of silence for a fallen soldier, or have you engaged in silent prayer during a religious ceremony? Have you ever given or received the “silent treatment”? People who cannot answer a question are “struck by silence.” Ignoring or refusing to acknowledge the achievements or even pres- ence of others, intentionally or otherwise, is a use of silence that can be detri- mental to the self-esteem and confidence of those being shunned.

The meaning of silence, like all communication, is culture-bound. In American culture, “interpersonal silence is not well tolerated, especially be- tween people who are not intimates. Greater familiarity leads to greater abil- ity to refrain from speech.” This, speculates linguist Nancy Bonvillain, “offers a possible explanation of Western behavior such as formulaic greetings, so-called ‘small talk,’ and frequent question-and-answer sequences occurring in much daily conversation.” In other words, Americans use talk to avoid silence because, for them, silence is often read as rudeness—that is, of course, unless silence is used to reflect a difference in status between speakers. In employer/ employee, teacher/student, and adult/child encounters, “individuals of higher status tend to talk more, whereas those of lower rank are expected to be silent or less talkative” (2014, p. 35).

The Role of Nonverbal Communication in Creating Meaning and Identity Throughout this chapter we’ve discussed the different types of nonverbal communication and how we use each one to communicate specific messages. But the importance of kinesics, haptics, chronemics, physical appearance, ar- tifacts, and other types of nonverbal communication rests largely in creating meaning and identity.

As with verbal communication, who we are and how we fit into the culture develop through the meanings we give to signs and symbols, and how we behave according to those meanings. The difference here, of course, is that we

What does the environment tell you about this journalist’s responsibilities?

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are applying nonverbal signs and symbols. For example, the amount of time we give to our loved ones reflects the value we place on relational bonds; the uni- form we wear to work informs people of our professional identity; the posture and arm movements we use in delivering a wedding toast illustrate our confi- dence (or lack of it) as a public speaker. It is important to realize the critical role of nonverbal communication in the development of self, first by knowing what codes exist. Next, we must understand the direct and indirect meaning made from those systems. Finally, we must know how those codes affect not only the way we see ourselves but also how others perceive us.

4.1 Define nonverbal communication, identifying examples. Nonverbal communication occurs when we relay messages and create meaning without words; it is communication that is not verbalized. For example, sleeping in class communicates that you are not lis- tening, and sweating can indicate that you are nervous.

4.2 Compare and contrast verbal and nonverbal communication. Verbal and nonverbal communication are simi- lar in that they are influenced by rules, and are symbolic, culture-bound, and subject to varying degrees of intentionality. Beyond the absence of spoken words in nonverbal communication, they are different in that nonverbal is more honest, involves all five senses, and never stops.

4.3 Describe the operation of nonverbal communication and coding systems. Nonverbal communication relies on codes, clus- ters of behaviors that convey meaning. These codes are analogic rather than digital, and they are iconic. They possess universal meaning, permit the simultaneous transmission of many

messages, can generate an automatic response, and are often spontaneous. We frame, or struc- ture, a message using nonverbal coding systems to repeat, complement, contradict, substitute for, and regulate what we say.

4.4 Describe several types of nonverbal coding systems. Types of nonverbal coding systems include

• Proxemics, the use of space and distance to make meaning

• Haptics, communicating through touch

• Chronemics, using time to communicate

• Kinesics, expressing meaning through body motion

• Vocalics, the sounds and rhythms, other than words, that come out of our mouths

• Oculesics, the use of pupil dilation, eye move- ment, and eye contact in communication

• Facial expressions, the use of the face’s mo- bility to make meaning

• Physical appearance, including clothing choices as well as observable physical characteristics

Review of Learning Objectives

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• Artifacts, objects we use to identify ourselves

• Environmental factors, which often cue meaning

• Silence, which may be just the absence of sound, not the absence of meaning

4.5 explain the role of nonverbal communication in creating meaning and identity. Who we are and how we fit into the culture de- velop through the meanings we give to signs and symbols and how we behave according to those meanings. This is as true for nonverbal as it is for verbal communication.

Key Terms nonverbal communication 72 intentionality 74 nonverbal coding systems 75 framing 76 proxemics 76 territory 76 intimate space 77 personal space 77 social space 77 public space 77 haptics 78 nonverbal immediacy 79 Expectancy Violation Theory 80 chronemics 81 polychronic 82 monochronic 82 kinesics 82 gesticulations 83 emblems 83 adaptors 83 illustrators 83 affect displays 84 regulators 84 vocalics/paralanguage 84 oculesics 84 facial expressions 85 body adornments 86 artifacts 86

Questions for Review 1. What are some of the similarities and differences

between verbal and nonverbal communication?

2. What are the properties of nonverbal coding systems?

3. In what ways does nonverbal communication frame verbal communication?

4. What are the four distance zones in proxemics?

5. What is the relationship between haptics and expectancy violations?

6. What is the difference between polychronic and monochronic cultures?

7. What differentiates gesticulations from kine- sics in general?

8. What are some framing examples of vocalics and oculesics?

9. How do facial expressions, physical appear- ance, artifacts, and environmental factors enhance meaning making?

10. Why is silence not necessarily the absence of meaning?

Questions for Discussion 1. Of the many types of nonverbal communication

we’ve discussed, which is most likely to be mis- interpreted? Why do you think that is the case?

2. Have you ever had your personal space vio- lated? What were the circumstances? How did it make you feel? Was the violation intentional, and did that influence your reaction?

3. Is it fair that we attach so much importance to physical appearances? Why or why not? When is this type of meaning making harmful? When is it useful?

R e v I e W O F l e a R N I N G O b J e C T I v e S

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Listening 5

As a way to be more involved on campus, you decide to become a

tour guide. During a leadership seminar early in the semester, you

and the other guides are broken into small groups. The first exer-

cise of the session requires you to form a circle and discuss the

qualities required of a good campus guide. As the group chats and

offers examples, you notice that Lauren, the person to your right

(who is normally quite friendly), is not responding to you. In fact,

she is entirely ignoring what you are saying. Once the exercise

ends, you approach her and ask, “Are you angry with me?” “Of

course not!” she responds, “Why do you think that?” You point out

that she failed to acknowledge any of the comments that you were

directing her way. Lauren laughs and then apologizes. “I’m so sorry.

I didn’t even realize you were talking to me. You were sitting to my

left, and I’m deaf in that ear. Please forgive me.” You are relieved,

though a little embarrassed. This experience forces you to consider

the difference between hearing and listening. It would have hurt

your feelings if Lauren had been hearing you and not listening. But

as it turned out, she simply did not hear you.

In everyday life we often worry about how to construct and deliver

messages, but rarely do we consider how critical it is to receive those

messages in an effective way. Make no mistake, though; listening is

as important to good communication as speaking or writing. In the

opening story, Lauren has a physical impediment to hearing, but she

isn’t a bad listener. In fact, when you expressed concern over her lack

of response, she listened and responded with empathy, and she of-

fered an explanation that made you feel better.

Chapter Outline

What Is Listening? 94

Misconceptions About Listening 96

The Components of Effective Listening 100

Barriers to Effective Listening 101

Types of Listening 106

Becoming an Effective Listener 109

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When we reflect on the role of listening in our lives, we often look at the negative moments associated with listening—our parents demanding that we listen to them, our friends insisting that we never listen to them, our teachers telling us that we need to be better listeners in class, and even our doctors threatening us with bad health if we don’t listen to their instructions. But lis- tening is a positive; it is the cornerstone to understanding others and under- standing the world. Listening scholar Graham Bodie writes that listening is “essential to managing conversations marked by conflict and support alike, and the positive outcomes of its employment range from academic and work success to individual and relational health and well-being” (2013, p. 76). As such, practicing good listening and acknowledging its importance are central to our success as communicators. In this chapter we will focus on listening, including the types of listening, misconceptions about listening, barriers to effective listening, and advice for becoming a better, more effective listener.

5.1 Define listening and explain how it differs from hearing.

5.2 Dispel a number of misconceptions about listening.

5.3 Identify the components of effective listening.

5.4 Identify barriers to successful listening.

5.5 Outline several types of listening.

5.6 Describe steps to becoming a better listener.

Learning Objectives

What Is Listening? Winston Churchill once said, “Courage is what it takes to stand up and speak; courage is also what it takes to sit down and listen” (in Josephson, 2011). The former British prime minister was stressing the often-neglected value of lis- tening. Without listening, there would be no effective reception of messages; as a result, communication would suffer. And as you’ve already seen, listening shouldn’t be confused with hearing. Listening is actively making meaning from the spoken messages of others; hearing is the physical process of receiv- ing sounds. Hearing is physiological (the mechanical functioning of the vari- ous parts of the ear), while listening is cognitive, affective, and behavioral (Bodie, 2013). Listening is cognitive (mental) when we attend to, understand, receive, and interpret content. It is affective (emotional) when we are moti- vated to attend to that content. And it is behavioral (physical) when we give verbal and nonverbal feedback.

hearing The physical process of perceiving sounds.

listening Actively making meaning from the spoken messages of others.

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W h AT I s L I s T E n I n g?

As you can see from Figure 5.1, while we may devote 75 percent of a typi- cal day to speaking and listening, we actually spend more time listening—45 percent daily—than we do speaking (Bolton, 2009). Beyond the sheer amount of time we spend at it, listening is important for many other reasons. In fact, the old joke that there’s a reason humans have only one mouth but two ears isn’t really that much of a joke. Listening is crucial in building and maintaining our interpersonal relationships. Recalling Chapter 1’s discussion of symbolic in- teraction, you know that if this is the case, listening is essential to our sense of self. Psychologist Michael Nichols explains,

Few motives in human experience are as powerful as the yearning to be understood. Being listened to means that we are taken seriously, that our ideas and feelings are recognized, and, ultimately, that what we have to say matters. The yearning to be heard is a yearning to escape our isolation and bridge the space that separates us. We reach out and try to overcome that separateness by revealing what’s on our minds and in our hearts . . . If listening strengthens our relationships by cementing our connections with one another, it also fortifies our sense of self. In the presence of a receptive listener, we are able to clarify what we think and discover what we feel. Thus, in giving an account of our experiences to someone who listens, we are better able to understand ourselves. (2009, pp. 9–10)

Listening is also central to academic and professional success. Corporate communication consultant Bernard Ferrari makes the case this way: “Listen- ing can well be the difference between profit and loss, between success and failure, between a long career and a short one. Listening is the only way to find

FIGURE 5.1 How Much of Our Daily Communication Time Do We Spend Listening?

16 percent reading

9 percent writing

30 percent talking

45 percent listening

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out what you don’t know, and marks the path to making good decisions, arriv- ing at the best ideas. If you aspire to be better at your job, no matter what it is, listening may be the most powerful tool at your disposal” (2012, p. 2). You can read Ferrari’s listening advice for successful managers in the box “Communi- cation in the Workplace: The 80/20 Rule.”

Misconceptions About Listening Given that we spend so much of our time listening and that listening seems quite natural, we might come to the conclusion that effective listening is easy. But that’s not the case. The fact that people routinely overestimate the quality of their own listening skills (Carrell and Willmington, 1996) may well be the result of several misconceptions they have about listening:

• Misconception 1: Hearing is the same as listening. We’ve already dis- cussed the distinction between listening and hearing; nonetheless, let’s take a less academic approach to this particular myth. How many people

The 80/20 Rule

Listening consultant Bernard Ferrari counts among his many clients corporate powerhouses general Electric and Morgan stanley. A firm believer in the idea that good listening means good business, he offers four benefits of listening for managers and others (2012).

• good listeners develop a reputation as easy to talk to. It is among the characteristics most attributed to successful bosses. It invites openness and honesty and it generates information and ideas.

• good listeners ask the right questions at the right time. This encourages others to think about their ideas and suggestions with greater depth, breadth, and clarity.

• good listeners sift through unnecessary information and details in their conversations with others and get to the most important issues more quickly and efficiently.

• As a result, good listeners move more efficiently from deliberation to decision and from decision to action.

But how does a manager do this? Dr. Ferrari offers five rules:

1. Apply the 80/20 rule. Devote 80 percent of a conversa- tion to listening and 20 percent to speaking. And use

the 20 percent to ask questions rather than offering opinions and observations.

2. Be purposeful when in conversation. Enter and engage in conversations with a clear idea of what you want to accomplish.

3. Focus entirely on your conversational partner. This tells people that the conversation has importance, heightening their awareness of its value and their role in it. naturally, this means put aside your technology!

4. Set time and topic limits. Your time is valuable; your conversational partner’s time is valuable. You want to keep your conversations from wandering into unnec- essary terrain.

5. Challenge basic assumptions, your own and your con- versational partner’s. “Become the Master of the Question,” he advises, “Being the Master of the Question means using questions to reframe the con- versation in order to learn more. Through careful questioning we can open up new avenues of think- ing by challenging or confirming our dearest as- sumptions” (pp. 64–65).

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE

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with perfectly good hearing do you know who happen to be terrible listen- ers? The fact that these people exist, more than anything else, tells you there is a difference.

• Misconception 2: Listening is easy, natural, and effortless. Again, your own experience tells you otherwise. Think of the lectures you’ve had to endure that were difficult to listen to (not only in school, but from par- ents and disapproving friends). We are not born with good listening skills; they are not a natural gift. Rather, it takes effort and practice to become a skilled listener. You can evaluate your own skill as a listener by taking the self-evaluation on page 98.

• Misconception 3: Listening is a difficult skill to learn. This chapter is devoted to teaching you effective listening skills, and as you read fur- ther you’ll see that if you do indeed want to become a better listener, the lessons are not that difficult. This is because we typically have the basics in place. After all, we learn to listen from our earliest years, and we spend quite a bit of time engaged in the act. Because of listening’s apparent ease and naturalness, we may not be the listeners we could be, but if we are mo- tivated to apply good listening skills across the many communication sit- uations in which we find ourselves, the personal, social, academic, and career rewards we receive will reinforce those skills.

• Misconception 4: Listening is simply a matter of intelligence. Intel- ligent people don’t necessarily make better listeners. Have you ever had a college instructor, a holder of an advanced degree and seemingly quite in- telligent, who simply would not listen to you? There is no direct link be- tween brainpower and listening skill. Being intelligent may mean having a better vocabulary, and that might aid listening comprehension (Vine- yard and Bailey, 1960), but that doesn’t mean that smart people are better listeners. In fact, they may become more easily bored with a conversation, or they may “tune out” and start thinking about something other than the conversation at hand. That would render them very poor listeners.

• Misconception 5: Read more, listen better. A larger vocabulary may aid comprehension (you can’t make meaning from a conversation filled with words you’ve never heard), but that doesn’t mean people who read more are necessarily better listeners. Reading itself is no guarantee to un- derstanding or to effective meaning making (Vineyard and Bailey, 1960). How often have you read something you didn’t understand? Even the most avid readers will sometimes read passively; maybe they are reading just for fun, or perhaps they’re uninterested in the material. Just as you can read passively or actively, you can listen passively or actively.

• Misconception 6: Gender affects listening skill. As you’ll read in some detail in Chapter 9, there are differences, in general, between how males and females communicate. For now, though, understand that a feminine commu- nication style places greater value on empathy, compassion, connection, and emotional messages, while a masculine communication style favors facts and outcomes and typically shies away from talking about (or listening to)

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How Good a Listener Are You?

Fill in each of the following blanks with almost never, sometimes, often, or almost always.

WHEN PEOPLE ARE TALKING TO ME, I . . .

1 ______ make them feel that I’m interested in them and in what they have to say.

2 ______ think about what I want to say while they are talking.

3 ______ acknowledge what they’ve said before offer- ing my own opinion.

4 ______ jump in before they are finished speaking. 5 ______ allow them to complain without arguing

with them. 6 ______ offer advice before I’m asked. 7 ______ concentrate on figuring out what they are

trying to say, rather than simply respond- ing to the words they’ve used.

8 ______ share similar experiences of my own rather than inviting them to elaborate on what they’re saying.

9 ______ get them to tell me a lot about themselves. 10 ______ assume I know what they are going to say

before they are finished talking. 11 ______ restate their message or instructions to

make sure I understood them correctly. 12 ______ make judgments about who is and isn’t

worth listening to. 13 ______ make an effort to focus on them and under-

stand what they are trying to say.

14 ______ tune out when someone begins to ramble on, instead of trying to get more in- volved in the conversation to make it more interesting.

15 ______ accept criticism without becoming defensive.

16 ______ think of listening as instinctive rather than as a communication activity that takes effort.

17 ______ make an effort to get them to say what they think and feel about things.

18 ______ pretend to listen when I’m not. 19 ______ respect what others have to say. 20 ______ find that listening to them complain

annoys me. 21 ______ make use of questions to get them to say

what’s on their mind. 22 ______ make comments when they are talking that

distract them. 23 ______ think they see me as a good listener. 24 ______ tell them I know how they feel. 25 ______ lose my temper when they get angry

with me.

SCORING

For the odd-numbered statements give yourself: 4 points for each almost always 3 points for each often

2 points for each sometimes 1 point for each almost never

For the even-numbered statements, reverse the scoring, giving yourself: 1 point for each almost always 2 points for each often

3 points for each sometimes 4 points for each almost never

How good a listener are you? If you scored:

85–96, you are an excellent listener. 73–84, you are an above-average listener. 61–72, you are an average listener.

49–60, you are a below-average listener. 25–48, you are a poor listener.

(Adapted from Nichols, 2009).

SELF-EVALUATION

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personal or emotional matters. In other words, females tend to engage in “rapport-talk” and males in “report-talk.” Linguist Deborah Tannen explains that “many women, when they talk among themselves in situations that are casual, friendly, and focused on rapport, use cooperative overlapping: Listeners talk along with speakers to show participation and support” (1990, p. 208). But this doesn’t mean that one gender is better at listening than the other. What it does mean is that different gen- ders may have different ways of interpreting the words of their conversational partners, and they may ask those partners different kinds of questions as they seek different kinds of clarification.

• Misconception 7: In the communication process, speaking is more important than listening. Communication scholar Mary Ellen Guffey (2004) identifies two related misconceptions that flow from this myth: speakers are able to command listening, and speakers are primarily respon- sible for communication success. The easiest way to debunk all three mis- conceptions is to recall that communication is mutual meaning making; it requires feedback; it is a transaction (Chapter 1). Speakers and listeners share equally in their meaning-making responsibilities. Your own experience makes this clear. Have you ever attended a talk by a completely, absolutely, fabulously interesting speaker who was talking about a subject that you loved . . . but you were too tired or hungry to pay attention? Or perhaps a classmate, your partner on a class project, was explaining quite expertly the requirements of the task but you just couldn’t get past her infatuation with that jerk, Jordan. Or maybe your Communication instructor has prepared— and is delivering—the best lecture ever on misconceptions about listening, but all you can do is watch the clock and gaze out the window, knowing that spring break starts as soon as class ends. Listening research pioneer Ralph Nichols determined more than a half-century ago that effective listening was the “inherent” responsibility of the listener. He wrote,

Learning for the listener is “inside” action on the part of the listener. The speaker has comparatively little to do with it. He [sic] cannot learn for the listener. “Tell- ing” is not necessarily teaching, and “getting told” is not learning. Who is primar- ily at fault when we fail to understand, or perhaps even receive the message sent our way? . . . Is the conveyor to be held responsible because we are ill equipped to decode his [sic] message? (1955, p. 294)

• Misconception 8: Listening is primarily a matter of understanding a speaker’s words. The same word or the same collection of words can have different meanings in different contexts, and words are never just words; as symbols, they are “vehicles” that carry meaning (Chapter 1).

When women gather to chat, listeners often talk along with speakers to show participation and support.

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They carry meaning through syntax, denotative and connotative mean- ing, metaphor, and abstraction (Chapter 3). And speakers’ words are in- variably accompanied by nonverbal communication that can emphasize, complement, contradict, substitute for, or otherwise frame the meaning we make from those words (Chapter 4).

The Components of Effective Listening Partly in response to the misconception that listening is natural, routine, or otherwise effortless, listening scholar Judi Brownell used her research to demonstrate that good or effective listening is actually a process made up of several components that “although interrelated, can be approached as separate skill areas” (Brownell, 1990, p. 403). She took the first letter of each of those components—Hearing, Understanding, Remembering, In- terpreting, Evaluating, and Responding—to create an acronym for her take on what is involved in effective listening, the HURIER model (Brownell, 1985; Table 5.1).

• Hearing—Hearing, as we’ve already seen, is the physiological process of receiving sound, and although we can hear but not listen, it is quite diffi- cult to listen if we cannot hear.

• Understanding—You can hear a speaker, and maybe even work hard to listen to what’s being said, but if you don’t understand or comprehend the meaning of what’s being said, your listening will not be successful. Recall two examples from Chapter 1, listening to a German speaker and to a pro- fessor who uses over-the-top technical jargon. Unless you speak German or are familiar with that jargon, no matter how hard you try, your at- tempts to understand will be in vain.

• Remembering—No doubt you’ve been scolded, probably as a child, because something someone said to you “went in one ear and out the other.” You can hear something, maybe even think you listened to it, but unless you can store it in your memory for later use, your listening really hasn’t been effective.

Table 5.1 The HURIER Model of Listening H Hearing physically receiving the message

U Understanding Comprehending the message’s meaning

R Remembering Recalling the message for later action

I Interpreting Meaning making between listener and speaker

E Evaluating Assessing the value of the message

R Responding Responding appropriately, verbally and nonverbally, to the message

(source: Brownell, 1985)

THUMBNAIL THEORY

The HURIER Model of Listening

Researcher Judi Brownell’s

approach to listening asserts

that effective listening is a

process made up of several

interrelated components that

can be understood and im-

proved as separate skill

areas. She identified hearing,

understanding, remember-

ing, interpreting, evaluating,

and responding, and com-

bined the first letter of each

into the HURIER model.

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• Interpreting—Here is where real meaning is made. Because meaning making is a mutual transaction, the interpreting component of effective listening involves two parties—speaker and listener—and two steps. Step 1 involves the listener assigning meaning to what’s being said by the speaker, and Step 2 involves the listener communicating that assigned meaning, his or her un- derstanding, to the speaker. Simply put, the listener must offer cues that she or he has interpreted the message as the speaker intended. Consider those times a friend has challenged you for not listening because your response was not what she or he had expected or wanted (“You never listen to me!” or “You don’t understand me!” or “You weren’t paying attention to what I was saying!”). Think, too, of the many times you’ve had to defend yourself with either “I didn’t think that’s what you were saying!” or “That’s not what I meant!” When this happens, the best strategy is to ask questions to try to clarify where interpretation went awry. The interpreting component of lis- tening sits at the root of sender-receiver reciprocity, the mutual and si- multaneous exchange of feedback, typically subtly and nonverbally, that ensures the efficient transaction of meaning making. Think of it as signaling one another that you are on the same page at the same time.

• Evaluating—Here is where you make your own judgments about what you’ve heard. Was the speaker truthful? What was opinion and what was fact? What were the speaker’s intentions or goals? What else do you know about the speaker, the communication context, or the topic that can help you judge what you’ve heard? Without evaluation, you are not an effective listener; you have not made meaning. You are merely a passive receiver of information. You can read about how to become a more active listener in the box “Being an Active Listener.”

• Responding—You know this as giving feedback. But effective listening re- quires more; it requires giving appropriate feedback, both verbal and nonver- bal, which tells your conversational partner that you are indeed listening.

Barriers to Effective Listening Misconceptions about listening can—and often do—create barriers to effec- tive listening. For example, if you see listening as effortless, you may not be as attentive to a speaker as you otherwise might be, failing to invest the proper amount of effort needed to maximize your understanding of the conversa- tion. Or if you think listening is only about understanding the speaker’s words, you won’t find meaning in speech elements such as the tone, inflection, or possible nuance. In addition, if effective listening involves the proper oper- ation of six interrelated components, there are likely to be a number of places where the process can be interrupted. For example, if you can’t hear the mes- sage, you can’t listen to it, nor can you understand, remember, interpret, eval- uate, or respond to it. Among the most common barriers to effective listening are physical, psychological, physiological, and semantic noise; external dis- tractions; and the adoption of a counterproductive listening style.

sender-receiver reciprocity Mutual and simultaneous exchange of feedback, ensur- ing the efficient transaction of meaning making.

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Physical Noise One obvious barrier to listening is noise, but as you learned in Chapter 1, noise can be physical, psychological, physiological, and semantic. Physical noise is a barrier to listening that is external to the message itself. It is what we tradition- ally think of when we hear the word “noise”: for example, the sounds of construc- tion work outside a classroom window while you are trying to follow a lecture, or a stranger chatting loudly on a cellphone while you try to talk with a friend. These barriers are out of listeners’ control but can be overcome by seeking a quieter set- ting. Physical noise interferes with the hearing component of the HURIER model.

Psychological Noise Psychological noise has to do with the listener’s mindset, and it creates barri- ers to listening in a number of ways. One is hearing what you want to hear rather

physical noise Barrier to lis- tening external to the mes- sage itself.

psychological noise Barrier to listening introduced by the listener’s mindset.

Being an Active Listener

In a scene from the show The Big Bang Theory, roommates Leonard and sheldon are having relationship problems— Leonard with his girlfriend, and sheldon with a hyper-com- petitive colleague (Cendrowski, 2012). Leonard convinces sheldon that they need to get these issues off their chests, and they decide to take five minutes each to share their problems. sheldon goes first, and Leonard listens with in- tensity, responding in a compassionate and understand- ing manner. When it’s Leonard’s turn to speak, however, sheldon, who has decided his problem is bigger, fails to listen to anything Leonard says and is quick to turn the conversation back to himself. This scenario illustrates the

difference between active and passive listening. In this ex- ample, sheldon leaves the conversation satisfied, while Leonard walks away frustrated. This is because Leonard was engaged in active listening, but sheldon wasn’t.

Being an active listener means showing the speaker you are engaged, interested, and prepared to respond. Keep in mind the following tips for becoming an active listener, and try applying them in class:

• Be receptive. That is, be open to new ideas and points-of-view.

• Take selective notes. Listen for the main points and base your notes on those points.

• Provide feedback. participate in discussions and do not judge others; instead, critically assess their ideas.

• Listen for the implicit messages and nuanced language. In other words, read between the lines for meaning.

• Use nonverbal communication in a respectful and sin- cere way. Make eye contact, nod your head with affir- mation, and on occasion offer a smile as appropriate. These cues express your involvement and will most certainly be noticed and appreciated.

As an active listener, you avoid distractions by focusing on the speaker, you judge the content more closely than you do the speaker, you request clarification if needed, and you make an attempt to connect.

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

Big Bang Theory’s self-absorbed sheldon has little idea about how to engage in active listening.

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than what is actually said. Listeners can be anx- ious, wanting to hear something that fulfills their needs or wants (Burley-Allen, 1995). When exactly was that term paper due? Your friends claim the professor said the last day of class, but you (having yet to start on the assignment) are sure you heard her say she was collecting them at the final exam.

Biased listening is another psychological bar- rier. It occurs when listeners prejudge a speaker or a topic as either old news, boring, overly com- plex, or unimportant. They tend to expend less energy in their listening, wondering instead when it will all be over.

Psychological noise can also take the form of prejudices that color listeners’ meaning making. “Of course that’s what he’d say, he’s a liberal . . . or a conservative . . . or a Yankees fan . . .” or whatever group or class of people they hold in low regard. A student giving a talk on her Second Amendment freedom to openly carry her gun wherever she goes will have a tough time con- vincing an anti-gun activist to accept her freedom to carry when weighed against what he considers his freedom to walk the streets unafraid. But biased listening can occur in other ways as well.

Cultural differences can sometimes be barriers to effective listening. As you’ll read in greater detail in Chapter 9, people from different cultural back- grounds, who likely have different experiences and expectations, can make very different meaning from the same conversation. People’s realities of seem- ingly everyday concepts—freedom, family, dignity, work, faith, responsibil- ity—can vary greatly from cultural group to cultural group.

Both prejudices and cultural differences can fuel another form of psycho- logical noise, errors in connotative meaning. You recall from Chapter 3 that a word’s connotative meaning is its more implicit, usually emotionally or cultur- ally enriched, meaning. You and your friend may love being together, but you may have quite different meanings for the word love. Listening expert Madelyn Burley-Allen has identified a final form of biased listening, green-flag words: hot-button words that carry so much emotion that they cloud reason. She ex- plains that “positive words as well as negative ones have an impact on our lis- tening behavior. Whenever a word, phrase, or topic elicits an emotional response from us, there is a chance that what follows will not be listened to” (1995, p. 58). In effect, something is said that gives the listener the go-ahead (akin to the green flag in auto racing) to stop effectively listening to what fol- lows. The rush of emotion that a patient experiences when the doctor says, “We’ve found a strange spot on your X-ray” may well overwhelm what follows: “But we’ve determined that it was a flaw in the film.” “I love you, Pat” might green-flag inattention to what comes next: “But we can only be friends.” Psy- chological noise can interfere with the understanding, remembering, inter- preting, evaluating, and responding components of the HURIER model.

green-flag words hot- button words that cloud reason.

physical noise, here in the person of an intrusive cellphone user, can disrupt listening.

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Physiological Noise Physiological noise addresses how listeners feel physically. If they are tired, sick, or in pain, this would certainly get in the way of enjoying or effectively listening to a speaker. Fatigue and hunger make it difficult for people to devote their full attention to listening, and each of us has a time of the day at which we have more energy than at other times. Have you ever chosen specific classes at specific times of day primarily because you tried to match the nature of the material to your peak performance time? If so, you were attempting to reduce physiological noise. This barrier can interfere with all six components of the HURIER model because the entire listening process is compromised.

Semantic Noise Semantic noise has to do with linguistic influences on the message, for exam- ple not understanding a speaker’s language, dialect, or technical terminology. Recall our jargon-spouting instructor and German speaker from above. Se- mantic noise is a barrier to the understanding component of the HURIER model.

External Distractions Barriers to effective listening often take the form of external distractions, information other than physical noise introduced into the communication sit-

uation that is not part of the message itself. One common form, nonverbal distractions, is speaker-based, for ex- ample when your conversational part- ner insists on twirling his or her hair, swaying back and forth, or speaking with an awkward verbal pacing. These distractions interfere with listeners’ ability to focus on the message. An- other common external distraction, information overload, is listener-based, for example when listeners attempt to focus on more than one message at a time. If you check out your buzzing smartphone while keeping one eye on the TV across the room while in con- versation with a friend, your listening

semantic noise Barrier to lis- tening introduced by linguistic influences on the message.

external distractions Infor- mation other than physical noise introduced into the com- munication situation that is not part of the message itself.

Information overload is a common self-inflicted barrier to effective listening.

green-flag words can impede effective listening

physiological noise Barrier to listening introduced by listen- ers’ physical discomfort.

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efficiency will surely suffer (but of course, you’d never do that!). These barriers are easily—and politely—overcome, in the first instance by alerting the speaker to the problem, and in the second, simply by offering your conversa- tional partner the courtesy of your attention. External distractions are the barrier that most directly interferes with the hearing component of the HURIER model. But especially in the case of information overload, it’s easy to see how listeners’ lack of focus corrupts the entire listening process.

Counterproductive Listening Styles Everyone at one time or another pretends to listen. Who among us has never been tripped up by this exchange?

“Are you listening to me?!” “Of course!” “Then what was the last thing I said?” “Well . . .”

We all want to be liked by the people we are talking with, and we all inter- rupt on occasion. In addition, we are often self-conscious when listening to others, and we typically use our intellects when listening (otherwise, how could we interpret and evaluate what we are hearing?). But some people use these lis- tening behaviors as their preferred style of listening (Burley-Allen, 1995). Fakers pretend to listen. They are know-it-alls who automatically write off topics or people as irrelevant or uninteresting, or they might decide they dislike or dis- agree with the speaker, judging that person without hearing what he or she has to say. Social convention, however, requires that they at least look like they are listening. Sometimes people pretend to listen because they want to please the speaker. Fakers work so hard at maintaining eye contact and appearing inter- ested that they fail to listen at all. Fakers are those friends who smile and head- nod at inappropriate times in a conversation, working diligently to demonstrate that they’re in the moment.

Dependent listeners want so badly to gain the appreciation of their conversa- tional partner that they fail to meaningfully listen to what’s being said. “In their urgency to elicit a favorable impression from the talker,” explains Dr. Burley- Allen, “they focus on how they appear to others, rather than on the clarity and content of what they are saying” (1995, p. 61). Dependent listeners are those friends who pay such close attention to our every word that they try to finish our sentences for us, hoping to demonstrate that they are listening intently.

Interrupters interrupt, typically either because they are so focused on what they want to say that they cannot resist offering input or because they want to change the topic because they’ve become uncomfortable or threat- ened by what’s being said. In both cases the interrupter’s listening suffers be- cause, in fact, he or she has stopped listening.

Self-conscious listeners lose listening focus because they are overly con- cerned about themselves and how well (or not) they are doing in the commu- nication situation. They pay more attention to their own participation in the

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conversation than to the message itself. They’re constantly asking them- selves, “How am I doin’?” or “Do I sound smart?” or “Am I making the right impression?”

Finally, intellectual listeners “listen mostly with their heads, hearing only what they want to hear, blotting out larger areas of reality. Because they are mainly interested in a rational appraisal, perhaps as a result of their educa- tional training, they tend to neglect the emotional and nonverbal aspects of the talker’s behavior” (Burley-Allen, 1995, p. 63). Intellectual listeners focus primarily on the words that are spoken, rather than the meaning or intent they are designed to carry. No doubt you’ve come away from a conversation with a physician or perhaps a professor convinced that no matter how hard you may have tried to communicate, he or she simply wasn’t listening to you.

These counterproductive listening styles influence all six components of the HURIER model to varying degrees. For example, fakers may not even hear what’s being said; dependent listeners may not remember; interrupters may not under- stand; self-conscious listeners might have difficulty interpreting; and intellec- tual listeners may be so busy evaluating what they hear that they fail to do so efficiently. Appropriate responses are unlikely in all these examples. So not only do they impede meaningful listening, these barriers also raise an ethical issue as well: Is it unfair to listen poorly, or selfishly, or not at all to others who have in- vested time, emotion, and themselves in what they are saying? You can investi- gate this question more fully in the box “Ethical Communication: The Ethics of Listening.”

Types of Listening Given the importance of listening, it should be obvious that we engage in dif- ferent types of listening depending on the situation. These types include in- formative listening, appreciative listening, relational (sometimes called empathic) listening, critical listening, and discriminative listening (Wolvin and Coakley, 1996).

Informative listening takes place when our primary goal is to under- stand the message. We can consider ourselves successful if the meaning we take away aligns with the speaker’s intention. We listen primarily to take in information. This is what we do in class or when we watch an instructional video—that is, when we want to learn something. Appreciative listening means listening for enjoyment or pleasure. For example, anytime we listen to music, watch a movie, check out a comedian on YouTube, or chat enjoy- ably with friends, we are engaging in appreciative listening. Relational lis- tening is lending someone a sympathetic ear, trying to identify with him or her. Consider the times you’ve listened to a best friend’s romantic prob- lems or your sibling’s issues with your parents. Having close relationships in our lives means we inevitably encounter relational or empathic listening; however, we don’t have to be in a close relationship to engage in this type of listening. For example, a counselor will listen sympathetically to a couple’s

informative listening Listening, the primary goal of which is to understand the message.

appreciative listening Listening for enjoyment or pleasure.

relational listening Lending a sympathetic ear, trying to identify with the speaker.

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marital dilemmas, or a nurse may spend time listening to the emotional pain endured by a patient facing terminal illness. We might end up on a long bus ride and have the questionable good fortune to be seated next to a pas- senger who tells us a sad tale of love lost. Critical listening happens when we need to make a decision based on the information offered us, when we want to evaluate or analyze what’s being said. For example, when a doctor tells us there are a number of different treatment options for the malady that brought us to her office, we’ll most likely listen with a critical ear to ensure the choice of the best possible remedy.

Discriminative listening is a part of all types of listening. We listen dis- criminatively when we pay close attention to more than the simple denotative

critical listening Listening for evaluation or analysis.

The Ethics of Listening

Communication ethicist Michael purdy (1995) argues that as a social behavior, listening “falls under the um- brella of ethics . . . And so we must ask, what does this mean for an ethics of listening? Basically, what is good or right behavior in listening?” he asks us “to focus on one fundamental aspect of listening ethics: how ‘open’ should our listening be?” (pp. 3–4)

purdy offers three questions that might help us better understand the ethics of listening:

1. Is it ethical to not listen, for example, to a six-year-old who was just prattling on?

2. Is it ethical to listen to rumor? 3. Is it ethical to refuse to listen to controversial issues, for

example to arguments about abortion that might strike closely to our deeply held values and sense of self?

What are your answers? under what conditions would you think it proper to not listen?

purdy then offers discussion of each question:

• Not listening. Would you be more likely to listen to this child if she or he were older than six? In other words, do you believe that the older the child is, the less proper it would be to not listen? By extension, is it ethical to not listen to adults who seem unintelligent or uninformed? he asks, “What are the consequences of shutting out and not even hearing the words of another person? On what ethical basis would this be justified?” (p. 9).

• Listening to rumor: “Do we pass on interpretations of  feelings and stories that distort the original facts?” (p. 9). Does your relationship with the rumor-teller determine whether you listen? Does your relationship with the object of the rumor make a difference? If you listen and judge the rumor un- trustworthy, you’d most likely not pass it on. What if you did listen and judged the rumor to be true? What if passing it on would damage another’s repu- tation? “With rumor,” writes purdy, “it may be a matter of listening or not listening, but also of how to listen, what to listen for, and what to make of what we hear” (p. 9).

• Listening to controversial issues: “Controversial topics . . . include commitment to ideas or ideology. Therefore, we have to ask: Can the two sides hear each other’s positions? If there is an issue that defines different moral stands/standards this [abortion] is such an issue. here the issue concerns the ideal, and also the reality. Do people really listen to each other over issues like abortion? Or are their positions already set? What is there to listen for?” (p. 9).

having now read a bit more about each ethical dilemma, have any of your original answers changed? If so, how and why? If not, why not?

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION

discriminative listening paying close attention to more than the simple denotative meaning of speakers’ words.

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meaning of the words we hear. We listen for changes in speakers’ emphasis, tone, force, and nuance; we attend to the nonverbal communica- tion as intently as we do the verbal. Return to the example of informative listening that we offered earlier in the chapter, listening in class to your instructor. A good lecture involves a wealth of information—what’s being said, what’s not being said, what’s emphasized, what’s an aside, what’s written on the board, what’s reinforced with visuals—all of which add meaning to what the instructor has to offer (and all of which make a difference in what you learn). But why are you a student? Is it to hear everything your professors We engage in relational listening when we lend a sympathetic ear to

another, even a stranger.

Questioning Our Cultural Speakers

In 2014, the united states was gripped by an Ebola panic. Yet not a single person both contracted and died from the disease while in the united states. so why were Americans so frightened?

In announcing its annual biggest-lie award, journalism fact-checker politiFact answered that question, writing,

Fear of the disease stretched to every corner of America this fall, stoked by exaggerated claims from politicians and pun- dits. They said Ebola was easy to catch, that illegal immi- grants may be carrying the virus across the southern border, that it was all part of a government or corporate conspiracy. Yet the claims—all wrong—distorted the debate about a serious public health issue. Together, they earn our Lie of the Year for 2014. (Holan and Sharockman, 2014)

politiFact offered several examples, among them Fox news analyst george Will’s commentary,

The problem is the original assumption, said with great certitude if not certainty, was that you need to have direct contact, meaning with bodily fluids from some- one, because it’s not airborne. There are doctors who are saying that in a sneeze or some cough, some of the airborne particles can be infectious.

Because Ebola is in reality transmitted through direct con- tact, not by inhaling airborne particles, politiFact rated Mr.

Will’s words “False.” But were they? Mr. Will did not directly say that people could contract the disease from a sneeze or cough, but that there are some doctors who say so. In fact, at least one prominent doctor had made this claim— us senator Rand paul, an ophthalmologist. nonetheless, politiFact argued that Mr. Will failed in his responsibility as a speaker for presenting information in a misleading way. But what was listeners’ responsibility in this instance?

Rather than simply hope that public discourse is en- tirely accurate or honest, we need to practice discrimina- tive listening. We should not assume that everything we hear from those with national influence is necessarily true or in our best interests. This doesn’t mean living life as a cynic; it does mean that listening critically to what we hear in the public forum is our duty.

Challenging our leaders and public speakers means that we need to set emotion aside and attempt to be objective in our assessments. how do you think Mr. Will’s listeners reacted to his dire warning and its subse- quent disproval? perhaps some were disappointed in his apparent verbal carelessness. Others may have dis- missed it as a simple mistake and defended their fa- vored news commentator. still others may have accepted that it was delivered with the best of inten- tions. But all had a responsibility as critical listeners to question his message, meanings, and motives.

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

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say, or is it to listen to and learn from what they have to say? You can read about the responsibility inherent in discriminative listening in the box “Socially Re- sponsible Communication: Questioning Our Cultural Speakers.”

Becoming an Effective Listener How do we become better, more efficient, and discriminating listeners? There are a number of steps you can take, some of which are related or overlap:

• Search for something useful. If you are in a listening situation, there must be something of interest—the person, the context, the topic—that put you there. Find something of personal value or interest in what you’re hearing. If your listening is simply for fun, find a way to appreciate what you’re hearing. If the topic is informational, see what you can learn. If you’re talking with a friend, find worth in the relationship and therefor the value of listening. And if you have to make a decision about some- thing, your listening should be automatically critical.

• Be aware of what isn’t said. Communication is purposive (Chapter 1), so what speakers choose to not say is just as important as what they choose to say. Your romantic partner’s response, “See you tomorrow,” in reply to your “I love you” is meaningful not for what is said, but for what isn’t. Pol- iticians and advertisers often speak in platitudes and generalities, inten- tionally not saying what they mean. “Jobs are priority number one” and “You can be sure if it’s Westinghouse” and “Magnavox gives you more” tell us little about how jobs will be created, what we can be sure of, and what we’re being given more of.

• Be transactive. Offer appropriate feedback, ensuring that meaning making is reciprocal. Show interest verbally, using backchannel cues, noncommittal responses such as “Hmm,” “Yeah,” “I see,” and “Interest- ing,” and by asking clarifying questions when necessary. Also, show inter- est nonverbally, providing support through the use of head nods, facial expressions, and eye contact (Floyd, 2006).

• Expend energy. Discriminative listening takes effort. Listen actively and with purpose. If you know the issue or topic in advance, for example a per- formance review at work or a lecture by the campus career office on how to give a good interview, prepare for it by thinking about it in advance, reading up on the issue, and determining beforehand what you want to accomplish with your listening.

• Reconcile thought speed and speech speed. People normally speak at a rate of about 125 words per minute, but think at a much faster rate, at least 400 words a minute and much faster than that for some people (Goss, 1982). This is called spare-brain time, the difference between most people’s rate of speech and the rate at which the brain can process language. Rather than default to boredom (“Get to the point, already!”), engage in critical and dis- criminative listening. Use the time to summarize for yourself what was

backchannel cues noncom- mittal responses to conversa- tional partners’ talk.

spare-brain time The differ- ence between most people’s rate of speech and the rate at which the brain can process language.

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said, critique the offered arguments and evidence, or determine what you might have presented or said that is better or more accurate.

• Focus attention on central ideas. Listen for the speaker’s point; iden- tify the central ideas as they are presented, and separate facts from opin- ions, evidence from conjecture, and examples from main points. When listeners focus on less relevant details, they frequently miss the overall message.

• When possible, take meaningful notes. Especially when engaging in informative and critical listening, take written notes. However, don’t write down everything you hear—make your notes brief and focused on the key information. Not only does note taking improve listening effec- tiveness, it actually increases the degree of active listening that you bring to the communication encounter (Wolvin and Coakley, 1996).

• Use mnemonics. There is also a mental form of note taking, mnemonics, memory devices based on patterns drawn from what’s heard (the m is silent). In the case of test taking, these memory aids can improve stu- dent scores by as much as 77 percent (Miller, 1967). Of course, you are already familiar with HURIER. You may also be familiar with ROY G. BIV, the colors of the spectrum (Red, Orange, Yellow, Green, Blue, Indigo, Violet), FANBOYS, the seven English-language coordinating conjunctions (For, And, Nor, But, Or, Yet, So), and KINGS PLAY CARDS ON FAIRLY GOOD SOFT VELVET, the categories in the classification of life (Kingdom, Phylum, Class, Order, Family, Genus, Species, Variety). Take advantage of spare-brain time to create mnemonics from what you’re listening to. For example, your partner on your class project wants you to pick up some pens, tape, colored paper, and scissors at the book- store, so you know to get CAPS (Colored paper, Adhesive tape, Pens, and Scissors).

• Resist external distractions. You can control information overload, so do it. Put down your phone and stop watching the clock. You may have to train yourself to do so, but it’s worth it to improve your listening as well as your interpersonal relationships. However, you may not be able to control physical noise or a speaker’s nonverbal tic. When faced with unwanted physical noise, either focus more intently or move the communication in- teraction. When confronted by a nonverbal tic, either concentrate more fully on the message or find a polite way to tell your conversational part- ner about the problem.

• Hold your rebuttal. Be patient; wait for the speaker to complete an idea, point, or argument. Not everyone builds arguments the same way, gets to the point by the same route, or presents information the way you do or you prefer. Consider how frustrating it is when the shoe’s on the other foot—when you try to relay your thoughts to a listener who continually interrupts with counterpoints or emotional responses.

mnemonics Memory devices based on patterns drawn from what’s heard.

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• Be on the alert for green-flag or other hot-button words. Rather than take these words as an excuse to stop listening, consider why they affect you so strongly. Listen more intently and wait until you better or more fully understand the speaker’s point. When you’ve cleared your mind (or cooled down), you can more appropriately re- spond. Later, suggests Professor Nichols, when away from the listen- ing situation, you should analyze more fully why the words carried so much emotional impact, “locating the original basis for our reaction to see if it still has a logical application to our current status” (Nichols, 1955, p. 297).

• Keep an open mind. Don’t be judgmental. Listening expert Burley-Allen says that “quick and heated disagreement with the speaker’s main points or arguments can cause a psychological deaf spot” (1995, p. 122). Keep an open mind; pay more rather than less attention; don’t judge the other as a bad person. Disagreeing is far less judgmental than denigrating, and it focuses, rather than interferes with, listening.

• Analyze nonverbal messages. You know from Chapter 4 that 38 per- cent of the meaning we make comes from tone of voice and another 55 percent from facial expressions, so why not take advantage of this addi- tional speaker-provided data and, at the same time, be a more empathic listener by being attentive and sensitive to his or her feelings as expressed in that nonverbal communication?

• Evaluate and critique content, not delivery. Unless you are the world’s best speaker, you have little right to judge others’ voices, nonverbal man- nerisms, speaking personalities, or appearances. Of course you are free to do so; those external distractions do indeed represent noise introduced into the message by the speaker. But if you do, you may well deny yourself the opportunity to make the fullest meaning from what you hear. Re- member, your responsibility as a listener is to resist external distractions, so listen for substance more than style.

• Practice. If you’ve ever played a musical instrument or taken a music ap- preciation class you know that appreciative listening can be improved with practice. So why not improve all types of listening by using daily communication encounters to work on those components of listening you want to improve. In fact, there is a significant amount of social scientific support for the idea that practice can indeed improve listening skill (Adler and Elmhorst, 2008).

• Behave like a discriminative listener. “If we would improve as listen- ers, we must behave like listeners,” advises Professor Nichols. “Eminent psychologists tell us that one of the ways to achieve a habit is to behave as if we had that habit” (1955, p. 295). Make discriminative listening habitual.

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v

5.1 Define listening and explain how it differs from hearing. Listening is actively making meaning from the spoken messages of others; hearing is the physi- cal process of perceiving sounds. Hearing is phys- iological, while listening is cognitive, affective, and behavioral. Listening is cognitive (mental) when we attend to, understand, receive, and in- terpret content. It is affective (emotional) when we are motivated to attend to that content. And it is behavioral (physical) when we give verbal and nonverbal feedback.

5.2 Dispel a number of misconceptions about listening. There are several misconceptions that interfere with successful listening: hearing is the same as listening; listening is easy, natural, and effort- less; listening is a difficult skill to learn; listen- ing is simply a matter of intelligence; read more, listen better; gender affects listening skill; speaking is more important than listening in the communication process; listening is primar- ily a matter of understanding a speaker’s words.

5.3 Identify the components of effective listening. Effective listening relies on the successful opera- tion of six interrelated components that can be expressed in the HURIER model: hearing, under- standing, remembering, interpreting, evaluat- ing, and responding.

5.4 Identify barriers to successful listening. Barriers to effective listening include physical noise, psychological noise (hearing what you want to hear; biased listening; prejudices;

cultural differences; errors in connotative meaning; and green-flag words), physiological noise (such as hunger and other physical dis- comfort), and semantic noise (such as a speak- er’s heavy accent); external distractions (such as nonverbal distractions and information overload); and the adoption of a counterpro- ductive listening style (fakers, dependent lis- teners, self-conscious listeners, and intellectual listeners).

5.5 Outline several types of listening. There are five forms of listening. Informative lis- tening takes place when the primary goal is to understand the message. Appreciative listening is listening for enjoyment or pleasure. Relational listening is lending someone a sympathetic ear. Critical listening is employed in the service of decision-making or analysis. And discriminative listening is paying close attention to more than the simple denotative meaning of what we hear. Discriminative listening should be part of all types of listening.

5.6 Describe steps to becoming a better listener. There are several steps we can take to become better listeners. Search for something useful. Be aware of what isn’t said. Be transactive. Expend energy. Reconcile thought speed and speech speed. Focus attention on central ideas. When possible, make meaningful notes. Use mnemonics. Resist external distractions. Hold your rebuttal. Be on the alert for hot-button words. Keep an open mind. Analyze nonverbal messages. Evaluate and critique content, not de- livery. Practice. Behave like a discriminative listener.

Review of Learning Objectives

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Key Terms listening 94 hearing 94 HURIER model 100 sender-receiver reciprocity 101 physical noise 102 psychological noise 102 green-flag words 103 physiological noise 104 semantic noise 104 external distractions 104 informative listening 106 appreciative listening 106 relational listening 106 critical listening 107 discriminative listening 107 backchannel cues 109 spare-brain time 109 mnemonics 110

Questions for Review 1. Differentiate between listening and hearing.

2. Identify three reasons that listening is important.

3. List eight misconceptions about listening.

4. What is the HURIER model of listening? Iden- tify its six components.

5. What is physical noise? How does it impede ef- fective listening?

6. What is psychological noise? Identify five forms of psychological noise.

7. What are physiological noise, semantic noise, and external distractions? How do they impede effective listening?

8. Identify and describe four counterproductive listening styles.

9. Identify and describe four types of listening.

10. Identify and describe the 16 tips for becoming an effective listener.

Questions for Discussion 1. Think about the best listener you know. Iden-

tify those characteristics that lead you to think of her or him in this way. How is being with her or him different from spending time with others you know? What can this good listener teach you that will help you become a better listener?

2. Team up with a classmate or friend and ask him or her to evaluate you as a listener. After listening to that assessment, summarize for that person what you heard and then ask him or her to reconcile the original evaluation with your listening performance on this exercise. Switch roles. Discuss what you’ve learned about yourself as a listener and as an evaluator of listening.

3. Although it’s appropriate to say that speakers and listeners share equal responsibility in meaning making, can you make the case that in certain situations, for example a speech by a politician, an argument between romantic partners, and a conversation between two friends about one’s breakup with a long-time partner, that one participant bears more re- sponsibility that the other? Explain your position.

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Relational and Conflict Communication

6

All you wanted to do was have some friends over to watch the game.

But your roommate Eden is telling you that she doesn’t want to be

around Phil, one of the guys you invited.

You try to talk to her about it. “What’s the issue?” you ask. After

several “Nothings,” she explains that she doesn’t like the guy because

he’s an “Eeyore.” “Like in the Winnie-the-Pooh books,” she explains.

You see the connection. Eden’s right: Phil is kind of a downer, always

whining and complaining. Something’s always wrong. The sofa will

be too soft; the sound on the TV will be too low; the snacks will be

too fattening; the announcers will be biased; and the team needs to

be playing in a tougher conference.

You ask Eden to just try; maybe if she gets to know him, you sug-

gest, it might not be so bad. “It’s just not worth it,” she replies. “I don’t

need another ‘friend,’ especially one I know I won’t particularly like.”

“Besides,” she adds, “you know I’m bad at small talk.”

Chapter Outline

The Value of Relationships 116

The Role of Interpersonal Communication 118

Developing and Maintaining Relationships 120

Interpersonal Communication and Conflict 129

Resolving Conflict: What to Do and What Not to Do 135

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We’ve all been there. We work to build, maintain, and manage our relationships. We sometimes work to end them. Sometimes it’s easy; sometimes it’s not. Not all our friends get along. Not everyone we meet is destined to be a close friend. Relationships are hard work, and as harsh as it may sound, we decide that some people are worth more of an effort than are others. Sometimes people fulfill specific needs for us, and that’s all we want from them. Some relationships can be fun and rewarding; others can be difficult and unrewarding, resulting in con- flict. Regardless, we shape them all through interpersonal communication.

In this chapter, we’ll look at the very human necessity of using communi- cation to build, maintain, manage, and even end relationships. And because the best relationships can experience their ups and downs, we’ll also examine conflict—how and why it happens and how to manage it to ensure an equita- ble outcome for all involved.

6.1 Differentiate among several of the most important theories of interpersonal communication.

6.2 examine conflict and analyze the elements that create it.

6.3 Identify different types of conflict.

6.4 Describe the stages of interpersonal conflict.

6.5 Compare different conflict management styles, and determine the style you use most frequently.

6.6 Know what to do—and what not to do—when in conflict.

Learning Objectives

The Value of Relationships The value of relationships might seem obvious. We like having friends and family nearby. We may like being alone, but very few of us like being lonely.

Beyond this obvious value, there is even scientific evidence of the physio- logical benefits of meaningful interpersonal relationships. For example, re- search has linked the lack of social contact to harmful changes in people’s immune systems (Cohen, 2013). Psychologist Barbara Fredrickson and her colleagues further demonstrated that “positive emotions, positive social con- nections, and physical health influence one another in a self-sustaining upward spiral dynamic” (Kok et. al., 2013, p. 1). She explained the connection, “In short, the more attuned to others you become, the healthier you become, and vice versa. This mutual influence also explains how a lack of positive social contact diminishes people. Your heart’s capacity for friendship also obeys the biological law of ‘use it or lose it.’ If you don’t regularly exercise your ability to connect face-to-face, you’ll eventually find yourself lacking some of the basic biological capacity to do so” (Frederickson, 2013, p. SR14).

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T h e Va lu e O f R e l aT I O N s h I p s

Mastering the Soft Skills

Research consistently indicates that employees with strong interpersonal skills are more likely to be con­ sidered for promotions. Those skills also benefit your organization. Management consultant stephen Covey explains, “You cannot continuously improve interde­ pendent systems and processes until you progressively perfect interdependent, interpersonal relationships” (in Rampur, 2010). personnel manager stephen Rampur adds, “employees feel good if there is a favorable envi­ ronment at the workplace. If employees have a mutual understanding with each other, there are fewer chances of any kind of workplace conflicts. It has also been ob­ served that strong interpersonal relationships lead to motivation among employees” (2010).

Clearly, your career success—and that of the organi­ zation that employs you—depend in great part on what are commonly referred to as soft skills: “a composite of interpersonal (people) skills and personal (career) attri- butes . . . The ability to communicate effectively—to handle difficult conversations in such a manner that problems are resolved—is an interpersonal skill” (italics in original; DeKay, 2012, p. 451).

What soft skills do employers value most? Marcel Robles (2012) surveyed 90 business executives who identified more than 500 individual skills. evaluating the frequency with which each was mentioned and how im­ portant these business leaders thought each was to

their employees’ success, she identified the Top 10 Soft Skills Needed in Today’s Workplace:

1. Communication—Demonstrate good oral and speaking capabilities; have good writing, present­ ing, and listening skills.

2. Courtesy—Be respectful; have manners and know business etiquette; be gracious.

3. Flexibility—Be adaptable and willing to change; be a lifelong learner; accept new things, adjust; be teachable.

4. Integrity—Be honest and ethical; have high morals and personal values; do what’s right.

5. Interpersonal skills—Be nice, personable, friendly, nurturing, empathetic, patient, sociable, and warm; have a sense of humor; have self­control.

6. Positive attitude—Be optimistic, enthusiastic, encouraging, happy, and confident.

7. Professionalism—have a good appearance; be busi­ nesslike, well­dressed, and poised.

8. Responsibility—Be accountable, reliable, resource­ ful, self­disciplined, and conscientious; get the job done; want to do well; display common sense.

9. Teamwork—Get along with others; be cooperative, agreeable, supportive, helpful, and collaborative.

10. Work ethic—Be hardworking, loyal, self­motivated, and on time.

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE

provisions of relation- ships What relationships offer or provide us.

Perhaps more immediately obvious, maintaining good interpersonal rela- tionships at work can help ensure career success, as you can read in the box “Mastering the Soft Skills.”

We may want relationships—we may even need them to remain healthy— but what do they offer us? That is, what do they provide us on an ongoing basis (Weiss, 1974)? There are six provisions of relationships:

• Attachment—This is the emotional bond we have with others that gives us a sense of security. Physical and sexual touch, often present in close relationships, are also part of this provision.

• Reassurance of worth—We need to know that people see us as competent and of value. We look to people who matter, those with whom we have a good relationship, for that reassurance. We already have encountered

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attachments Relation­ ships linking partners through a sense of security.

affiliations Relationships linking partners through a sense of alliance.

interpersonal communi- cation Communication between people in relationships.

dyad Two people com­ municating interpersonally.

this concept as symbolic interaction’s significant others (Chapter 1) and the development and maintenance of face (Chapter 3).

• Guidance—Everyone, at least sometimes, needs advice and information, and who better to get it from than people we know and trust?

• Reliable alliance—We need to know we’re not alone, that there are people we can trust to provide help when we need it. As singers from Frank Sinatra to Keith Urban have observed, “Everybody needs somebody sometime.”

• Social integration—We want to know that there are people who share our values and interests and who enjoy our company. We want these people in our lives; we want to keep them close. We do that through relationships.

• Opportunity to provide nurturance—We need to be needed. As Barbra Streisand sang, “People who need people are the luckiest people in the world.”

Robert Weiss used these provisions to distinguish between two types of relationships, attachments and affiliations. “Attachments,” he wrote, “are based in the linkage of the relationship with a sense of security—one’s own or another’s. Affiliations are based in the linkage of the relationship with a sense of alliance” (1998, p. 679). Attachments tend to be characterized by exclusivity (for example, best friends, spouses, siblings); they are persistent (for example, when a breakup is threatened, one or both of the parties will work to maintain the attachment); and they provide security. Affiliations tend to be in the aggregate (for example, best friends have other friends); they are interrupted with ease (for example, your circle of friends changes when you are on campus as opposed to at home or work); and they are the product of a satisfaction-seeking or defensive alliance. That is, they tend to be more instrumental or functional in how we go about our daily lives. Both types of relationships are essential to how we live, and the quality of both relies on effective interpersonal communication (as you can read in the box “It Takes Two to Tango, but Someone Has to Lead”).

The Role of Interpersonal Communication Good or bad, rewarding or draining, our relationships depend on inter personal communication, which we define as communication between people in rela- tionships. A unit of two people communicating (as opposed to a group) is called a dyad. Not all dyads are examples of interpersonal relationships, how- ever. You may chat with the person in line with you at the coffee shop, and for that moment, you are relating to that person—but you are not part of a rela- tionship with him or her. You may also be a regular at that coffee shop and know the owner. You greet her by her first name; you ask about her kids’

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relational satisfaction The enjoyment or pleasure people derive from their relationships.

It Takes Two to Tango, but Someone Has to Lead

If relationships are to succeed, both parties have to par­ ticipate in maintaining them, and each person has to do his or her individual part.

Communication scholars laura Guerrero, peter anderson, and Walid afifi (2011) reviewed the research on relational satisfaction, the enjoyment or pleasure people derive from their relationships, and developed a list of 10 “prosocial behaviors” that “promote relational closeness, trust, and liking” (pp. 207–208). You’ll easily recognize not only the role of interpersonal communi­ cation, but your personal responsibility in each:

• Positivity—Making interactions enjoyable and pleas­ ant; for example, giving your partner compliments.

• Openness and routine talk—Talking and listening; for example, asking questions about your partner’s work or classes, self­disclosing, sharing your thoughts and feelings.

• Assurances—Giving your partner assurances about your commitment; for example, talking about the future.

• Social networking—spending time with your part­ ner’s friends and family.

• Task sharing—performing routine tasks and chores that are part of the relationship; for example, sharing house­ hold duties or planning finances with your partner.

• Supportiveness—Giving social support and encouragement; for example, offering comfort when needed or making sacrifices for your partner.

• Joint activities—Doing things and spending time with your partner; for example, taking walks, playing sports, or just hanging out together.

• Romance and affection—Revealing your caring feel­ ings for your partner; for example, saying “I love you”

to a romantic partner or “You’re a great pal” to a close friend.

• Humor—using inside jokes and sarcasm; for exam­ ple, giving a funny nickname to or laughing a lot with your partner.

• Constructive conflict management—Dealing with con­ flict constructively, working toward problem­solving and restoring harmony; for example, listening to your partner’s positions, finding acceptable solu­ tions, and attacking the problem, never your partner.

Think of your closest relationships, ones that are im­ portant to you: friends, family, or romantic relationships. how active are you in engaging in prosocial behaviors in each of these? how close a correlation is there be­ tween the relationships that bring you the most satis­ faction and your commitment to prosocial relational maintenance?

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

Relational satisfaction benefits from prosocial behavior, such as taking walks, doing chores, or in this case, boating with your partner.

health; she asks about your studies. That’s an example of an interpersonal re- lationship. Of course, you have many different kinds of relationships, with friends and family members most obviously, but the common thread is some level of personal closeness. You may be standing closely behind that person in the coffee shop, but you share no personal closeness. If you wanted to get to know your fellow coffee drinker, however, you’d do so through interpersonal communication.

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We use interpersonal communica- tion to

• Engage others; that is, we attempt to move the relationship from im- personal to more personal. You might start a conversation with your line mate with something like, “Coffee’s great here. It’s the best around, don’t you think?”

• Manage the developing relation- ship. Based on the response— perhaps, “You seem to know your coffee,” or “Yeah, I’m a java junky of sorts”—you might suggest meeting there the next day. Then as you get to know one another, the meaning you make from your

This connection was initiated, maintained, and potentially could be ended through interpersonal communication.

communication tells you just how much and what kind of a relationship you want. Is this just a coffee-shop friend? Is this someone you might want to hang out with more regularly?

• Disengage from the relationship. You eventually decide that you need to separate from your coffee-drinking partner because you’ve learned from your conversations that all you really had in common was your need for caffeine. You decide you want to scale back the relationship; you do so through communication, both verbal and nonverbal.

Developing and Maintaining Relationships The fact that we use communication to engage, manage, and disengage from relationships suggests that relationships develop. We’ve all made new friends by making more personal connections with acquaintances. But development isn’t always forward—sometimes relationships move from more personal to less so. We sometimes drift away from friends and turn those closest to us into strangers. And relational development, either for- ward or backward, isn’t always in a straight line. We all know that friend- ships ebb and flow and that our siblings are our best friends when they’re not our worst enemies.

A number of interpersonal communication theories can help explain the various processes involved in developing and maintaining relationships. We’ll look at four: Uncertainty Reduction Theory, Social Penetration Theory, Social Exchange Theory, and Relational Dialectics Theory.

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Uncertainty Reduction Theory Communication scholar Danielle Pillet-Shore explains why, when we meet new people, we want to get to know them better:

Human nature abhors a lack of knowledge, order, and understanding about the surround- ing social world. To act socially, humans must define and make sense . . . But when con- fronted with a “stranger”—a person one has never “met” and thus a person with whom one has no mutually established personal acquaintanceship—one is confronted with a person lacking definition . . . A stranger, then, embodies a locus of uncertainty. (2011, pp. 73–74)

You may ask, What’s the big deal? It’s a stranger—so what? The big deal is that we want to make sure we act properly; our identity is on the line. We want to properly frame the encounter and its actors (Chapter 1) so we can employ the proper facework (Chapter 3). So what do we do? We attempt to reduce the uncertainty in the encounter.

The theory that helps us understand how we do this is called, not surpris- ingly, Uncertainty Reduction Theory, the idea that we use communication to predict and explain the behavior of others in the initial stages of a relation- ship. Its creators, Charles Berger and Richard Calabrese, explain that central to Uncertainty Reduction Theory “is the assumption that when strangers meet, their primary concern is one of uncertainty reduction or increasing predict- ability about the behavior of both themselves and others in the interaction” (1975, p. 100). It’s a “primary concern” because we don’t like the feelings of doubt that arise in these situations—“The beginnings of social relationships are fraught with uncertainties” (Berger, 1988, p. 244). Those uncertainties are cognitive and behavioral. Cognitive uncertainties revolve around the fact that we are unsure of the other’s attitudes and beliefs. Behavioral uncertainties revolve around the fact that we are unsure of how the other will act. In addi- tion, behavioral uncertainty has two parts, or components. You want to predict what the other will do, and you want to explain the person’s behavior.

Back to the coffee shop. You’re simply not that uncomfortable in your uncer- tainties about the person in line with you. That’s because you know how people usually behave in this setting, so you have already reduced your uncertainty to a degree. The stranger’s attitudes? Likes coffee. The stranger’s behaviors? Knows how to stand in line and pay. What else do you need to know? Uncertainty Reduc- tion Theory explains that that depends on your motivations to reduce your uncer- tainty, and there are three factors that influence those motivations (Berger, 1979):

• Incentives—You will be more motivated if you perceive that the other will somehow be rewarding to you. Perhaps you recognize your line mate from communication class and think she or he could be a good study mate. Or maybe you find her or him physically attractive, so you begin a conversation. Many critics think that physical attractiveness has taken on too much importance in our culture as a relational incentive, as you can read in the box “Beauty Is Only Screen Deep.”

• Deviance—You will be more motivated if the other acts in unexpected ways or violates the usual rules and norms of the situation. You’re

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Uncertainty Reduction Theory

People use communication to

predict and explain the be-

havior of others in the initial

stages of a relationship. They

work to reduce cognitive and

behavioral uncertainties in

an effort to determine how

others think and to predict

and explain their actions. If

sufficiently motivated, people

will engage in a variety of

information-seeking strate-

gies to reduce uncertainty in

order to decide whether to

advance a relationship.

incentive Motivation to reduce uncertainty based on likely reward.

deviance Motivation to reduce uncertainty if another acts in unexpected ways or violates expected rules and norms.

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intrigued by something about the stranger. Maybe it’s the odd attire— sandals on a snowy day, purple-dyed hair, three ear piercings. Note, though, that devi- ance only goes so far in motivating uncertainty reduction. An unexpected kiss in response to your comment about the coffee might diminish, rather than increase, your motivation to reduce uncer- tainty. That unwanted smooch tells you all you need to know. (Think back to Chapter 4’s discus- sion of Expectancy Violation Theory.)

• Prospect of future interaction—You will be more motivated if you think you will have to inter- act with the other (whether you want to or not) in the future. You always find yourself in line with this person, who seems to be about your age. Might as well find out what you can.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Social Penetration Theory

Relationships move from ini-

tial interaction to greater sta-

bility through interpersonal

communication. Relationships

generally develop systemati-

cally and predictably from the

non-intimate to the intimate.

Self-disclosure drives this

relational development, and it

can include dissolution as well

as progress. As such, interper-

sonal communication changes

across four stages: orientation,

exploratory affective ex-

change, affective exchange,

and stable exchange.

information-seeking strategy Method of reducing uncertainty.

prospect of future interaction Motivation to reduce uncertainty based on the likelihood of future interaction.

Deviance from expected norms sometimes motivates uncertainty reduction.

How do you do that? You engage in information-seeking strategies, different ways to reduce your uncertainty about the other (Berger and Kellerman, 1994). You could engage in a variety of strategies:

• Passive strategies—You can watch the other in a variety of social situa- tions. You can do a reactivity search, in which you watch the other react to events in the environment. Or you can do a disinhibition search, observing the other in a particularly comfortable situation, when he or she is “letting her or his hair down.” You just stand back and watch your coffee-shop stranger deal with the server and other people in line.

• Active strategies—You can ask other people about your stranger of interest. You talk to people in the coffee shop who seem to know this person.

• Interactive strategies—You engage the stranger in conversation, hoping that by asking questions you can elicit more information. You say (as suggested earlier), “Coffee’s great here. It’s the best around, don’t you think?”

Social Penetration Theory But what happens now? Your information-seeking is complete, so it’s time for the relationship to evolve (if you want it to). According to Irwin Altman and Dalmas Taylor’s Social Penetration Theory, relationships move from initial interaction to greater stability through interpersonal communication (1973). This theory is based on a number of assumptions:

1. Relationships progress from non-intimate to intimate. At the beginning of a relationship the parties keep the conversation at a superficial level; as they get to know one another better, they communicate more deeply.

2. That progress is generally systematic and predictable. Yes, there is ebb and flow; relational development is not a straight line from “Hello” to best friends for

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life. But deeper movement into a relationship tends to follow recognizable cultural patterns. You know when it’s time to bring your sweetheart home to meet the parents; you know how big or small a gift is appropriate on your first Valentine’s Day together. As Altman and Taylor explained, “People seem to possess very sensitive tuning mechanisms which enable them to program carefully their interpersonal relationships” (1973, p. 8).

3. Relational development includes depenetration and dissolution. Relationships grow, but they also wither or die. Depenetration, the deterioration of a relationship, often leads to its end, dissolution. The unraveling, accord- ing to Uncertainty Reduction Theory, is also systematic and predictable. Communication becomes less intimate; “I am . . .” and “I will . . .” become more common; “We are . . .” and “We will . . .” become less so.

Beauty Is Only Screen Deep

In 2011 philosopher and filmmaker Thomas Keith re­ leased The Bro Code: How Contemporary Culture Creates Sexist Men, an examination of how young heterosexual men are socialized toward certain expectations of women: What makes a woman attractive? What makes her a good relational partner? how should she be treated? he looked at “movies and music videos that glamorize womanizing, pornography that trades in the brutalization of women, comedians who make fun of sexual assault, [and] the recent groundswell in men’s magazines and cable TV shows that revel in reactionary myths of american manhood.” Think Maxim or MTV’s Spring Break, music videos, and Internet pornography. his conclusions were harsh: young american men are socialized into a gendered, highly sexualized view of women that leads them to see women as objects.

The Bro Code is a documentary film, but there is a considerable body of scientific scholarship that sup­ ports Keith’s argument, one that typically looks at media content less obviously sexualized than that in Keith’s movie. for example, more than 25 years ago George Comstock (1991, p. 175) reviewed decades of re­ search on young people’s socialization and concluded that a “modest but positive association” exists between television exposure and the holding of traditional no­ tions of gender and sex roles. Moreover, not only do media portrayals encourage young people’s expecta­ tions of themselves, they can encourage expectations

of others. “portrayals in television and other media of highly attractive persons,” he wrote, “may encourage dissatisfaction [with] or lowered evaluations of the at­ tractiveness of those of the pertinent sex in real life” (1991, p. 176).

More recently, Kistler and lee demonstrated that col­ lege men who were exposed to sexual hip­hop music videos “expressed greater objectification of women, sexual permissiveness, stereotypical gender attitudes, and acceptance of rape” than those who were not (2010, p. 67). They discovered that this content was “likely to be used in [young men’s] behavioral decisions.” But their “most disturbing finding . . . is the significant effect of exposure on male participants’ acceptance of rape myths. Men in the highly sexual hip­hop videos were portrayed as powerful, sexually assertive, and as having a fair degree of sexual prowess, whereas the women were portrayed as sexually available, scantily clad, and often preening over the men. This might have served as a cue to male participants . . . that women exist for the entertainment and sexual fulfillment of men” (p. 83). In 2012 samson and Grabe studied the “sexual propensi­ ties of emerging adults,” college men and women 17 to 25 years old, and their consumption of a wide variety of media (music videos, network and cable television, movies, and the Internet). Their results “point to media as a significant sexual socializing agent in shaping human psychosexual propensities” (2012, p. 293).

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

dissolution The ending of a relationship.

depenetration The deterio­ ration of a relationship.

disinhibition search Observ­ ing another in a particularly comfortable situation.

reactivity search Watching another react to events in the environment.

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4. Self-disclosure is at the heart of relational devel- opment. We use communication about our- selves to get others to know us, and when they reciprocate—when they do the same—we get to know them. Altman and Taylor explain, “Making [the] self accessible to another person is intrinsically gratifying,” so we are happy to move even deeper into the relationship (1973, p. 50). This self- disclosure, the intentional revelation of information about oneself, not only shapes the relationship at the moment, it maps out or defines its future. This intentional revelation of information about ourselves is so important to us that we humans devote be- tween 30 and 40 percent of all our talk solely to self-disclosure (Tamir and Mitchell, 2012).

self-disclosure Intentional revelation of information about oneself.

We use communication about ourselves to get others to know us, and when they do likewise, we get to know them.

One way to think of interpersonal communication and relational develop- ment is to envision a relationship as an onion. Figure 6.1 can help. “The onion has four layers: the surface, the periphery, and the intermediate and central layers,” explain communication scholars Paul Mongeau and Mary Lynn Henningsen, “As information is disclosed, the layers of the onion are peeled back, signifying the development of the relationship” (2008, p.  366). The surface is like the onion’s skin, they explain. This is what is disclosed nonver- bally, simply through observation—information like sex, age, and race. The periphery is akin to the onion’s first one or two layers; self-disclosure here in- volves the kinds of routine information you’d share with just about anyone— facts like your home town, college major, or job. Peel a few more layers back from the onion’s more outer rings, and you reach the intermediate layers; self-disclosure here is of information that is not really secret, but that is shared only occasionally—topics like your religion or your favorite childhood memory. Peel away all the layers of the onion and you reach its core, its central layers; self-disclosure here is marked by the private and cautious sharing of

Surface (the onion’s skin) What is seen: age, sex, race

Breadth

Depth

Periphery (first one or two layers) Biographical information: home town, job, major

Intermediate layers (inner layers) Not secret, but rarely shared information: religion, favorite childhood memory

Central layers (inner core) Private information: commitment to religion, brother’s drug dependence

FIGURE 6.1 Social Penetration Theory’s Onion Metaphor

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information—you discuss your commitment to your religion or your brother’s drug dependence.

This peeling away of the onion’s layers—movement from impersonal to more personal communication—is guided by our culture’s norm of reciprocity: when we reveal something about ourselves, the other person will typically respond with similar information. For example, you tell someone your name, he or she will respond in kind. You disclose your religion; you assume the person you are talking with will do the same. As a norm, reciproc- ity is common and expected, so when it does happen, speakers know they can continue to “peel layers”; when it does not, though, that’s likely a sign that this is as far as the relationship will go.

Back to the coffee shop: You say, “Hi, I’m Pat.” A response of “That’s nice” will more than likely end any thoughts of further communication. But the reply “Hi, I’m Chris” says let’s talk more. Of course, at later stages in the rela- tionship, self-disclosure becomes riskier, but also more rewarding, and the onion metaphor helps us here as well.

If you cut an onion in half at its equator, it shows depth (the center core that extends from the newly exposed surface to the bottom of the onion) and breadth (the span across the surface, showing the onion’s rings). Relationships, like our halved onion, have depth—how personal is the shared information—and breadth—the number of topics that can safely be discussed. As a relationship develops, as self-disclosure increases and is increasingly reciprocated, partners have more things to talk about and their communication about those things becomes deeper. It is this reciprocity-fueled depth and breadth of communica- tion that characterize Social Penetration Theory’s four stages of relational development:

• The first stage is orientation. This is interaction between people who do not know one another. This is the kind of relationship you might have with one of your required-course professors or with the stranger in the coffee shop. There is little sharing of personal information, and communi- cation is based on social convention. Conversations are scripted and su- perficial. Here, at the surface level, small talk dominates because it serves three important communication functions. First, it is an audition. Good, norm-following conversation tells others that you are socially competent and aware, worthy of continued interaction. Second, it is a mechanism for controlling self-disclosure. Neither small-talk partner expects much self-disclosure, so each is free to reveal more personal information at his or her own speed. Finally, it’s painless and cost-free. You haven’t given up too much by providing your name and major, and if you don’t move on to more personal matters, you’ve actually revealed very little.

• The second stage is exploratory affective exchange. This is the kind of relationship you might have with a student who shares a couple of classes with you or that you might have with the java-junkie stranger in those first few sit-downs at the coffee shop. Communication here is more open and comfortable, less scripted. The shared information goes beyond

norm of reciprocity The expectation that revelations about oneself will produce responses of similar information.

orientation Relational stage characterized by interaction between people who do not know one another.

exploratory affective exchange Relational stage characterized by open and comfortable communication.

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the norm-approved small talk of the previous stage, but still remains at the periphery, maybe with an occasional move in the direction of the in- termediate layers of the onion.

• Affective exchange marks the third stage. Here communication is char- acterized by a good deal of self-disclosure. This is where your close friends and romantic partners reside. There is increased self-disclosure, as most personal barriers have fallen. Breadth and depth of topics move freely across and between the intermediate and central layers of the onion.

• The final stage is stable exchange. Communication here is rich, open, and free across all the onion’s levels. You and your partner can and do talk about everything and at all levels. Often you don’t have to say any- thing at all to communicate something important; you can finish one another’s sentences.

Keep in mind, though, relationships fall apart following the same stages, but in reverse. “Once set in motion,” Taylor and Altman wrote, “the exchange processes that occur in the dissolution of an interpersonal relationship are . . . systematic and proceed gradually, this time from inner (intimate) to outer (non-intimate) levels of exchange” (1987, p. 260). But why do relationships dissolve? Have you ever explained the end of a friendship, romantic or other- wise, with “I wasn’t getting what I wanted out of the relationship” or “It just wasn’t worth it” or “Way too high maintenance”? If so, then you know the answer, one explained by another theory of interpersonal communication and relationships, Social Exchange Theory.

Social Exchange Theory Social Exchange Theory is based on a long-held assumption about human beings: “Individuals attempt to maximize their rewards and minimize their costs” (Stafford, 2008, p. 378). Social Exchange Theory, then, assumes that people evaluate their relationships in a more-or-less rational manner to ensure that this occurs; in fact, they undertake an economics-like cost-benefit analysis to assess the value of those relationships (Thibaut and Kelley, 1959). The formula looks like this:

Benefits of the Relationship 2 Costs of the Relationship 5 Value of the Relationship

It’s quite likely, for example, that you have maintained relationships with many more of your high school friends than your parents did with theirs in the first few years after graduation. Let’s assume that the benefits of those re- lationships to you and your parents are equal. But what about the costs? To stay in touch with friends today “costs” very little. You can communicate through Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, and Facetime or Skype. You always have your phone with you, and you can expect quick responses because your friends are just as attached to their phones as you. These are high-value friend- ships for you, but your parents did not have these technologies, so the costs of similar relationships were higher for them.

affective exchange Relational stage characterized by much self­disclosure.

stable exchange Relational stage characterized by rich, open, and free communication.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Social Exchange Theory

People evaluate relationships

in a more-or-less rational

manner to ensure maximum

rewards and minimal costs.

To assess the value of their

relationships, they under-

take an economics-like

cost-benefit analysis.

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The products, or outcomes, of many such analyses are not as simple as the formula or this example might suggest, however. If they were, we would never question high-outcome relation- ships (many rewards, few costs), nor would we suffer those with low outcomes (few rewards, many costs). This is because, while we carry with us expectations of what we think we should be getting from a specific relationship, our comparison level (CL), we also think about the likely outcome of other relationships, our comparison level of alternatives (CLALT). In other words, as we interact with our environ- ments and the people in them, we are constantly judging our current relationships against ones we’ve had in the past (CL) and against ones we think we might have in the future (CLALT).

Return to our example of high school friends. The results of your analysis revealed that these were high-outcome friendships for you; they return more than they cost. But compare those relationships to possible alternatives—for example, relationships with the people around you at school. The cost, or ease of communication, in both cases may be about equal. But as you look around, talk to people, and think about it, you may decide that building new relationships might return even greater reward. In addition, none of your new classmates knew the “old you,” so maybe you are free to grow up a bit faster, to reinvent yourself as an adult. That’s a pretty good reward as well. If the outcome of this alternative cost-benefit analysis outweighs that of maintaining your high school friendships, you’ll start to drift away from those older friendships and replace them with a new set of relationships.

Relational Dialectics Theory This all sounds so reasonable. We use communication to reduce uncertainty when we first meet new people; we share (or don’t share) communication as we develop and manage the relationships that grow out of those encounters; and we make relatively pragmatic judgments about what we want from those rela- tionships and the value of maintaining them. If only it were that easy.

The theories we’ve looked at so far were never intended to suggest that relationships were easy. Instead, as stage theories, they are designed to “de- scribe how people initiate, escalate, and dissolve relationships. More specifi- cally, these theories explain how and why interpersonal communication changes as relationships move from strangers or acquaintances to close friends or ro- mantic partners, and perhaps back again” (emphasis added; Mongeau and Henningsen, 2008, p. 363). There is, however, another approach to under- standing the role of communication in relationships—dialectical theories; they view interpersonal communication as the mechanism we use to manage the inevitable and necessary tensions that exist in all relationships.

outcome product of rela­ tional cost­benefit analyses.

comparison level (CL) expec­ tations of benefit from a spe­ cific relationship.

comparison level of alterna- tives (CLALT) likely benefits from other relationships.

What are the costs and benefits of keeping your high school friends?

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Relational Dialectics Theory, then, “is a theory of the meaning making between relationship parties that emerges from the interplay of competing discourses” (Braithwaite and Baxter and, 2008, p. 349). If you’ve been in a real friendship or a serious romantic relationship, you know that they are often filled with dialectics, tensions between opposing forces that need resolution. Discourses are what we say and how we interpret what we say in negotiating relational tensions. Relational Dialectics Theory’s central assumptions (Baxter and Braithwaite, 2008) are the following:

• Meanings emerge from the struggle of different, often opposing discourses. Relational development is not linear; it is the product of the ongoing push and pull of partners’ various needs. Contradiction—differences of opinion—is inevitable (it will happen) and necessary (it must happen for growth) in relationships. “Whatever you want, dear, anything you say” gets pretty old pretty fast in most relationships.

• The interpretation of discourses occurs both in the moment and over time. Part- ners react to what is said when it is said, but they also make overall mean- ing of individual conversations and collections of conversations that occur at different times during the relationship. Rather than develop by stages, argues the dialectical approach, relationships are characterized by con- stant change based on immediate and ongoing meaning making. More than likely you’d interpret “I love you” on the second date a bit differently than you would on the fifty-second. It’s even possible you might never ac- tually hear those words, but know very well from all the conversations you’ve had with your partner that you are indeed loved (or not).

• The interpretation of competing discourses constitutes social reality. Recall our discussion of the constitutive role of communication from Chapter 1. Reality is not reflected in what we say; it is constituted, or created, by what we say. At what stage is your relationship? Where on the onion are you? Your communication with your partner and the meanings you mutually negotiate will determine the reality of your relationship. Are you going steady? Does that mean you and your partner are exclusive? You may say and think you are, but that doesn’t make it so, because your partner may say “going steady” but may interpret it much differently than you do.

What are the dialectics that must be negotiated in most relationships? There are three primary ones, and each has an internal (inside the relationship) and external (with others outside the relationship) dimension (Baxter, 1990):

• Connection-autonomy dialectic—This is the struggle between the need to remain connected to the other and the need to be independent. You love your family and you want to stay in touch, but you’re a grown-up now, and they need to let you be one. You love your boyfriend or girlfriend, but you also need some time to yourself. This is the most common tension in rela- tionships precisely because how close you and your partner are defines the relationship. Played out externally, this is the inclusion-seclusion dialectic. Here the tension is between doing things together and engaging

dialectic Tension in need of resolution.

discourse What is said and its interpretation in negotiating relational tensions.

connection-autonomy Tension between the need to remain connected and the need to be independent.

inclusion-seclusion Tension between doing things to­ gether and engaging as a couple with others.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Relational Dialectics Theory

Meaning making between

relationship partners

emerges from the interplay

of competing discourses.

Relationships have a variety

of internal and external ten-

sions in need of resolution—

dialectics—that are

negotiated through partners’

discourse.

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as a couple with others. “You know, we spend so much time together that we never see our friends anymore.” “You’re right, but we’re so busy we never have time to ourselves.” “But our friends are getting really mad at us.” You and your partner must resolve the tension with your friends, and you must also resolve for yourselves how you want to respond to it.

• Certainty-uncertainty dialectic—This is the struggle between finding comfort and security in the relationship and needing a bit of novelty and ex- citement. Too much certainty makes a relationship boring; too much uncer- tainty makes it uncomfortable. “What do you want to do?” “I don’t know. What do you want to do?” “I don’t know. Wanna try something different?” “Like what?” “I don’t know—maybe going to a late movie.” “I don’t know— you really wanna be out that late?” This tension manifests itself externally as the conventional-unique dialectic: you want to be the couple that every- one says is special. “There’s no one in the world like you two!” But you must balance that against the values and expectations of those around you, espe- cially those you deem important. The tension may be coming from the out- side, but you and your partner have to negotiate it internally.

• Openness-closedness dialectic—This is the struggle between being able to say anything and the need for discretion. You may completely dis- like your best friend’s sister, and honesty has always been an important part of your friendship, but maybe your aversion to her is something you should keep to yourself. When dealing with the external world, this is the revelation-concealment dialectic: there are some things you want to share with the world; there are some things that are just for you two. When does a couple announce a pregnancy? When do “friends” announce an engagement or a breakup? Again, you may feel pressure from outside the relationship to reveal what you prefer to hold private, but it is you and your partner who must negotiate how you two, as a couple, will respond.

These tensions exist for a reason. Their negotiation not only defines the relationship, it defines the people in the relationship. It shapes their identity internally (“You are the best girlfriend/boyfriend ever!”) and externally (“How can you let her treat you like that?”). These tensions are negotiated through communication. Relational Dialectics Theory calls this praxis—the choice of specific communication actions. Do you and your partner deny the tensions? Do you segment the tensions, for example, autonomous at work, con- nected at home? Do you balance the tensions, for example, spending meaning- ful time together, but not smothering one another?

Interpersonal Communication and Conflict Even the best communicators in the best relationships can fail to balance these personal and relational needs. When this happens, there is conflict, “an expressed struggle between at least two interdependent parties, who perceive

certainty-uncertainty Tension between the need for comfort and security and the need for novelty and excitement.

conventional-unique Tension between being the couple others want and defin­ ing the relationship for yourselves.

openness-closedness Tension between being able to say anything and the need for discretion.

revelation-concealment Tension between meeting others’ demands for informa­ tion and the relational need for discretion.

praxis Choice of specific communication actions.

conflict an expressed strug­ gle between at least two interdependent parties who perceive incompatible goals, scarce rewards, and interfer­ ence from the other party.

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incompatible goals, scarce rewards, and interference from the other party in achieving their goals” (Wilmot and Wilmot, 1978, p. 9).

Disagreement is not conflict; friends and lovers will—should— often disagree. You no doubt dis- agree with a lot of what your friends do and think. But those disagree- ments do not typically produce conflict. Conflict is a behavior; it is an expressed struggle of ideas, values, wants, or needs. Communication scholars Joyce Wilmot and William Wilmot explain: “Relational conflict is communicative behavior; it is im- possible to have conflict without

verbal or nonverbal behavior, or both. The ‘expression’ may be very subtle, but it must be present for the activity to be interpersonal conflict” (p. 10). They go one step further, in fact, and argue that the parties in conflict must agree that they are, indeed, in conflict. For example, you may tell a friend that you’d prefer to stay in and study rather than go work out together, and you may even be annoyed that your friend asked while you were studying. That resentment may show in your bad mood and lack of conversation, but if your friend doesn’t recognize your angry nonverbal cues, you two are not in conflict.

There also has to be interdependence for conflict to arise. Now imagine that you and a friend are working together on a class project that’s due tomorrow morning. You need your friend to contribute to complete the project well and on time. But your friend would rather go to the gym than work on it. In Wilmot and Wilmot’s words, conflict will arise because “each person’s choices affect the other” (p. 12).

Conflict develops when interdependent people perceive incompatible goals, but the “perceived” in that phrase is just as important as the “incompatible.” For example, you want to take the bus to the gym but your friend wants to drive. You may perceive these preferences as incompatible, except that they are less incompatible than you might think. The real goal for both of you is to get there. Your friend may prefer driving because she or he doesn’t have money for the bus, but you explain that once you consider the price of gas and park- ing, taking the bus is actually less expensive (that’s something you both want). Your goals, in fact, are not incompatible; you just thought they were. Wilmot and Wilmot call this identifying other goals and stressing mutually good ways to avoid conflict. But some goals are indeed incompatible. You want to work on your class project and time is running out. Your friend, satisfied with the proj- ect as it is, wants to go to the gym to maintain a personally important exercise regime. Conflict will most likely ensue.

Conflict is natural and normal, especially between friends.

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This issue of perception holds true for scarcity of rewards, too. If you had all the time in the world, you and your friend could go to the gym and work on your class project. But few of us live in such a beautiful world, so Wilmot and Wilmot, after reminding us that a reward is “any positively perceived physical, eco- nomic, or social consequence,” explain that “rewards, or resources, may be ‘real’ or perceived as real by the person. And perception of scarcity, or being limited, may be apparent or real” (p. 11). People argue over money, gangs battle for turf, children compete for their parents’ time—all more or less quantifiable. But what is the scarce reward involved when romantic partners quarrel over jeal- ousy? Is “love” or “affection” quantifiable? Can it be scarce? It can if one of the partners thinks that any love or affection (real or perceived) shown to another diminishes the amount now available for him or her. After an insult, what scarce reward might be at the root of the subsequent conflict? Respect, self-es- teem, and face are likely answers (Chapter 3). These are of great social conse- quence to any of us who like to think of ourselves as competent humans.

Conflict also requires interference. Hoping to force you into going to the gym, your friend hides your textbook and the materials for your class project, interfering with your goal (getting a good grade) and denying you a scarce reward (that good grade). But that’s an obvious example. What is the interfer- ence that leads to the jealous lovers’ quarrel or to the post-insult conflict? What goal has been thwarted? Again, maintenance of respect, self-esteem, or face is an important goal for all of us. Recall Chapter 1’s discussion of the look- ing glass: the self is accomplished by seeing ourselves as others see us. What self is reflected in a lover suspected of straying or a friend who demeans?

Types of Conflict Because interference can take different forms and because it is the perceptions of reward scarcity and goal incompatibly that produce conflict, there will be many different types of interpersonal conflict. Communication researcher Mark Cole (1996) identified five general categories of conflict:

• Affective conflict occurs when people acknowledge an incompatibility of emotions and feelings. This describes the conflict between jealous romantic partners. As interdependent members of a couple, each as- sumes an equal degree of affection from the other. But if they disagree about that level of affection, conflict can easily arise.

• Conflict of interest occurs when people acknowledge incompatible preferences for a course of action. Interested in benefiting the environ- ment, you want to take the bus. Interested in getting there more quickly, your friend wants to drive.

• Value conflict occurs when people acknowledge differences in their deeply held feelings about the worth or importance of significant aspects of their lives. Consider married couples from different religions. Jewish-Christian couples might fight over circumcision, or Atheist-Christian couples might argue over baptizing their children. But value conflict need not always

affective conflict When people acknowledge an incompatibility of emotions and feelings.

conflict of interest When people acknowledge incom­ patible preferences for a course of action.

value conflict When people acknowledge differences in their deeply held feelings about the worth or impor­ tance of significant aspects of their lives.

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involve religion; value conflict re- volves around disagreement over deeply held feelings about matters of significance, faith-based or other- wise. Two people of the same, differ- ent, or no religions may hold greatly differing views about gun safety and find themselves in constant conflict over one partner’s volunteer work for the Brady Campaign to End Gun Violence.

• Cognitive conflict occurs when people acknowledge incompati- bility in their perceptions about something of importance. You know that the class project needs more work; your friend knows it’s

for interfaith couples, the wedding season may be a time of interpersonal discomfort because it may involve conflict over deeply held values.

cognitive conflict When people acknowledge incom­ patibility in their perceptions about something of importance.

goal conflict When people acknowledge incompatibility in the individual outcomes they hold for a given plan or action.

fine as is. Cognitive conflict is about incon gruity of cognitions—how and what people think about something—not necessarily the reality of that something. Little Jordan just knows that Mommy and Daddy love Little Matt more; Little Matt knows with just as much certainty that Mommy and Daddy love Little Jordan more.

• Goal conflict occurs when people acknowledge incompatibility in the individual outcomes they hold for a given plan or action. Your goal for the class project is to earn an A. That’s why you’ve put in so much time and effort and why you’re willing to pass up a trip to the gym. Your friend’s goal for the project is to pass, maybe with a pretty good grade. That’s why a few hours at the gym the night before the project is due seems like a reasonable plan of action.

Stages of Interpersonal Conflict The fact that interpersonal conflict can be negotiated means that it moves through different stages. In each stage, how the parties communicate differs, as do their goals. Human rights scholar Eric Brahm (2003) identified seven con- flict stages, latent conflict, emergence, escalation, hurting/stalemate, de-escalation/ negotiation, settlement/resolution, and reconciliation. We’ll discuss each sepa- rately, and you can see a visual representation of these stages in Figure 6.2.

Latent conflict exists when there is an “uneasy peace” or an “unspoken truce.” There is a problem between the parties, but for one reason or another, the differences are not so great that one or both sides want to act on them. The roots of the problem may have existed for some time or perhaps there may be a new conflict of goals, but sometimes open conflict doesn’t take place. You may have always known that your friend put exercise before study, and there were times when that off-kilter priority bothered you quite a bit, but it was never that big a deal until it threatened to damage your performance on the class project.

latent conflict When there is a problem, but the differences are not so great that one or both sides want to act on them.

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That interference with your goals most likely would trigger the next stage, emergence. It may be one event or a number of smaller occurrences that move the conflict into the open, but now the conflict is overt and has to be dealt with. It is likely, now that it is in the open, that the conflict will suffer escalation; it will increase in intensity and in the severity of the tactics used in keeping it alive. Escalation, however, can indeed lead to a speedy settle- ment/resolution and even reconciliation. Now that you have convinced your friend of the importance you place on doing well on the project, he or she agrees that the gym isn’t such a good idea.

Escalation can also lead to stalemate, when neither side can prevail but neither is willing to back down or give in. People often find it quite difficult to back down, as they have so much of their identity invested in the conflict, es- pecially after it has escalated; backing down now becomes an even bigger chal- lenge to their sense of self. But if and when the cost of continuing the stalemate becomes too great, when it exceeds any benefit to be derived from keeping the conflict alive, it becomes a hurting stalemate.

A stalemate that hurts is an invitation to begin de-escalation and negotiation. You’re at a stalemate; you continue to argue over your friend’s com- mitment to the project and what your friend sees as your obsessiveness over grades. You can sit there and argue, but the clock is ticking. Soon you will have no time for either the project or the gym. The cost of the stalemate is about to exceed any ben- efit either of you might gain from getting your way. De-escalation/negotiation is the only rational route out of this conflict. Maybe you re-evaluate your goals; maybe you seek a compromise that satisfies you both without too much loss of face.

Perhaps, as you work to resolve the conflict once and for all, you even look for a mutually beneficial settlement/resolution, removing the underlying causes of the conflict, possibly by redefining your individual goals so they are no longer incompatible. Now comes reconciliation. In its simplest form, it is making up, putting the conflict behind you. But reconciliation is more than a simple apology. You may even have to repair some relational damage. You and your friend work out a mutually beneficial solution to the work/gym conflict, maybe two hours on the project and a late night trip to the gym, followed by a stop for a frozen yogurt.

Conflict Management Styles How we communicate throughout these stages depends in large part on our preferred individual conflict style, a general predisposition to deal with

emergence When conflict becomes open.

escalation an increase in the intensity of a conflict and the severity of tactics used in pursuing it.

stalemate When neither side can prevail, but neither is willing to back down or give in.

de-escalation and negotiation Reduction of conflict through communica­ tion between the parties.

settlement/resolution Removing the underlying causes of the conflict.

conflict style a general predisposition to deal with conflict in a particular manner.

FIGURE 6.2 Stages of Interpersonal Conflict

(Hurting) Stalemate De-escalation/ Negotiation

Settlement/ Resolution

Reconciliation

Time

Latent con�ict

Escalation

Emergence In

te n

si ty

reconciliation Making up; putting the conflict in the past.

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conflict in a particular manner. We may deal differently with different con- flicts with different people in different contexts, but each of us has a more-or- less “go to” approach, one composed of the balance between our concern for our own interests and our concern for the interests of the person with whom we are in conflict (Kilmann and Thomas, 1975). There are five general conflict styles: in- tegrating, obliging, dominating, avoiding, and compromising (Rahim and Magner, 1995). We’ll take a closer look at each, and you can see how they relate to self- and other-concern in Figure 6.3.

Those who employ the integrating style of conflict resolution show high concern for others as well as for themselves. They favor collaboration and open and direct communication to examine the differences that may be caus- ing the conflict and to reach a mutually acceptable solution. This is a very ef- fective and valuable conflict style because it stresses fairness to all involved. It demonstrates empathy for others and recognition of their feelings. Naturally, this would seem to be an effective way to handle most conflicts, but it takes time and effort. After all, the conflict exists for a reason, and an integrating conflict resolution style is sometimes difficult to maintain when dealing with an unwilling conflict partner. Consider the evening before the class project was due. If you and your friend could have simply put yourself in the other’s shoes and talked things out until you found a satisfactory solution, you may not have had time for the gym or your project. And if one of you was indeed willing to take the time and energy to work things out, there is no guarantee that the other would have been on board with the effort.

The obliging style suggests little concern for self-interest and greater con- cern for the interests of others. People who employ this style try to minimize differences and emphasize common ground in an attempt to meet the needs of others. This is a useful strategy when maintaining the relationship with the other is more important than coming to a self-satisfactory resolution to the conflict. But the downside is that it might produce a false or temporary solution to the problem. You can only give in to (oblige) your friend so often before you finally tire of being the one to constantly make the accommodation.

Those who see conflict as a win-lose or zero-sum process typically demon- strate the dominating style of interpersonal conflict resolution. It comes from a higher regard for one’s own interests than those of the other. This style often relies on force, loud and forceful verbal language, and domineering or

integrating style Conflict resolution style showing high concern for others as well as for one’s self.

obliging style Conflict reso­ lution style showing little concern for self­interest and greater concern for the interests of others.

dominating style Conflict resolution style showing a higher regard for one’s own interests than those of the other.

FIGURE 6.3 Conflict Styles

Concern for Self High

Lo w

H ig

h

C on

ce rn

fo r

O th

er s

Integrating

Dominating

Obliging

Avoiding

Low

Compromising

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aggressive nonverbal communication. This style may produce an occasional “victory,” but usually at the expense of the relationship. And because the outcome is a “win” for one side and a “loss” for the other, there is no real resolution to the con- flict, and it may well appear again. Your friend may have bullied you into setting aside your schoolwork and going to the gym, but it’s not likely you had a good time once there; it’s equally unlikely you will ever partner on a project with him or her again.

The avoiding style is associated with low concern for the self and low concern for the other as well. You might know this as “passing the buck,” or “agreeing to disagree.” Obviously, it minimizes the immediate discomfort of the conflict, but it does nothing to move you to a resolution. The problem (and therefore the conflict) persists. But it does have its advantages, particularly if the conflict is over something unimportant. Bowling or the movies? Who cares? We’ll do what you want to do. Every one of us has had some version of this conversation with someone whom we value.

Finally, the compromising style involves moderate concern for self-interest as well as moderate concern for the interests of the other. It is characterized by give-and-take, the sharing of information and ideas, and the mutually acceptable giving up of something by both sides. Most of us have an almost automatic positive reaction to compromising. After all, who could find fault with negotiating a mutually satisfactory resolution to a conflict? You could. You and your friend decide to split the evening be- tween working on your class project and going to the gym. But now you have only half the time you’d originally intended to give to your project, far too little in your mind to produce the kind of work that will guarantee you the A you value.

Resolving Conflict: What to Do and What Not to Do Regardless of how we choose to enact our preferred conflict style, there are a number of communication practices that we should undertake when in con- flict, as well as many we should avoid.

What to Do Communication scholars Judith Martin and Thomas Nakayama offer seven suggestions for dealing with conflict. As you read them, keep in mind these two warnings. First, there are no easy answers to dealing with conflict; and

avoiding style Conflict resolution style showing low concern for the self and for another.

compromising style Conflict resolution style showing moderate concern for self ­ interest and for the interests of another.

The dominating style of conflict resolution demonstrates a higher regard for one’s own interests than those of another.

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second, although there are times when self-restraint is the best strategy, there are also times when “it may be appropriate to assert ourselves and not be afraid of strong emotion” (2010, p. 450).

1. Stay centered and do not polarize. Rid yourself of either-or thinking and do not assume that the other’s motives are simple, or even worse, wrong or selfish. Be open to perspectives closer to the center of your differing per- spectives. Here is where self-restraint becomes important. You can get angry, but you must move past that emotion and not act out those feel- ings. You may be mightily frustrated with your friend’s lack of commit- ment to your class project, but rather than lash out, might there not be a solution closer to the center of the study/gym divide? Why not suggest breaking up work on the project with periodic 15-minute sessions on the basketball court just outside the library?

2. Maintain contact. Yes, it makes sense to occasionally walk away from the conflict—what we often refer to as “taking a time out” or “going to a neutral corner.” But it is important to maintain communication; it makes no sense to shut the other out, as this ensures no movement toward a resolution. Remember this chapter’s lesson on dialectics. Dialogue, the full, honest, meaningful exchange of information and feelings, is essential to meaning making in conflict situations because it is the only way to balance competing perceptions of reward scarcity and goal incompatibility. You and your friend can storm out of the study room, but you will have no partner to help you com- plete the project, and your friend will have no companion for the workout.

3. Recognize the existence of different conflict management styles. Martin and Nakayama tell us that the combination of different styles in a given con- flict situation can lead to a “dance” that may not serve the cause of reso- lution very well. Two avoiders may coexist, but their relationship might suffer from long-standing latent conflict, only to be triggered by some later event. A dominator and an obligor may come to a quick resolution of their conflict, but at what cost to the interests of the obligor and the rela- tionship between the two?

4. This is why the parties in conflict should identify their preferred conflict management styles. We’ve already seen that we often apply different styles in different conflict situations, but being aware of our preferred style helps us make better sense of how we are making meaning of the conflict. We can ask ourselves questions like, “Why am I so willing to compromise on this issue? Is that what I really want to do?” or “Why am I fighting so hard to get my way? Is this really that important to me?” You and your friend can much more easily resolve your conflict over the class project if you are aware of each other’s conflict resolution styles because you will be less likely to question the other’s motives.

5. Be creative and expand your style repertoire. If your preferred style isn’t working, try something else. For too long you avoided conflict with your friend, and now, the night before the project is due, you might want to try compromising.

dialogue full, honest, meaningful exchange of information and feelings.

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6. Recognize the importance of the context of the conflict. You’ve read throughout this text that meaning is always made in context. Conflict, then, happens for many reasons, often rea- sons that have little to do with the immedi- ate interaction between the participants. Maybe it’s really not about the gym. Perhaps your friend feels that the warm, affectionate part of your relationship is disappearing under the stress of schoolwork.

7. Be willing to forgive. “Teaching forgiveness be- tween estranged individuals is as old as re- corded history; it is present in every culture and is part of the human condition . . . For- giveness is also a basic human instinct that has also served humans well . . . At a very fundamental level, forgiveness ensures that we get along with both family and close friends and helps establish and maintain cooperative relationships with nonrelatives; and overall, forgiveness is the best strategy for human beings in the long term—it can deliver freedom from fear and freedom to resume normal, peaceful relations. In fact, it is in our self-interest to forgive” (Martin and Nakayama, 2010, pp. 455–456).

What Not to Do Conflict can often be an opportunity to build a better relationship than ex- isted before. But if managed poorly, conflict can also be destructive. None of us would dispute the value of forgiveness, but most of us at one time or an- other have felt that something someone said or did to us was indeed unforgiv- able. Relationship expert John Gottman calls the things we should never say or do when in conflict—the unforgivable—the “Four Horsemen of the Apoca- lypse” (1993), after the Bible story warning of Conquest, War, Famine, and Death. For Gottman, criticism, contempt, defensiveness, and stonewalling signal the coming of the end of a relationship.

Criticism, complaints about the other, isn’t always a bad thing. They can often be the trigger that moves latent conflict into the open and toward reso- lution. But criticism should never be about the personality, characteristics, morals, or motives of the other. There is a world of difference between “I don’t think you’re working as hard on this project as you should be” and “What’s your problem? You know we have to get this done for tomorrow, but you just don’t care.” Conflict-enflaming criticism often takes the form of generaliza- tions about the other person: You always . . . You never . . . That’s just like you . . . Why are you always so . . . You’re the kind of person who . . . Make criticism a cri- tique of the specific issue at the root of the conflict, not about the person.

Contempt, an attack on the self-worth of another, often takes the form of insults. “What’s your problem? You know we have to get this done for tomorrow,

criticism Complaints about another.

The final stage of conflict is its best: reconciliation.

contempt an attack on the self­worth of another.

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but you just don’t care” is bad enough, but “What’s your problem? You know we have to get this done for tomorrow. Are you lazy or just stupid?” is even worse. Contempt, either verbal (name calling, sarcasm, mocking, hostile humor) or nonverbal (eye rolling, snickering, sneering, making faces) demeans the other. Contempt is the most corrosive of the horsemen because it communicates disre- spect. It is even more damaging when displayed in front of others not involved in the conflict. Contempt can also be communicated through passive aggressiveness, a deliberate and masked way of expressing disrespect, as you can see in the box “Sugar-Coated Hostility.”

Defensiveness, or denying responsibility for one’s behaviors, frequently manifests itself as

• playing the victim—“Why do you always pick on me?”

• playing dumb—“Me? What are you talking about?”

defensiveness Denying responsibility for one’s behaviors.

passive aggressiveness a deliberate and masked way of expressing disrespect.

Sugar-Coated Hostility

as you’ve read, most conflict is over perceived incompat­ ible goals, perceived scarcity of rewards, and perceived interference. so why do people resort to intentional mis­ communication if clearer expression might help balance those perceptions? Passive aggressiveness is deliberate miscommunication meant to hide expressions of anger, distrust, or disagreement without acknowledging the underlying feelings at the root of the problem. It is sug­ ar­coated hostility. It’s an abuse of communication; it’s not the truth; it’s unethical. To help us recognize when hidden hostility is being directed our way, psychologist signe Whitson (2012) identified 10 phrases often em­ ployed by passive­aggressive conflict partners:

1. “I’m not mad.” Rather than admit the problem ( remember, conflict must be expressed), passive­ aggressive people would rather stay angry.

2. “Fine.” “Whatever.” Withdrawal from conflict is a primary passive­aggressive strategy. These words shut down open, honest communication.

3. “I’m coming!” This is verbal agreement but behav­ ioral resistance.

4. “I didn’t know you meant now.” passive­aggressive people use delay and procrastination to frustrate their conflict partner.

5. “You just want everything to be perfect.” passive­ aggressive people, when forced to comply with a

given request, will intentionally carry it out in a poor or inefficient manner. When confronted, they will defend their work and counter­accuse others of being rigid and unreasonable.

6. “I thought you knew.” passive­aggressive people choose to express their anger by failing to share or offer information when it might otherwise prevent a problem. They claim ignorance, defend their inac­ tion, and covertly take pleasure in the trouble and pain of other people.

7. “Sure, I’d be happy to.” This is another case of verbal agreement but behavioral resistance. an angry friend might say he’ll turn in your assignment for you but mysteriously loses it on the way to class.

8. “You’ve done so well for someone with your education level.” This technique is known as the backhanded compliment, what Whitson calls the “ultimate socially acceptable means by which the passive aggressive person insults you to your core.”

9. “I was only joking.” This is passive­aggressive peo­ ple’s tactic of openly expressing hostility but hiding behind social convention.

10. “Why are you getting so upset?” passive­aggressive people are often so committed to their deceit that they become quite adept at maintaining their cool and feigning surprise when their target finally has had enough.

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION

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• making excuses—“It’s not my fault.”

• counter-complaining—“You do it, too.”

• “yes-butting”—“Yes, you’re right, but no way that’s a problem.”

Defensiveness devalues the feelings of the other as illegitimate and tells him or her that he or she is not worthy of your interest or attention.

Stonewalling is withdrawing from the dialogue to avoid conflict. Stone- walling isn’t taking a time out to let things cool down. It is terminating com- munication. It is the stony silence, the one-syllable yes/no/grunt response, the change of subject, the turning your back, and the silent treatment. All are disrespectful, suggesting disapproval, smugness, and disregard.

stonewalling Withdrawing from dialogue to avoid conflict.

6.1 Differentiate among several of the most important theories of interpersonal communication. Uncertainty Reduction Theory suggests that we use communication to predict and explain the behavior of others in the initial stages of a relationship. Social Penetration Theory posits that relationships move from initial interaction to greater stability through interpersonal communication. Social Exchange Theory says that people evaluate relationships in a more-or-less rational manner to ensure maximum rewards and minimal costs. Relational Dialectics Theory, rather than arguing that relationships move through stages, contends that meaning making between relationship partners emerges from the interplay of competing discourses.

6.2 examine conflict and analyze the elements that create it. Conflict is an expressed struggle between at least two interdependent parties. Its elements include not only interdependence, but the perception of incompatible goals, scarce rewards, and interference from another party in achieving those goals.

6.3 Identify different types of conflict. There are several types of conflict. Affective conflict occurs when people acknowledge an

incompatibility of emotions and feelings. Con- flict of interest occurs when people acknowl- edge incompatible preferences for a course of action. Value conflict occurs when people acknowledge differences in their deeply held feelings about the worth or importance of sig- nificant aspects of their lives. Cognitive conflict occurs when people acknowledge incompatibil- ity in their perceptions about something of im- portance. Goal conflict occurs when people acknowledge incompatibility in the individual outcomes they hold for a given plan or action.

6.4 Describe the stages of interpersonal conflict. There are seven stages of conflict. Latent conflict exists when there is a problem, but the differ- ences are not so great that one or both sides wants to act on them. Emergence may be trig- gered by one event or a number of smaller occur- rences that move the conflict into the open. Once in the open, conflict will suffer escalation, an in- crease in the intensity of a conflict and in the se- verity of tactics used in pursuing it. Escalation can lead to stalemate, when neither side can pre- vail but neither is willing to back down or give in. But if and when the cost of continuing the stale- mate becomes too great, it becomes a hurting

Review of Learning Objectives

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stalemate, an invitation to begin de-escalation and negotiation. This may lead to settlement/ resolution, removing the underlying causes of the conflict, possibly producing reconciliation.

6.5 Compare different conflict management styles, and determine the style you use most frequently. Conflict style is a person’s general predisposition to deal with conflict in a particular manner. It is a function of the balance between concern for one’s own interests and concern for the interests of the other. The integrating style of conflict resolution shows high concern for others as well as for one’s self. The obliging style suggests little concern for self-interest and greater concern for the interests of others. The dominating style comes from a higher regard for one’s own interests than those

of the other. The avoiding style is associated with low concern for the self and low concern for the other as well. The compromising style involves moderate concern for self-interest and for the interests of the other.

6.6 Know what to do—and what not to do—when in conflict. There are several conflict “dos and don’ts.” Among the things we should do are stay centered (and do not polarize), maintain contact, recognize the ex- istence of different conflict styles, identify our preferred conflict styles, be creative and expand our style repertoire, recognize the importance of the context of the conflict, and be willing to for- give. Among the things not to do are engage in criticism, show contempt, become defensive, and stonewall.

Key Terms provisions of relationships 117 attachments 118 affiliations 118 interpersonal communication 118 dyad 118 relational satisfaction 119 Uncertainty Reduction Theory 121 incentives 121 deviance 121 prospect of future interaction 122 information-seeking strategies 122 reactivity search 122 disinhibition search 122 Social Penetration Theory 122 depenetration 123 dissolution 123 self-disclosure 124 norm of reciprocity 125 orientation 125 exploratory affective exchange 125

affective exchange 126 stable exchange 126 Social Exchange Theory 126 outcome 127 comparison level (CL) 127 comparison level of alternatives (CLALT) 127 Relational Dialectics Theory 128 dialectic 128 discourses 128 connection-autonomy 128 inclusion-seclusion 128 certainty-uncertainty 129 conventional-unique 129 openness-closedness 129 revelation-concealment 129 praxis 129 conflict 129 affective conflict 131 conflict of interest 131 value conflict 131 cognitive conflict 132

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goal conflict 132 latent conflict 132 emergence 133 escalation 133 stalemate 133 de-escalation and negotiation 133 settlement/resolution 133 reconciliation 133 conflict style 133 integrating style 134 obliging style 134 dominating style 134 avoiding style 135 compromising style 135 dialogue 136 criticism 137 contempt 137 passive aggressiveness 138 defensiveness 138 stonewalling 139

Questions for Review

1. What are the six provisions of relationships?

2. What two kinds of uncertainty do people attempt to reduce upon initial encounters?

3. What are Social Penetration Theory’s four assumptions?

4. What are self-disclosure and the norm of reci- procity? How do they relate?

5. According to Social Penetration Theory, what are the four stages of relational development?

6. What are Social Exchange Theory’s two com- parison levels? How do they operate?

7. What are the four major relational dialectics? Describe each and name its external parallel.

8. Define conflict and the five forms of conflict.

9. What are the stages of interpersonal conflict? Describe each.

10. Name and describe the four conflict manage- ment styles.

Questions for Discussion

1. Do you stay in close touch with one or more of your high school friends? What are the costs and benefits of doing so? How do the costs and benefits of those relationships compare with those of your college relationships? Use Social Exchange Theory to explain why you maintain the friendships you do.

2. Have you ever been attracted to a stranger and, as a result, attempted to negotiate a relation- ship? If so, explain the development of that re- lationship using Social Penetration Theory’s stages. Where on the onion did the relation- ship eventually settle? Why?

3. What is your preferred conflict management style? What does it say about you as a person? Do you ever vary your approach to conflict resolution? If so, how, and under what conditions?

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Chapter Outline

Types of Groups 144

Dynamics of Group Structure 145

Leadership and Power 154

Improving Your Group Communication Skills 159

Communicating in Small Groups

7

The semester is coming to a quick close, and your big group presen-

tation, which counts as much as the final exam, is scheduled for

next week. You’re not really sure how it’s going to go. You dislike

working in groups for many reasons, and all of your concerns have

come to fruition with this particular project. Two of the members

are students you barely know, and the other two are people you

don’t like and with whom you have little in common. Because the

class is Introduction to Communication, you feel especially pres-

sured to perform well; throughout the semester you’ve studied

topics like interpersonal communication and, especially pertinent,

group dynamics. Not delivering a good presentation might be indic-

ative of your inability to grasp the course’s concepts. And sad to say,

all the issues you studied regarding group conflict and breakdown

are exemplified in your experience working with this assigned team.

In the first few weeks of meetings, two students failed to show up

on a number of occasions, claiming their classes conflicted with the

meeting times (even though they said nothing when the five of you

together constructed the schedule). One student insisted on being

the group’s “leader” despite the others’ desire to have equal input in

how things got done. Another member did absolutely no research

and relied on everyone else to meet required deadlines. And each

participant had different ideas about how to approach the project

and what to include as part of the presentation. It was a disaster

waiting to happen, and you found yourself constantly thinking,

“Why couldn’t the professor simply have assigned independent

projects?”

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Working in groups demands specific communication skills. Without these skills, it can be extremely difficult to effectively negotiate schedules, dead- lines, problem-solving, rules, responsibilities, and outcomes. According to communication theorists Stephen Littlejohn and Karen Foss, we often ask, “Is it better to do things yourself or to work with a group?” The answer, they tell us, “depends on how well the group works together, how focused it is, and how much creative and critical thinking the group allows. How well does the group weigh information, how effectively does the group create options, and how critically does it evaluate ideas?” (2011, p. 264). We will examine the many characteristics of group communication in this chapter, hoping to answer at least some of these questions.

Types of Groups You may dislike working on group projects, but keep in mind these important points. First, working in small groups, collections of three to 15 people with a common purpose, is a fact of life. You were born into a group, and as you began to make friends, you willingly became a member of many more. Second, groups are not only essential to helping you make your way in the world, they can be fun and rewarding. It’s pretty difficult to cover all 10 positions on your softball team without some assistance, and more than likely you’d lose every tug-of-war at every picnic you ever attend if you had to pull the rope by your- self. In fact, you might never even get to a picnic without the benefit of some organizational structure, or group work. You can read about two very success- ful and important groups in the box “Forming a Group.”

Groups are classified depending on both their structure and purpose. Two broad categories are primary groups and task-oriented groups. Primary groups offer their members affection and a sense of belonging. Members transact routines, traditions, and personal communication with full knowledge that these will affect future interactions. Members of primary groups are bound by close, intimate communication and are connected through history and emotion. These groups are “primary” because they are central to our basic

small groups Collections of 3 to 15 people with a common purpose.

primary groups Groups offering members affection and belonging.

7.1 Describe the various types of groups.

7.2 Explain the dynamics of group structure, recognizing the stages of group development.

7.3 Discuss types of group cohesion and the factors that cause group breakdown.

7.4 Describe different styles of leadership and forms of power.

7.5 Identify ways to improve your group communication skills.

Learning Objectives

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DY n a m I C S O f G r O u P S T r u C T u r E

needs, and they are the first groups to which we belong. Examples include families and groups of friends.

Task-oriented groups are just that, groups convened and constructed to serve a purpose. They can be long- term, formal organizations or they can be short-term, ad hoc operations, for example the group you’re working with on the Communication class project. Here is a more detailed de- scription of the different types of task-oriented groups. Keep in mind that these groups can be structured either formally or informally:

➙➙ Participant-driven groups: Participants in these groups attempt to overcome obstacles or achieve goals by drawing on the emotional support provided by other members. Examples include Alcoholics Anonymous, family counseling groups, cancer survivor groups, grief support groups, and homecoming committees.

➙➙ Information-presentation groups: These groups are organized specifically to provide information and awareness on topics of inter- est to people. Examples include health awareness groups, job centers, and Chamber of Commerce groups.

➙➙ Decision-making groups: The ultimate goal of these groups is to come to consensus on a given issue or number of issues. The decisions often result in documents outlining procedural changes. Examples include boards of directors, evaluation committees, judicial and mili- tary review boards, juries, judging panels, and school committees.

➙➙ Skill-building groups: Building skills among members or some- times among non-members is the primary goal of these groups. Examples include public speaking workshops, leadership-building groups, writing workshops, choral groups, and youth and intramural sports teams.

Dynamics of Group Structure Regardless of its type, the dynamics of every group—how the group struc- tures itself to achieve its goals—are driven by four common elements: norms, roles, ranks, and controls (DeFleur, D’Antonio, and DeFleur, 1984). Norms are the rules that govern the behavior of group members. They can be unspoken and understood, or they can be formal and written down. For example,

task-oriented groups Groups convened and constructed to serve a purpose.

dynamics How a group structures itself to achieve its goal.

norms rules that govern a group.

They come in different shapes and sizes, but families are a primary group because their members are connected by intimacy.

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players on a basketball team understand that missing practice means a game on the bench and that an untucked shirt at practice means laps. They also know that the rule book stipulates that the ball must be advanced only by pass or dribble and that there are two halves to a game.

Roles are the specific tasks and responsibilities of each member. In a rock band, for example, one member plays the electric guitar, another the drums, one plays the keyboard, a fourth member plays the bass guitar, and one person is the lead singer. If all members perform their roles as expected, the group functions effectively.

Ranks are represented by the hierarchal structure of the group; for in- stance, a typical community group consists of a president, vice president, sec- retary, treasurer, membership chair, fundraising coordinator, and the general membership. In other words, some members simply have more important roles, and more authority, than others.

Finally, controls speak to the rewards and punishments, or behavioral consequences, that group members face. A violinist might be moved up to first chair in a chamber ensemble for superior performance or demoted to third chair for careless playing, and a hockey player could get sent to the penalty box for high-sticking or roughing. Every group, no matter how formal or in- formal, operates according to these four dynamics.

roles Specific tasks and responsibilities of group members.

ranks Hierarchal structure of the group.

controls rewards, punish- ments, or behavioral conse- quences for group members.

Forming a Group

In 1980, a mother devastated by the death of her 13-year- old daughter at the hands of a drunk driver decided to take action. With no real resources or connections, Sue LeBrun-Green assembled a small group of equally con- cerned mothers. They built what would become one of the most significant service organizations in uS history, mothers against Drunk Driving (maDD). During its more than 30 years in operation, the group has challenged re- luctant politicians and battled liquor lobbies, helping reduce fatal alcohol-related traffic accidents. as a result, more than 300,000 lives have been saved, and in 2011, for the first time, the annual number of uS drunk driving fa- talities fell below 10,000 (“Drunk Driving,” 2012).

In 1968, another mother, Peggy Charren, founded aCT (action for Children’s Television), which “aimed to ensure quality and diversity in television programming for children and adolescents and to eliminate commer- cial abuses directed at children” (“action,” 2015). What started as a small group of individuals grew into thou- sands of members, and its efforts eventually led to the Children’s Television Act of 1990, federal legislation

designed to increase educational and informational programming for kids. although the organization dis- solved in 1992, as it determined that it had met its goals, Charren and a group of her associates continue to lobby on behalf of children and their right to quality television content.

People like LeBrun-Green and Charren are a testa- ment to the importance and power of group communi- cation. In both cases, these pioneers began with a simple passion, a small number of participants, and the will to invoke change in what they viewed as a broken system—and they succeeded. We have a social respon- sibility to organize if we have expectations of a better society. One way to do that is to form groups with people who share our concerns and our desire to make a difference.

The power of groups is extraordinary. They teach us about leadership, relationships, and the importance of interdependence. They teach us about ourselves. They unite voices and can serve as critically influential forces, bringing about change for future generations.

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

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Let’s consider an elementary school classroom, since most of us have experienced membership in this group. Some of the typical norms (rules) include raise your hand before speaking, don’t shove your classmates on the playground, line up in an orderly fashion, and be respectful to your teacher and peers. Even before we got to school, at a very young age, we understood that rules like this existed because of our socialization in primary groups. Socialization is how, through our early interaction with family, friends, and other influential people, we learn to be members of a group.

Our elementary school classroom also provides a good example of group roles. The pupils know they are there to learn, while the teachers are there to instruct on subjects like arithmetic, reading, writing, and finger painting. Per- haps there is a student-teacher or teacher’s assistant, whose job it is to help the teacher with a number of tasks like cleaning up the room, helping individ- ual students, or reading stories while the teacher corrects papers. Everyone in the class has specific responsibilities, which are made clear through participa- tion in the group.

The ranks, or hierarchal structure, are also evident in the classroom. The person with the highest rank is the teacher, followed by the teacher’s assis- tant, and then the students, who have the least authority. Of course, if you consider the administrative staff, you might see the superintendent as sitting at the top of the group, followed by the principal, the assistant principal, the teacher, and so on. Just like norms, we are all aware of ranks and roles at very young ages. Even infants intuitively know their parents to be caregivers as they experience being nurtured through diaper changings, feedings, and physical affection.

Controls are also something children learn and understand well. Punish- ments and rewards are a critical part of socializing children toward proper values, ethics, and morals because it is through the use of controls that they develop a sense of right and wrong within a specific cultural context. For ex- ample, in the early grades of school, children are reprimanded through “time outs,” having recess taken away, visiting the principal’s office, and doing extra homework. They are rewarded with silver stars, leadership roles, and various certificates of achievement.

The dynamics of group structure are found in all types of groups. And while all groups possess these characteristics, they may differ in the formal- ity of their structure, which in turn determines the rigidity and formality of the four structural dynamics.

socialization How we learn to be members of a group through our early interaction with primary groups.

an elementary class is a group structured by roles, rules, ranks, and controls.

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Informal and Formal Communication in Groups Depending on the group, different patterns of com- munication between members may be informal or formal. In informal group communication, the language is less rigid, more relaxed, often sponta- neous, and less bound by specific rules, for exam- ple, the way a group of friends or a family interacts. In formal group communication, the language is quite rigid, extremely structured, and heavily bound by very specific rules, for example the com- munication patterns in an army unit or a jury. In a circle of friends, members feel free to say what they want and are relaxed doing so. But jury members must communicate and operate within the guide-

lines of strict language and rules—a sequestered jury cannot have contact with anyone outside the group until a judgment on the case is reached; they must select a foreman; they must understand language codes such as “reasonable doubt,” “circumstantial evidence,” and “burden of proof.”

There are many different group structures in a given culture, and while the communication that characterizes them is more formal for some than others, they all fall somewhere along a spectrum of informal to formal com- munication, as in Figure 7.1. As you can see, while a class of students may not employ as formal a communication structure as an army unit, it certainly op- erates more formally than does a senior-citizen coffee club. Where on that spectrum would you put a little league team? A study group? A sales team? A hip-hop performance group? In coming to your conclusions, did you con- sider the formality of language and the rigidity and formality of rules, ranks, roles, and controls?

Why is a military unit considered a formal group?

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Structuration Theory

The way we routinely commu-

nicate in and about the groups

we belong to shapes those

groups and guides people’s

behaviors in them. Our inter-

actions not only use the

group’s established structures

but also reproduce or reinforce

those structures. Every time

we engage in a group practice,

we are helping produce and

reproduce the institutions

that undergird it, but the

seeds of change are also pres-

ent in those interactions.

formal group communica- tion Structured group com- munication heavily coded with specific rules.

informal group communica- tion Less rigid, more relaxed, often spontaneous group communication.

INFORMAL [senior-citizen coffee club]

[class room]

[army unit]

FORMAL

FIGURE 7.1 Spectrum of Group Formality

Structuration Theory Sociologist Anthony Giddens (1976) wanted to explain how, through the way we routinely communicate in social systems, we produce and reproduce groups. He called his idea structuration theory and highlighted two con- cepts important to understanding its basic premise—the way we communi- cate in the groups we belong to shapes the rules of those groups, which ultimately shape the way we behave in those groups:

1. Structures are the rules and resources produced from people’s interac- tions “involved in the production and reproduction of social systems”

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(Giddens, 2003, p. 455). Those social systems could be an educational in- stitution, a high-tech workplace, an intramural sports team, or a class group project. Rules, whether “official” or learned through our interac- tions in those settings, guide our behavior. Resources are elements extant in the social system, for example relationships, friendships, or special- ized knowledge, available for our use.

2. There is a duality of structure, that is, all our interactions in those settings use established structures and at the same time reproduce or reinforce those structures. ‘‘In a real sense, every time we engage in a practice, we are helping to produce and reproduce the institutions that undergird it’’ (Poole and McPhee, 2005, p. 178).

Giddens is a social philosopher interested in power and how it operates. He argued, therefore, that ‘‘the inherent relation between production and repro- duction involved in the idea of the duality of structure carries with it the impli- cation that the seeds of change are present in every moment of the constitution of social systems across time and space’’ (2003, p. 455). In other words, by ac- cepting structures as they are, we are bound or constrained by them; but if we challenge those structures, we can contribute to beneficial change.

Here’s a simple example. If every time your campus club had an election the winning candidate for president was a male and the winning candidate for sec- retary was a female, you and your group members would, knowingly or not, be reinforcing the sexism that “undergirds” your group. But you could use the group’s structure to make change. You could use its rules, for example its nomi- nation and election processes, to put people of both genders into office. You could use its resources, for example, your influence and friendship with other members, to ensure that that happened. In doing so, you’d be challenging and eventually altering those structures that constrained who could lead your group and in what capacity. “Talk is action,” write Daniel Modaff and Sue DeWine. “If structure is truly produced through interaction, then communication is more than just a precursor to action; it is action” (2002, p. 107). You can read about how interaction within a group, both formal and informal, shapes the working of the group and its members’ behaviors in the box “You Make the Rules.”

The Five Stages of Group Development You’ve likely endured an experience similar to the one in the chapter’s opening vignette. Through that group exercise you became aware, either consciously or subconsciously, of the developmental process common to most task-oriented groups. According to psychologist Bruce Tuckman, this process consists of five stages: forming, storming, norming, performing, and adjourning (Tuckman and Jensen, 1977).

The forming stage of group development occurs when members initially convene, meeting each other for the first time. Some refer to it as the intro- ductory stage because it involves first impressions, self-consciousness, predic- tions of productivity, and a mental mapping of how the different personalities will influence designated roles. Group members engage in polite small talk,

forming Stage when mem- bers initially convene.

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disclosing little to others because they lack familiarity. Members are con- cerned with issues of inclusion as they negotiate their compatibility with one another, and there is anxiety over the potential for communication break- down because of the number of potentially disruptive factors, such as varying personality dynamics and the likely number of antagonistic opinions (mem- bers invariably offer more opinions than raise questions; Bales, 1970). This, obviously, is a much different scenario than communicating one to one.

You may remember from Chapter 6 the multiple complexities of dyadic communication, or communication between two people. But now consider what occurs in a group. If miscommunication is inevitable between two people, just imagine how adding four, six, or eight people might increase the likelihood of breakdown. Remember, too, the Looking Glass Self from Chap- ter 1. When we discussed the perceptions we have of others and ourselves as we engage in interpersonal interactions, some of the factors at play were how we see ourselves, how the other person sees us, what we want the other person to see, and what the other person wants us to see. Now consider how much more complex communication becomes in group situations where everyone is at- tempting to manage the many perceptions of themselves and others. The complexity increases exponentially, often causing group breakdown, which

You Make the Rules

In a study titled “The Policy Exists but You Can’t really use It,” communication scholars Erika Kirby and Kath- leen Krone (2002) examined the case of a large company that offered its employees family leave benefits. They argued that when benefits rules are vague, “the work group is where they are most likely interpreted . . . work groups let us know if we actually have flexible work hours and places” (p. 53, italics in original). What they discovered is that despite institutional policies (formal rules), it was communication within groups of col- leagues (resources) that reinforced a “work first/family second” reality (informal rules) for the employees. “The crew will reward or punish you,” (p. 64) and “[t]he bosses have never made me feel guilty. I have had other people at work make me feel guilty” (p. 65) are indicative of how group members would use communication to influence the structures within which they operated. The re- searchers noted that “[w]omen who utilized the policies felt resentment from coworkers, and even the men were cognizant of needing to balance ‘use’ versus ‘abuse’ so as not to be seen (and treated) as a less committed

worker,” and they concluded that group structures both enabled—in the form of formal rules—and con- strained—in the form of the “unwritten” rules produced by members’ use of resources—the people who struc- tured them (p. 69).

Structuration theory argues that individual people, as they engage others in groups, are free to act. as a result, they bear the responsibility for transforming those groups’ structures through “acts of resistance” (Hoffman and Cowan, 2010, p. 220). In other words, your group will not change to meet your needs and expecta- tions unless you challenge the structures that constrain you. If you are male and in a club, would you be content if your club’s leadership was always in men’s hands? If not, what would you do about it? If you are female, would you stay in a group that insisted on seeing you only through your gender? Would you attempt to change things? How? finally, when on the job, would you enact communication behaviors that ensured max- imum freedom for all your colleagues, even if you might not personally benefit?

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

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we’ll address later in the chapter. This is one reason that people often dislike working in groups. It requires juggling multiple personali- ties and opinions. This realization begins during the group’s formation but it is magnified in the storming stage.

In the storming stage of group development, members experience conflict. They are acquainted with one another at this point and are more com- fortable disclosing points of view and ideas. As they discuss appropriate paths toward task com- pletion and group accomplishment, they contend with and must resolve differences. This often leads to arguments, miscommunication, and a de- viation from the goal at hand. Disagreement is arguably the most prevalent characteristic of the storming stage, as individual members fear a loss of identity in a sea of conflicting perspectives. Still, resolution of these issues must occur if the group is to transition into the norming stage.

The norming stage is characterized by group members’ willingness to work together toward a common goal. They put their previous differences behind them as they come to an agreement on how to best complete the task before them. Productiv- ity accelerates, and members understand and ap- preciate each other’s contributions. Most of all, they see themselves as part of a larger entity and not simply a collection of individuals with personal opinions. They help each other and clearly recog- nize that they are bound by a common cause.

Once this normalcy comes to the group, conflict dissolves, and members are collectively operating at the highest level of efficiency. The group begins to reach and complete its goals. This is the performing stage of group develop- ment. Procedural and relational obstacles are no longer an issue since meeting the objective is the utmost priority. Members evaluate and assess their perfor- mance as a collective unit and even learn something about who they are as they reflect on their identities within the group. It is in this stage that mem- bers can confidently report success in achieving their goals.

In the adjourning stage, members depart from one another and the task. This detachment is not necessarily because the goal is complete and the group is successful. Adjournment may be the result of the failure of the group, as members are simply unable to finish the task. Whether the goal has been achieved or not, it is critical to assess the experience during this stage if mem- bers are to learn from their time together and apply that knowledge to subse- quent group membership.

storming Stage when mem- bers experience conflict.

norming Stage when mem- bers begin working together toward a common goal.

performing Stage when the group begins to reach and complete its goals.

adjourning Stage when members depart from one another and the task.

Once a group gets beyond the storming and norming stages, it can get on with the task of achieving its goals—or performing.

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Group Cohesion and Breakdown Group cohesion binds members together as they accept their membership and their duties. It is a function of mutual interest as members see that their goals can be best met within the group (Lewin, 1948). Margaret DeFleur and her col- leagues identified four types of group cohesion (2014):

• Sentiment-based cohesion relies on the relational closeness of the group’s members. Examples of sentiment-based groups include family and friendship circles. Members of these groups are bound by the feelings of affection they have for one another.

group cohesion The willing- ness to participate in and per- form required activities.

When a group raises funds for a cause, its members experience assign- ment-based cohesion.

• Reward-based cohesion is built on the idea that members are in some way rewarded for the successful completion of the task. For example, participants in a successful weight-loss group are rewarded with slim- mer, healthier bodies, and the best National Football League team is re- warded with a Super Bowl victory.

• Assignment-based cohesion is goal-oriented. Group members, for example those in a fundraising club, work together toward achieving a specific goal, in this case hoping to raise enough money to satisfy their cause. Another example might be a town’s board of education, whose assign- ment it is to determine an appropriate school curriculum.

• Finally, dependency-based cohesion, which is more common in large organizations and companies than in small groups, links groups to each other by way of separate tasks. In other words, a bicycle manufacturer has one group making the handlebars, another working on the tires, and still another group putting together the frames, but they are all linked by the common goal of manufacturing completed bicycles.

Despite the presence of cohesion, groups can sometimes experience total breakdown. For example, while the members of a family may love each other very much, the emergence of an alcohol problem in one of its members can create dysfunction, pulling the family apart. Or one of the group members from the chapter-opening example simply refuses to meet deadlines or con- tribute in any meaningful way in a fit of spite over having been denied the role of project leader. Group breakdown occurs when conflict emerges among members, causing deterioration or dissolution. A number of factors can con- tribute to group breakdown. Among the more common are normative confusion, rank ineffectiveness, and groupthink (Sundstrom, DeMeuse, and Futrell, 2009).

Normative confusion occurs when the group’s rules and expectations have not been clearly defined or established. Think about your experiences with group conflict. Have you been part of a group project in which one of the members seemed confused about when the group was meeting, how often it was meeting, or for how long? Not knowing and, ultimately, not conforming

group breakdown Deterioration or dissolution of a group as a result of conflict.

normative confusion When group rules and expectations are not clearly defined or established.

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to the group’s agreed-upon rules can result in disintegration. At the very least, it puts a bigger burden on those following the initial, agreed-upon agenda.

Another common cause of group breakdown is rank ineffectiveness, or a failure of leadership; that is, the leader(s) of the group are viewed as ineffective. Later in the chapter we will discuss different leadership styles and their impact on groups. We all know what it’s like to work in a group where the leader is self-ap- pointed, too bossy, unable to motivate the team, or too lax in her or his approach to problem-solving. Perhaps the leader just annoys us. When someone is sup- posed to lead but is unable to do so, the result is often an unproductive group.

A third possible reason for group breakdown is groupthink. This phenomenon results when voices within a group are suppressed because of pressure—real or imagined—from others, resulting in a lack of thoughtful examination of the prob- lem or task at hand. Psychologist Irving Janis placed the blame for groupthink squarely at the feet of group cohesion, arguing that it provides high group satisfac- tion but low productivity (1989). He defined groupthink as “a mode of thinking that people engage in when they are deeply involved in a cohesive in-group, when the members’ strivings for unanimity override their motivation to realistically appraise the alternative courses of action” (in Schwartz and Wald, 2003, p. A15). Engaging the critical listening skills of individual members and asking them to express their reservations, as well as encouraging discourse and accepting disagreement, can mit- igate the problem of groupthink and allow all voices to be heard and all opinions to be considered. Sometimes the “loudest” voice does not represent the most effective idea, and it is the job of the group’s leader to ensure that everyone participates in the ongoing conversation. In fact, Janis suggests that the leader refrain from expressing an opinion until well into the group’s deliberations.

If you’ve worked on group projects in school, you are all too aware of the numerous complaints students have regarding group dynamics. You can find some of the more common dissatisfactions in Table 7.1. How might you re- solve some of these issues? What are some other problems you’ve experienced that aren’t represented there? As you can see, more than one of those concerns has to do with bad leadership.

Systems Theory Group membership carries certain responsibilities, as you can read in the box “Our Responsibility to the Group.” One theory that helps us understand why is systems theory, the idea that groups operate as systems, that is, as “sets of interacting components that together form something more than the sum of the parts” (Littlejohn and Foss, 2011, p. 50). Three assumptions (Ackoff, 1981, pp. 15–16) are central to the idea of groups as systems:

1. Each member has an effect on the functioning of the whole. 2. Each member is affected by at least one other member in the group. 3. All possible subgroups of members also have the first two properties.

In other words, all members of the group (the system) are constrained by their dependence on others, and the group will operate according to this interdependence. Consider a family. Each member has a different role of great importance to the family dynamic; however, the family group as a whole is a much stronger entity than

rank ineffectiveness Group members question the legiti- macy of messages transmit- ted by those in positions of authority.

groupthink When voices in a group are suppressed by pressure from others.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Systems Theory

Groups operate as systems,

in which all parts (members)

are interdependent. Change

in one part produces change

in another. Systems are

goal-oriented, and as such,

work to sustain and monitor

themselves. They do so

through feedback loops, in

which the parts communi-

cate with each other and are

mutually changed by that

communication.

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Table 7.1 Common Student Complaints About Working in Groups 1. There are slackers in the group who want to be “carried” by everyone else.

2. The student who wanted to be the leader is not very organized.

3. The leader is bossy and disrespectful to the other students.

4. We can’t seem to coordinate our schedules to accommodate group time and research.

5. I know the group selection was random, but we all have conflicting personalities and don’t get along.

6. The group is too big or too small for the amount of research/work assigned.

7. Some members are too shy and while they contribute in work, they do not contribute to the discussion.

8. members take disagreements about the work personally.

9. One student is aggressive and often ambushes the opinions of others.

10. a few students are friends and always make the others feel like outsiders.

11. The leader thinks she/he is always right about every point and doesn’t listen to others.

12. Half of us are commuters, making scheduling and meeting too difficult.

13. Some members can’t get past their general I-hate-working-in-groups attitude.

14. Some of the students are poor speakers and will bring us down in the presentation.

any one individual member. If one person disappoints or fails the others, the entire family feels the effects. A divorce, for example, will alter not only each family mem- ber’s individual role, but the way the family operates as a system.

Another important concept of systems theory is that systems are goal-ori- ented: they exist to serve some purpose (here it’s easy to see why systems theory and group communication make a good fit). As such, they sustain (keep themselves going) and regulate themselves to achieve their intended outcome. How do they do this? Through communication, naturally.

In a system, this communication is called a feedback loop. The parts (mem- bers) interact with one another, and as one part changes in response to that communication, so too does the other, resulting in change by the first part. The feedback is “looped” back and forth, producing ongoing change that moves the system (the group) in the direction of success. Systems also monitor their envi- ronments; that is, members constantly judge the product of their work, sensing when the system is in need of change. Children of divorce notice that the house is much messier than it was before the parents separated, and you and your group-mates receive an e-mail from the instructor alerting you to a missed deadline for your bibliography. This external information becomes part of the group’s interactions, and the system (hopefully) changes accordingly.

Leadership and Power Every group has a member or a few members who either assume or are ap- pointed to a leadership role. But before we discuss styles of leadership and

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L E a D E r S H I P a n D P O W E r

forms of power, it’s important to define leadership itself. Leadership is when “an individual influences group members to achieve a common goal” (Nort- house, 2007, p. 3). Sounds pretty basic, right? But we all know that effective leadership is much more complex, as those in authority don’t simply “influ- ence” others; they also motivate, challenge, enable, and inspire. Leaders must understand the group’s dynamics and, based on that awareness, determine the best paths for reaching those common goals. Good leaders also make sure that everyone, before embarking on the task at hand, is clear about the agreed-upon norms, ranks, roles, and controls. Finally, it is critical that good leaders adopt a leadership style conducive to the personalities and structure of the group.

Styles of Leadership The three most common leadership styles are authoritarian, democratic, and laissez-faire (Lewin, Lippitt, and White, 1939).

Authoritarian leaders often do not accept input from members of the group and maintain complete control of such things as decision-making and rules. Some may see this leader as more of a dictator than a leader. One-way communication is characteristic of this leadership style, which can often be problematic for those who wish to have a say in the process. Still, some people flourish under authoritarian leaders, especially those subordinates who are more passive, less focused, and need high levels of guidance. Have you ever experienced a leader who takes full control of the group whether the other members like it or not? How did that work out for you?

A democratic leader encourages full and equal participation among individ- uals in the group. This leader will solicit opinions, advice, and ideas from members

leadership When an individ- ual influences group mem- bers to achieve a common goal.

authoritarian leader Does not accept input from mem- bers and maintains complete control of the group.

democratic leader Encour- ages full and equal participa- tion among group members.

Our Responsibility to the Group

Interdependence—how we and others rely on and are influenced by one another—is essential to group suc- cess. We thus have an ethical responsibility to do our part in ensuring that our groups meet their goals. for example, on a school project, your contributions should be as significant as those of your peers if you expect a good grade. In family, helping with younger siblings makes it possible for parents to focus on goals that serve a greater system purpose, such as facilitating a failing grandparent’s home life. Professionally, we have a re- sponsibility to heighten our expectations of ourselves in our work groups; we should take pride in what we’ve accomplished and in the satisfaction of setting high standards for others. In all of these examples, a system

must be sustained and controlled to achieve its goals and to avoid group breakdown. It is critical that individ- uals operating within those systems understand and fulfill their roles in the group’s sustenance and success. This is the ethical choice that we automatically and im- plicitly make when becoming part of group.

You’re in college now, and the system that was your family when you were a high school student has had to change. How have your roles and responsibilities within this new family system been altered? How has change in your role affected other members of that original system? Have feedback loops been strengthened or weakened? How closely do you monitor the working of your family system now that your place in it has changed?

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION

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and is typically the most appreciated type of leader. This is a person who believes the best outcome will arise from a multitude of voices, and while this leader has the final say in matters, she or he does not make a decision without consideration of all members. As a result, group participants come to feel worthy and valued. Can you think of a situation where democratic leadership may have some draw- backs? What about in a case where group members cannot reach consensus in a timely fashion?

Finally, laissez-faire leaders (from the French, meaning to let people do as they choose) are hands-off leaders. They provide little to no guid- ance to group members and expect everyone else to make the decisions. Under this style of leader- ship, the rules and roles are often badly defined or perhaps never made clear during the group’s for- mation. Group members tend to be unmotivated under laissez-faire leaders, which often results in

breakdown and even dissolution. Have you ever been in a group where the leader did not lead, but instead delegated leadership responsibilities to other members? Are there situations where this style of leadership might be effective?

After identifying these most prevalent leadership types, Lewin concluded that authoritarian-led groups were less creative, more rigid, and more dys- functional than democratically run groups, which produced the best results. Groups with laissez-faire leadership were more unproductive and less efficient than those with the other leadership styles (Lewin, Lippitt, and White, 1939).

Forms of Power What is it that drives strong leadership? Typically, it’s the power inherent in the position—the ability, capacity, or authority to move others to act as de- sired. Psychologists John French and Bertram Raven (1959) identified several forms of power that explain why people in subordinate positions follow their leaders. Among them are these seven: coercive, reward, referent, legitimate, expert, informational, and connectional power.

Leaders who possess coercive power have the authority to inflict punish- ment. A courtroom judge, for example, can hand down a sentence, or a drill sergeant can reprimand subordinates with physical exercise. This is the most negatively perceived type of power because it can so easily be abused or wrongly or unethically administered.

Reward power is the opposite of coercive power. Leaders who exhibit reward power are in a position to “pay” members for compliance or achieve- ment. A sales manager may provide her team bonuses based on the number of new accounts. A professor gives good grades for well-written papers, and a father can allow his kids extra computer time or a later bedtime for good be- havior. As you can imagine, this can be a very motivating type of power and is

laissez-faire leader Provides little guidance and expects group members to make decisions.

power The ability, capacity, or authority to move others to act as desired.

What type of leadership does the president of the united States employ? Would President Eisenhower have employed the same leader- ship style as supreme commander of the armed forces in World War II that he did as president?

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certainly more positive than coercive power. However, reward power can also have its drawbacks. A reward that is deserved but never comes can create re- sentment or anger toward the leader. Return to our sales manager; perhaps the team brought in a record number of new accounts but the manager then decides that her subordinates should have done even better to earn their bonuses.

The third type is legitimate power. Leaders who possess legitimate power do so primarily because of their status. Politicians such as state senators, gov- ernors, or congressional representatives all have considerable power because of their positions in the government. This is evident through their ability to make hugely impactful decisions, propose legislation, and initiate action that can affect thousands of citizens and organizations. People who hold legiti- mate power often have considerable influence over a number of social, profes- sional, and personal groups. Politicians who take friends to dinner may be offered complimentary bottles of wine or the best table in the restaurant simply because of their powerful status. And legitimate power can be abused. Political sex scandals are a regular occurrence. These typically involve power disparities between influential men and female subordinates, for example the alleged misdeeds of presidential candidate Herman Cain (accused several times of sexual harassment of employees), accusations of rape of a hotel maid against the former head of the International Monetary Fund, Dominique Strauss-Kahn, and multiple charges of sexual assault against influential co- median and actor Bill Cosby.

Referent power is based on admiration and liking. Accomplished athletes like LeBron James, Peyton Manning, and Danica Patrick possess referent power, as do celebrities such as Samuel L. Jackson, Jennifer Lopez, and Brad Pitt, who have a commanding presence on a movie set. Referent power, for example, is evident in one-time teammate Troy Brown’s evaluation of quarter- back Tom Brady’s leadership: “It doesn’t matter whether he’s right or wrong. People listen to him. He gives you a look that makes you know if you do what he tells you, it’ll be fine” (JockBio, 2012). Consider, too, the groups you’ve worked with in school. It’s probably safe to say you were more responsive to the leaders you liked than those you didn’t.

Attractiveness is an important factor in determining how much one is liked. We humans are hard-wired—genetically predisposed—to respond more

What types of power does each of these individuals possess?

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favorably to those we consider attractive as opposed to those we do not. “Good-looking men and women are generally regarded to be more talented, kind, honest, and intelligent than their less attractive counterparts,” writes psychologist Ray Williams, “Meritocracies are supposed to champion intelli- gence, qualifications, and experience. But physical and social attraction de- liver substantial benefits in all social interaction—making a person more persuasive, able to secure the co-operation of colleagues, attract customers, and sell products” (2012). It’s easy, then, to see why teenagers in friendship groups model themselves after the peers they deem most attractive and cool, primarily because they, too, want to command the same levels of respect and admiration from others. As you might conclude, however, a major drawback to referent power is that it can be awarded on a superficial basis, rendering the person in power unworthy of admiration. Just think of all the teen movies featuring high school “mean girls” and clueless jocks.

Expert power is based on the amount of knowledge or expertise a person has in a given area. Doctors know medicine, and math professors know algebra and geometry. People who want to overcome an addiction will likely choose a support group led by a doctor because doctors are experts, and they trust that a doctor will use his or her power to benefit the group. When we have a big math exam and struggle with some of the concepts, we sign up for the study group led by our professor who uses her knowledge to clarify the things we don’t un- derstand. It all adds up, right? However, sometimes even expert power can have its negative qualities. For example, a doctor so enthralled with his own expertise that he doesn’t listen to his patients can misdiagnose an illness. A math professor who is an expert in her field may have difficulty leading the study group because she cannot comprehend members’ lack of math compe- tency. Expert power requires that knowledge be used in an appropriate and moral fashion; otherwise, expertise-based leadership can produce neglectful or hurtful situations for group members who depend on that expertise.

Those who have access to information that others lack possess informa- tional power. For example, people who work with classified material, like those in government, or individuals who have access to private records, like adop- tion agencies or health industries, can exert influence over those in need of that information. Their power resides in their ability to control the availability and accuracy of information. Even on a more personal level, informational power is always present. Have you ever withheld the time and place of a group gathering to exclude a troublesome member? A club treasurer may present a pessimistic accounting of upcoming costs to thwart members’ ambitious and expensive plans for an end-of-semester blowout. As you can see in these two examples, the exercise of informational power is fraught with ethical implica- tions. Who decides on the propriety of withholding information? It’s quite likely that the holder of the information and those who might otherwise ben- efit from it have differing answers to this question.

Finally, there is connectional power, authority “earned” by virtue of whom the leader knows and the support from members that he or she gains as a result. Dis- cussions of leadership sometimes exclude connectional power because it is not something that resides in leaders themselves, but is attributed to them. Members

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attribute certain skills or characteristics to leaders based on their assumptions of the other people those leaders are thought to know. For example, have you ever had a professor who constantly reminded you of “the time I taught at Harvard” or the teammate who is quick to inform the group that “famous athlete So-and-So is my neighbor”? Again, these examples suggest that connectional power may be a relatively weak form of authority for group leaders, and those who exercise it too frequently may rightfully have their leadership questioned.

Group success, especially the success of goal-oriented as opposed to pri- mary groups, depends in large part on how well leaders negotiate their power in ways beneficial to the entire group. There is no single best exercise of power; different people, different types of groups, and different situations encoun- tered by those people and groups will ultimately determine the most effective form of leadership and exercise of power.

Improving Your Group Communication Skills Many students cringe at the thought of group projects and presentations. It’s often disconcerting to have to rely on others in your quest for a decent grade. For a student who desperately needs a good grade in order to pass the class or one who hopes to maintain her 3.9 GPA, putting their fate in someone else’s hands is a threatening prospect. Students who are more socially challenged often struggle in group situa- tions, as do those who have issues with delegating tasks because they want total control. Learning how to improve your group communication skills can make the difference between a successful group experience and the worst time of your college—or professional—career. You can learn a bit more about how to make your group tasks work—a common reality of the contemporary workplace—in the box “12 Cs for Successful Teamwork.”

Like it or not, you will face group assignments throughout your personal and professional lives, so the best way to deal with them is to, first, accept them; second, embrace them; and third, be better prepared to shape them into positive experiences. Let’s look at some of the ways you can do just that.

1. Understand the dynamics and components of group communication, which hopefully you’ve accomplished in your reading of this chapter. You should share your knowledge with those who do not know as much about group communication as you. Exercise your expert power!

2. As the group forms, encourage each member to vocalize his or her feelings about the project. Ask a lot of questions about what members feel to be their strengths and weaknesses, what areas they would prefer to explore, and what they see as their roles and responsibilities in the group. This makes everyone feel that they have an equal say in the establishment of group norms and tasks.

3. Allow all members to develop a sense of ownership in the goal. Discuss how the task at hand impacts them and reward any achievements or strides made by each individual.

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4. Keep in mind that while authoritarian and laissez-faire leadership may have some benefits (depending on the type of group), always assume that democratic approaches are the best way to negotiate issues in the group.

5. Constantly work toward building cohesion. What are the commonalities among group members? Determine the factors that bind group members and refer- ence those similarities during moments of  conflict or disagreement.

6. Encourage preparedness from members. Once a meeting schedule is estab- lished, everyone should be clear about group expectations—what each member should bring to the meetings, the protocol at meetings, and who will run the meetings.

12 Cs for Successful Teamwork

“People tend to think that teams are the democratic— and the efficient—way to get things done” writes orga- nizational psychologist and team expert J. richard Hackman. “I have no question that when you have a team, the possibility exists that it will generate magic, producing something extraordinary, a collective cre- ation of previously unimagined quality or beauty. But don’t count on it. research consistently shows that teams underperform, despite all the extra resources they have” (in Coutu, 2009).

from reading this chapter, and no doubt from having quite a bit of experience working with teams yourself, you know that Professor Hackman is on to something. But teamwork can be very successful, and it is a fact of the contemporary american workplace. as such, human resources counselor Susan Heathfield (2013) suggests 12 Cs for ensuring the success of work- ing in groups:

1. Clear expectations—Have leaders clearly communi- cated expectations for the team’s performance and outcomes? When those expectations are met, are they acknowledged or rewarded?

2. Context—Do team members understand where their work fits within the context of the larger orga- nization’s goals, principles, vision, and values?

3. Commitment—Do team members want to partici- pate in the team?

4. Competence—Do team members think that the other members have the necessary knowledge, skills, and capability to meet the group’s goals?

5. Charter—Has the team clearly defined and commu- nicated its goals, desired outcomes, timelines, and methods?

6. Control—Do team members have sufficient free- dom and power to feel ownership in their tasks? Do team members clearly understand their boundar- ies? Is there effective leadership?

7. Collaboration—Do group members understand team and group processes? are they interperson- ally working together effectively?

8. Communication—Do team members communicate clearly and honestly with each other?

9. Creative innovation—Is the larger organization really interested in change? Does it value creative thinking, new ideas, and unique solutions?

10. Consequences—Do all team members feel responsi- ble and accountable for the group’s achievements? Does the organization offer rewards or recognition when teams are successful?

11. Coordination—Do cross-function and multi-depart- ment teams work together effectively?

12. Cultural change—Does the larger organization ap- preciate that the more it can change its work cli- mate to support teams, the more it will benefit from the work of those groups?

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE

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7. Offer continual reminders that everyone benefits from a successful outcome. This will serve to help indi- viduals remain motivated as they work toward completing the task.

8. Suggest regular, open dialogue about how the group can con- tinue to improve without alienat- ing or insulting any one member. Speak collectively rather than individually—for example, “We’re getting behind” rather than “Alex, you’re holding us back.”

9. Engage in trust-building exercises to enhance group cohesion and en- courage honesty among members. Some groups do this by asking members to disclose information about themselves as a means of showing willingness to share with other members.

10. Make members aware of the interdependent nature of the project. Reflect on the success of the assignment should everyone give 100% versus the pos- sible scenarios if any one member does not. Explaining that the project is a unified effort can help individual members understand that success is dependent on their individual, specific contributions.

11. Engage in good listening. This is arguably the most important path toward building a productive group. Contributing with ideas, research, and strat- egies is certainly significant, but the ability to truly hear what others have to say not only shows open-mindedness but a level of respect that is rewarded by the appreciation of others. Build referent power!

12. Avoid group breakdown. This should be relatively easy to achieve if the group engages in some of the practices listed here, such as maintaining open dialogue and good listening, building trust and cohesion, and bring- ing democratic approaches to group issues.

Disclosure creates trust in group members because it shows a willingness to share feelings with others.

7.1 Describe the various types of groups. The two broad categories of groups are primary groups (offering members affection and a sense of belonging) and task-oriented groups (de- signed to serve a purpose). Task-oriented groups can be further categorized as participant-driven (uses other members’ emotional support to

overcome obstacles or achieve goals), informa- tion-presentation (organized to provide infor- mation and awareness), decision-making (convened to come to consensus on an issue or issues), and skill-building groups (goal is to build skills among members or sometimes non-members).

Review of Learning Objectives

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7.2 Explain the dynamics of group structure, recognizing the stages of group development. Group dynamics are driven by four elements. Norms are the rules that govern the behavior of group members. Roles are their specific tasks and responsibilities. Ranks are the hierarchal struc- ture of the group. Controls are the rewards and punishments for group members. Depending on the group, different patterns of communication between members may be informal or formal.

There are five stages of group development. In the forming stage, members initially convene, meeting each other for the first time. In the storming stage, members experience conflict. In the norming stage, members find cohesion. In the performing stage, members collectively operate at a high level of efficiency. In the adjourning stage, members depart from one another and the task.

7.3 Discuss types of group cohesion and the factors that cause group breakdown. There are four types of group cohesion. Senti- ment-based cohesion is built on the relational closeness of the group’s members. Reward-based cohesion relies on the idea that members are rewarded for the suc- cessful completion of the task. Assignment-based cohe- sion is achieved when group members work together toward achieving a specific goal. Dependency-based cohesion, more common in large organizations, links groups to each other by way of separate tasks.

Group breakdown occurs when conflict emerges, causing deterioration or dissolution. It can occur from normative confusion, when the group’s rules and expectations have not been clearly defined or established. Rank ineffective- ness, when those in positions of power appear to lack legitimacy, is another cause. Groupthink, when some group members suppress other mem- bers’ voices, can also cause breakdown.

7.4 Describe different styles of leadership and forms of power. There are three common leadership styles. Au- thoritarian leaders do not accept input from

members of the group, and maintain complete control. Democratic leaders encourage full and equal participation from group members. Lais- sez-faire leaders are hands-off leaders. Democratic leadership is considered the most effective.

Leadership depends on the exercise of vari- ous forms of power. Coercive power is the author- ity to inflict punishment. Reward power comes from the ability to reward members for compli- ance or achievement. Legitimate power resides in leaders’ status. Referent power is based on admi- ration and liking. Expert power resides in the amount of knowledge or expertise possessed by a leader. Informational power comes from having access to information that others do not possess. Connectional power is authority earned by virtue of whom the leader is assumed to know.

7.5 Identify ways to improve your group communication skills. You can improve your group communication skills in a number of ways, including the following:

• Understand the dynamics and components of group communication.

• Encourage members to vocalize their feelings.

• Allow all members to develop a sense of ownership in the goal.

• Assume that democratic approaches are the best way to negotiate group issues.

• Constantly work toward building cohesion.

• Encourage preparedness from members.

• Offer continual reminders that everyone benefits from a successful outcome.

• Suggest regular, open dialogue, and speak collectively rather than individually.

• Engage in trust-building exercises.

• Make members aware of the interdependent nature of the project.

• Engage in good listening.

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Key Terms small groups 144 primary groups 144 task-oriented groups 145 participant-driven groups 145 information-presentation groups 145 decision-making groups 145 skill-building groups 145 dynamics 145 norms 145 roles 146 ranks 146 controls 146 socialization 147 informal group communication 148 formal group communication 148 structuration theory 148 forming 149 storming 151 norming 151 performing 151 adjourning 151 group cohesion 152 group breakdown 152 normative confusion 152 rank ineffectiveness 153 groupthink 153 systems theory 153 leadership 155 authoritarian leader 155 democratic leader 155 laissez-faire leader 156 power 156

Questions for Review 1. What is the difference between primary and

task-oriented groups?

2. What are the four types of task-oriented groups? What does each hope to accomplish?

3. What are the four elements of group structure? Define each.

4. Distinguish between informal and formal group communication.

5. What are the five stages of group development, and what happens in each?

6. What are the four types of group cohesion? De- scribe each.

7. What is group breakdown, and what are its three possible causes?

8. Name and describe the three most common forms of leadership.

9. Name and describe the seven forms of power.

10. Describe the basic assumptions behind struc- turation theory and systems theory.

Questions for Discussion 1. What are the best and worst group experiences

you have ever had? Can you explain the success and failure of each in terms of group cohesion and leadership styles?

2. Have you ever held a leadership position in a group? What was it? What was your leadership style? How successful a leader do you think you were, and can you reflect on why you performed as you did?

3. Your Communication class is a group. As what kind of group would you classify your class? How would you describe its norms, and how did they come to be? How many different roles can you identify among your class members? Have ranks or a hierarchy become apparent? What controls exist, and who ensures their en- forcement? How did this group structure come to be? Can you explain it in terms of structura- tion or systems theory?

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Chapter Outline

Defining Organizational Communication 166

Types and Movement of Organizational Messages 167

The Organization as a System 173

Positive and Negative Organizational Communication Traits 175

Organizational Climate and Culture 177

Organizational Communication

8

You graduated from college four months ago and just landed a

marketing position at a prestigious company. As you reflect on your

job search and the day-to-day demands of your new career, you

realize it’s a completely different world from the one you experi-

enced as an undergraduate. For one thing, getting hired was no

easy task. You applied to dozens of job openings. You revised and

rewrote your resume and cover letter a hundred times as you began

to better recognize the expectations of the corporate world.

When you were finally called to interview for your current posi-

tion, you were excited, but your momentum had been thrown off by

those months of rejection. Still, you researched the company, and

in the interview remembered all the important interactional rules

you learned in Communication class—make eye contact, answer

and ask questions, engage in good listening, be interpersonally

immediate. Despite some small nervousness, you got the job. Next

stop, human resources. You were briefed on sexual harassment,

ethics in the workplace, salary structure, and benefits.

In your ongoing efforts to dissect the inner workings of your

company and your place in it, you realize the value of having studied

organizational communication. You understand that much of your

success is contingent on the relational aspects of the job—that is,

communicating effectively with your colleagues. Even more concepts

from your Communication class are now applicable, such as building

morale, managing workplace conflict, choosing an appropriate leader-

ship style, and assessing group dynamics. While you never could have

been fully prepared for what the corporate world had in store, you are

certainly better equipped than recent graduates without those skills.

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As this vignette illustrates, entering the workforce calls into focus quite a number of different communication skills. This is because organizations (companies, nonprofits, corporations, governmental agencies, and the like) exist as their own structures, separate systems composed of specific rules, hierarchies, languages, and tasks. They employ specific groups of people with particular skills, all contributing to a clear outcome or objective. Like other groups, organizations are influenced by outside factors, such as poli- tics, the environment, society, and the economy, to mention only a few. In this chapter, we examine how communication, both formal and informal, allows organizations to meet their intended goals, especially through well-structured bureaucracy, effective leadership, and productive organiza- tional culture.

8.1 Describe the foundations of organizational communication.

8.2 Explain the ways messages can move within an organization.

8.3 Examine the roles, rules, ranks, and responses in the organizational system.

8.4 give examples of the operation and value of bureaucracy in organizations.

8.5 Differentiate various positive and negative organizational communication traits.

8.6 Describe how people are socialized into an organization’s culture within its climate.

Learning Objectives

Defining Organizational Communication Organizations involve members and relationships between those members. As such, communication scholar Katherine Miller defines an organization as a “social collectivity [having] organizational and individual goals, coordinat- ing activity, organizational structure, and the embedding of the organization within an environment of other organizations” (2012, p. 11). Communication scholars study organizational communication as a way to understand the relational dynamics of those who operate within them. These relationships may include superiors and subordinates, colleagues, team members, human resources personnel and employees, and even intimate workplace relation- ships. Regardless of the relationship, the organization plays a huge role in shaping the dynamics of—and therefore, the meaning made from—those in- terpersonal exchanges. Therefore, organizational communication is any communication, verbal or nonverbal, that occurs among members of the same organization.

organization a structured social collectivity that has overall and individual goals, coordinates the activity of its members, and is embedded within an environment of other organizations.

organizational communica- tion any communication, verbal or nonverbal, that occurs within an organization.

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“The foundation of any complex organization,” researchers Terrance Albrecht and Betsy Bach tell us, “is the communication process occurring between people. Interaction among members—and the relationships they form—are the primary way in which people move from a disorganized state of individuals to an organized, coordinated group of relatively interdependent organization members, capable of collectively accomplishing tasks, adapting to environments, and reaching mutually rewarding goals” (1997, p. 3). There are a number of ways in which those sharing an organizational environment communicate:

• Electronically (e-mails, texts, messaging, social networking sites, Power- Point slides)

• Verbally (presentations, meetings, luncheons, face-to-face negotiations, interviews, informal conversations)

• Nonverbally (dress codes, work ethic, levels of productivity)

Regardless of the platform, the messages flowing within an organization are quite distinct in both type and movement. In the following section we consider organizational messages—what they are, how they work, and the directions in which they flow.

Types and Movement of Organizational Messages Messages flowing within organizations can move in various directions— upward, downward, or horizontally. The direction of this movement is signif- icant because it helps establish the existence of a hierarchal structure, levels of power within the organiza- tion. Figure 8.1 shows a typical hierar- chical structure.

The way employees deal with specific types of messages can differ dramatically, and so can the conse- quences. For example, imagine you are part of a sales team and are send- ing an e-mail to your colleagues regarding company protocol. How might the structure and wording of your message differ from one sent to your manager about the same issue? You would likely be more guarded in a message to your superior, trying to make sure nothing could be misinter- preted or could reflect badly on you or

hierarchal structure levels of power within an organization.

Organizational communication exists throughout the workplace and includes specific kinds of messages.

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your colleagues. Perhaps the wording would be more formal with your manager than it might be with your colleagues, and you would most likely have spent more time writing the e-mail.

Upward Messages A message from a subordinate to a superior or boss is an upward message because it is sent from someone in a lower ranked position to someone in a higher ranked position. A request for a raise in pay, a letter of resignation, various reports, request for funding, or monthly updates on product sales are indicative of upward messages.

Some organizations have formal procedures for that upward flow, such as specific e-mail, phone, and paper-based suggestion systems, or periodic

performance assessments. Not all do, however. “Despite the value of upward communication net- works, a common and valid complaint among em- ployees is that there are not appropriate vehicles available to carry messages from subordinate to su- perior,” explains organizational communication re- searcher Alan Zaremba. “Upward communication networks are rarities and are often not authentic when they do exist. This is due more to human nature than to ignorance of the value of these net- works. People, no matter who they are and no matter how confident they might be, are reluctant to solicit rejection” (2003, p. 133).

Take this example. You supply your boss with a detailed assessment of your team’s progress over the last six months. You and your colleagues did a

upward message Messages that flow from lower to higher ranked employees.

FIGURE 8.1 Typical Organizational Hierarchical Structure

President or CEO

VP VP

ManagerManagerManager

Supervisor

Staff Staff Staff Staff Staff Staff Staff Staff Staff Staff Staff Staff Staff

Supervisor Supervisor Supervisor Supervisor Supervisor Supervisor

upward communication is sometimes fraught with danger.

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Could You Blow the Whistle?

you’re five years into a successful career with a big company when you learn that it is illegally dumping toxic waste into streams. These streams are deep in the woods but eventually flow into your city’s water supply. What do you do? if you alert your superiors and they ignore you for months, what then? What if your manag- ers, and even some of your colleagues, seem to be distancing themselves from you, and you start to hear whispers of snitch and informer? What if your family is depending on you for a steady income?

Whistleblowers are people who reveal improper organizational activities that superiors wish to conceal. Whistleblowers can report internally—that is, they can alert the organization’s leaders to the problem—or they can report externally. The federal government, through its Office of the Whistleblower Protection Program, offers protection to whistleblowing employees. federal law, through the Securities and Exchange Commission’s Office of the Whistleblower, also protects private-sector financial workers who report their organizations’ illegal activities. The military, too, protects whistleblowers who report abuse to Congress under the Military Whis- tleblower Protection act, and the irS maintains a

Whistleblower Office to protect those who alert it to tax fraud. Private organizations such as the National Whis- tleblowers Center help whistleblowers defend them- selves against retaliation. and a number of major media outlets participate in SecureDrop, an online whis- tleblower submission system open to the public that allows whistleblowers to anonymously send informa- tion and documents to journalists while protecting their identity.

Despite these protections, and the esteem they seem to imply for the act of whistleblowing, many people never consider coming forward, either internally or externally. Doing so could mean losing their job and their friendships inside and outside the organization. “Everyone i know who has been a whistleblower has sacrificed their career,” said Tom Doyle, founder of Cath- olic Whistleblowers (in forliti, 2013).

Back to you—could you blow the whistle? revisit this ethical dilemma after you read this chapter’s section on organizational culture. ask yourself if your response might change had you been part of an organizational culture that promoted trust and membership. How might you contribute to creating such a culture?

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION

good job, meeting expectations. But there were some personnel problems, especially the issue of absence among two key members. You effectively han- dled this tricky personnel issue and still met the output targets the organiza- tion set for you. But what meaning does your manager make from your account? That you had a personnel problem and would quite likely have exceeded expectations if you had not allowed this interference. In this case, your honest and detailed accounting of your team’s work has not bene- fited you.

And what happens if the message you send upward is about serious problems in the way the organization operates—and that message is unwel- come? Even worse, what happens if that message expresses or even suggests disagreement with the way your superiors are doing their work? You may decide to say nothing or else equivocate. Communication researcher Ryan Bisel and his colleagues call this outcome the hierarchical mum effect. This self- imposed “suppression of dissent produces a barrier to organizational

hierarchical mum effect Self-imposed suppres- sion of dissent in upward messages.

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learning and adaptation” (Bisel, Messersmith, and Kelley, 2012, p. 128). You can read about some of the challenges created by unwanted upward messages in the box “Could You Blow the Whistle?”

Downward Messages A downward message moves from boss to subordinate, higher rank to lower rank—for example, a notice of termination, procedural or policy changes, notification of new hires, and changes in operations.

Despite communicators’ best efforts, messages can be distorted, or misin- terpreted, as they move up or down the hierarchy. Downward messages tend to suffer more serial distortion: they are altered and reshaped as they move through various stopping points between the original source and the intended receiver. One obvious reason for distortion as information passes from the big boss through lower levels is the amount of encoding and decoding involved. Think of the game of telephone, when you whisper a secret to a friend, who passes it on to the next person, who likewise passes it on, and so on. By the time the information makes its way back to you, it most surely has been altered. But there are four other factors that impede meaning making as messages flow downward: adding, leveling, sharpening, and assimilating.

Adding occurs when intermediaries add to the original message, changing its meaning either in fact (less likely) or in tone (more likely). A vice president may ask your manager to congratulate you on your successful first year with the company, but when your manager adds that you can expect “big things” to come your way (raise? promotion? company car? corner office?), she has unwisely altered the VP’s message.

Leveling is the opposite of adding; it is when intermediaries shorten the original message. Original messages get leveled for a number of reasons; for example, some people simply write or speak less voluminously than do others. But messages can also be shortened because of more problematic reasons. There may be strained relations between people along the downward line of communication, or people may omit information or details that reflect poorly on themselves or even on those above them.

Sharpening is when intermediaries reduce a message to its most sensa- tional or thematic core. “Until the holiday rush brings the expected boost in business, two employees will be laid off, one from sales and one from customer service” becomes “There will be layoffs!!”

Assimilation happens when intermediaries reshape messages to be more palatable to intended recipients. Few people, even bosses, like to deliver bad news. “If the IT people do not improve their performance, the whole unit will be replaced and their duties outsourced to an independent contractor” becomes “Come on, people, we need to do better. The VP is losing patience, and you know how she can be.”

Horizontal Messages A horizontal message is one exchanged between colleagues, usually those who share the same rank or position. As you read earlier in the text,

downward message Messages that flow from higher to lower ranked employees.

serial distortion alteration of messages as they move through stopping points be- tween the original source and the intended receiver.

horizontal message Mes- sages exchanged between colleagues of similar rank.

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Water cooler and grapevine conversations are two informal methods of employee communication.

communication can fall anywhere on a spectrum from formal to informal, depending on the context. Informal communication in the work- place is most likely to occur in the horizontal passing of information among coworkers, which is not without its benefits. In fact, research demonstrates that “workers are more productive if they have more social interaction. So a bank’s call center introduced a shared 15-minute coffee break, and a pharmaceutical company replaced coffee makers used by a few marketing workers with a larger café area. The result? Increased sales and less turnover” (Lohr, 2014, p. A1). The two common forms of this less structured, yet quite valuable form of organizational communication are grapevine and water cooler communication.

Grapevine communication refers to mes- sages and rumors that make their way around an organization; in the end, these may bear little resemblance to the original message. If frequent encoding and decoding distorts more formal mes- sages as they flow down the hierarchy, imagine the kinds of distortion that happen in the grapevine. Grapevine communication entails no formality and is most likely to occur when an organization or com- pany is facing some difficulty, for example an impending layoff, declines in profit due to recession, or a reorganization. The grapevine can take any one or all these forms (Davis, 1953):

• Single strand—One person passes information on to another, who then informs a third, and so on in a single, linear flow of information.

• Gossip—One person tells many others.

• Probability—People randomly inform others.

• Cluster—Of those people who have been informed, one tells others. Of those others, one tells others, and on and on.

Keith Davis, a pioneer researcher of informal organizational communica- tion, explains that the grapevine “cannot be abolished, rubbed out, hidden under a basket, chopped down, tied up, or stopped. If [it is] suppressed in one place, it will pop up in another . . . It is as hard to kill as the mythical glass snake which, when struck, broke itself into fragments and grew a new snake out of each piece” (1972, p. 263). How should an organization deal with this form of communication, which, by definition, is unauthorized? Davis says, accept it, understand how it operates, and when appropriate, make sure to use it to complement the formal network.

Another form of informal organizational communication is water cooler communication, when employees engage in conversation (not necessarily

grapevine informal chain of communication that spreads through an organization, often leading to message distortion.

water cooler communication informal chat within an organization.

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work-related) while on breaks or during pauses in the workday. These talks may include outward information (what’s going on outside working hours but is related in some way to the organization), for example, which employees are dating other employees, or inward information (what’s occurring inside the workday), such as treatment of employees by management or inequities in pay and designated responsibilities. Much as they have with the grapevine, contemporary organizations have come to embrace the water cooler, under- standing that these informal channels

• Give stressed workers an opportunity to vent their feelings.

• Create a climate of free-flowing feedback, which can benefit the organization.

• Build company morale.

• Encourage a more closely knit, interpersonal work community.

• Are essential to maintaining the organizational “system” as a whole.

Status Update: I’ve Just Been Fired

Which of these situations will get you fired?

(1) you’re a waitress, and you post facebook photos of local policemen with the caption “Those stupid cops better hope i’m not their server.”

(2) you’re a teacher who takes to facebook to criticize her students, complaining that “it would be easier to be at home than have to go through this.”

(3) you’re a reporter for a newspaper, and you comment on your town’s murder rate, Tweeting, “What?!?! No overnight homicides? you’re slacking, Tucson.”

(4) you work for a transportation company, and you post online, “at OnBoard you will receive no health insur- ance, sick days, vacation days or one single benefit. you will ride around on unsafe buses, without the benefit of a Pa system, or sometimes even a seat.”

(5) you work at a nonprofit organization, and you and some of your colleagues complain on facebook about another coworker’s intention to go to man- agement about your work performance.

These are all real incidents: numbers 1 through 3 got people fired; 4 and 5 didn’t (all from gordon, 2013, and Ballman, 2013). The difference lies in what the National

labor relations act considers concerted activity—that is, employees’ freedom to act together to try to improve pay and working conditions or to fix job-related prob- lems. Situations 1 through 3—insulting police officers, complaining about your students, and joking about murder—have little to do with working conditions or on-the-job problems. But situations 4 and 5 clearly are about organizational activities and work conditions. Concerted activity occurs “when: (1) union or union-free employees get together to discuss wages, hours, or other working conditions; (2) one or more employees threaten or suggest group action; or (3) one or more em- ployees voice concerns—on a safety or comparable topic—that impact or concern a larger group of fellow employees” (Temple and Stuhldreher, 2013).

So how far can you go in your social media commen- tary, especially when frustrated about something or someone at work? remember the principle that should guide all your internet communication: never post or tweet anything you wouldn’t say to your mother or to your boss’s face. The principle of concerted activity may give you legal protection in some instances, but what you post and tweet says much about you and your organiza- tion. Why risk not only your job but loss of face?

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

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T H E O r g a N i z aT i O N a S a S y S T E M

New communication technologies, especially social networking sites, greatly expand the reach—and therefore the impact—of grapevine and water cooler chat. This expanded impact is not always for the better, as you can read in the box “Status Update: I’ve Just Been Fired.”

The Organization as a System One way to look at organizational communication is through Systems Theory (Chapter 7). As you may remember, systems are “sets of interacting compo- nents that together form something more than the sum of the parts” (Little- john and Foss, 2011, p. 50). Central to systems theory is the idea that systems are goal-oriented; that is, they operate to serve some specific function. Naturally, effective communication among the system’s components will determine how well the system fulfills its goal.

Of course, not all systems are the same. One type is a closed system: its components communicate solely with one another; it will continue to fulfill its goal as long as its components function as designed. Think of the heating system in your house. The temperature of a room triggers a response from the thermostat, which triggers the furnace to turn on or off, heating or cooling the room—and then the process repeats. This endless series of feedback loops con- stitutes a circular communication process in which mes- sages travel back and forth, achieving ongoing mutual adjustment (and in this case, keeping you comfortable). Of course, your home heating system is very simple compared with a big organization’s system of interactions.

Organizations are open systems; their components in- teract continuously, not only with one another, but also with the environment outside the system. For example, a vitamin company might employ scientists, sales representatives, mar- keting professionals, lobbyists, and health specialists, among others. The people in these different roles perform specific functions, but they all share the overall goal of producing a healthy, successful product and creating profit for the organi- zation. In addition to communicating internally, the people in these roles have external interactions. The scientists must read and react to the research findings of outside scientists. The sales representatives have to contend with competitors who work to undercut them on price, and the marketing profes- sionals have to contend with government rules about allow- able health claims. By definition, the lobbyists exist to interact with the outside environment, and the health specialists must conduct research on real people to continue to improve and adapt the company’s products. Each of these interactions can change the functioning of everyone else in the system.

closed system a system whose components communi- cate solely with one another.

The thermostat in your home’s heating system commu- nicates solely with other elements of that system, ren- dering that system closed. Elements in an open system such as an organization, however, are routinely buffeted by a host of outside influences.

feedback loop Circular com- munication process in which messages travel back and forth across a system, making possible ongoing mutual adjustment.

open system a system whose components continuously interact not only with one another, but with the environ- ment outside the system.

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To ensure that their open system continues to operate as intended in the face of these exter- nal realities, organizations establish predeter- mined guidelines, often referred to as policies and protocols. Policies are statements that provide a blueprint of how the organization operates, its goals, and its expected outcomes. Protocols are the detailed methods used in achieving those outcomes. For example, it might be a company’s policy to perform an annual assessment of each department. How it proceeds in making that happen, for example appointing a special assess- ment committee or possibly creating evaluation forms, would occur through specific protocols. Like any other system, the rules that govern an organization and the effectiveness with which they are communicated are critical to its opera- tional success.

How this is routinely accomplished might surprise you. One factor often thought to inhibit communication success in the workplace, making protocols and policies much harder to follow than would otherwise be the case, is bu- reaucracy. When we typically think of bureaucracy, we envision the loss of pro- ductivity because of mountains of “red tape,” tons of paperwork, and the hierarchical attitudes of those in leadership positions who act insensitively toward their employees. But bureaucracy is nothing more than the roles, rules, ranks, and controls that make up the organization. The negative view of bureaucracy persists despite the important benefits it offers any complex system; after all, complicated organizations need leadership and guidelines. In fact, the larger an organization, the more complex its structure, creating many more channels of communication, and consequently, more opportunity for breakdown, therefore requiring even more bureaucracy. (If you’ve noticed that this sounds familiar to Chapter 7’s discussion of the elements of group dynamics—norms, roles, ranks, and controls—it is because in both cases these are the means by which all groups can best meet their goals. Of course, larger groups—organizations—are more dependent on rules than are smaller, more flexible groups, as we will discuss.)

So how do organizations as systems communicate effectively to maximize productivity and avoid all of the so-called bureaucratic obstacles that hinder the process? Max Weber’s Theory of Bureaucracy (1946) attempts to answer this question. Weber determined that bureaucracy serves to ensure a well-functioning system through three basic principles: authority (hierarchy, that is ownership and leadership), specialization (a fixed division of labor and specification of roles), and rules (guidelines that govern performance and the centralization of decision-making). Sociologist W. Richard Scott (1981) added two additional principles: equal treatment of all employees (the idea that techni- cal qualifications, not favoritism or other non-work factors, are the main

policy Statement that pro- vides a blueprint of how an organization operates, its goals, and expected outcomes.

protocol Detailed methods used in achieving goals and outcomes.

bureaucracy The norms, ranks, roles, and controls of an organization.

Mountains of paperwork may come to mind when we think of bureau- cracy, but organizations, while they might be able to manage with smaller piles of paper, could not function without bureaucracy.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Weber’s Theory of Bureaucracy

Bureaucracy is not only posi-

tive but necessary to a func-

tioning system. A bureaucracy

functions through authority,

specialization, and rules.

Bureaucracies in and of them-

selves do not obstruct produc-

tivity, but communication

breakdown does.

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P O S i T i v E a N D N E g aT i v E O r g a N i z aT i O N a l CO M M u N i C aT i O N T r a i T S

criteria of evaluation), and employment as career (the idea that employees have a sense of security and are protected against arbitrary dismissal).

This view of how organizations should operate clearly presents bureau- cracy as not only positive, but necessary to a functioning system. As such, bureaucracies in and of themselves do not obstruct productivity, but rather it is the people who operate within them who occasionally do so. As sociologist Charles Perrow (1986) explained, organizational failures are not necessarily the fault of bureaucracy; after all, everything—roles, rules, ranks, and controls—should be clearly laid out. When breakdowns do occur it is because

• Organizations are open systems, subject to buffeting from outside and often hostile environments, and it is impossible to eliminate those outside influences. Let’s use a much-maligned bureaucracy, the Internal Revenue Service, better known as the IRS. Over the last 20 years, because of anti-IRS sentiment among some in Congress (and little public affection to counter that sentiment), its budget has been repeatedly cut and its workforce reduced by 25 percent.

• Organizations, especially larger ones, sometimes have trouble adapting to the non-routine or non-typical occurrences or tasks that those outside influ- ences create. During that same period, the number of individual tax returns that the IRS must annually process has increased by more than 25 percent, to well over 230 million. As a result, the number of audits that it conducts has been cut in half, its ability to prevent tax fraud has been diminished, and the waiting time for phone help has increased from 15 minutes a few years ago to more than an hour today.

• And as you might imagine in a system as complex as an organization, no matter how well-crafted the policies and protocols put in place to ensure that the components interact with maximum efficiency, they are put into practice by humans, and humans are fallible. Communication breakdown— and system disruption—is likely. Like the people they must deal with under these circumstances, IRS employees become frustrated and angry, some- times with those they are helping, sometimes with the organization itself. Admitting that she would never dream of recommending IRS employment to anyone, one long-time employee said, “Morale is horrible. People are looking for a way to get out of the government” (in Packer, 2013, p. 21).

Positive and Negative Organizational Communication Traits In fact, communication breakdown is more than likely; it’s inevitable, as organizations are made up of humans with different personalities, communi- cation styles, and character traits. Communication traits, the ways in which we behave as part of an organization, create meaning for those around us, and others react according to those meanings. Some of those traits are positive be- cause the effects they have on others produce beneficial outcomes. The opposite

communication traits Traits exhibited by members of an organization, such as asser- tiveness, secrecy, superiority, motivation, empowerment, supportiveness, and intimidation.

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holds true for negative traits; they can be toxic in the work environment. In either case, it is through their various traits that members establish a work identity—how they want to be perceived by their colleagues. The workplace communication traits most commonly addressed by organizational communi- cation scholars are supportiveness, motivation, empowerment, assertiveness, ag- gressiveness, superiority, secrecy, and intimidation. Table 8.1 shows the positive and negative counterparts of workplace communication traits.

Empowerment involves giving people authority. In doing so, we express confidence and trust in them. Conversely, when we engage in intimidation of colleagues, we belittle them, making them feel small and powerless. It doesn’t take much to recognize the value difference in the workplace between these two communication traits. A positive outcome is much more likely to result when an individual feels empowered rather than intimidated. Think about a salesperson who meets regularly with the regional sales manager. Which of the following approaches will result in more sales, and which manager would you rather have?

Manager #1: “You’ve got this! You’re a great salesperson. Go out there and show them your stuff!”

Manager #2: “You really need to make this sale. Kelly’s doing at least 20% more business than you. What’s wrong with you? You know there will be consequences if you don’t perform.”

Assertiveness is a second positive communication trait. People who confi- dently assert themselves in the workplace offer ideas and contribute to organi- zational conversation and growth. They respectfully speak their minds. Aggressiveness is a different matter altogether. Colleagues who act aggressively speak their minds, but without a professional filter, and act cruelly toward others. They are not afraid to hurt people to get what they want and are more likely to show hostility through verbal attacks, offensive language, or un- professional behaviors. Consider the case of colleagues Meg and Cindy:

Meg and Cindy worked together on a business presentation they were expected to de- liver to their superiors. They both knew that only one of them would eventually be pro- moted. The two weeks of preparation became a nightmare for Meg. She did all the research and came up with most of the ideas. Still, she recognized this was a “team” project and felt she needed to treat it as such. Cindy, on the other hand, refused to do her part, telling Meg her ideas were ridiculous and would never fly with the “higher

work identity an individual’s persona (as presented or perceived) in the workplace.

empowerment granting authority to another based on trust and confidence.

intimidation Belittling others to make them feel powerless.

assertiveness Confidently presenting ideas and contrib- uting to organizational con- versation and growth.

aggressiveness Speaking one’s mind without a profes- sional filter.

Table 8.1 Workplace Communication Traits POSITIVE NEGATIVE

Empowerment intimidation

assertiveness aggressiveness

Supportiveness Secrecy

Motivation Superiority

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ups.” Besides, Cindy wasn’t about to work with “someone not as talented” as she thought herself to be. When the bosses LOVED the ideas from the presentation, Cindy was happy to take the lion’s share of credit. In fact, she spread the rumor that Meg did nothing on the project. Clearly, Meg was the assertive member and Cindy the aggressive one. Let’s hope the bosses were onto Cindy.

Supportiveness is among the most productive communication traits in the workplace. Supportive people provide encouragement, empathy, under- standing, and help to those around them, even when it may not be part of their job description. Secrecy, on the other hand, is seclusion and concealment that causes others to suspect a hidden agenda. The secrecy of a superior is especially corrosive. Supervisors who keep to themselves, who isolate themselves from their workers, create the perception that they are unapproachable and foster an atmosphere of doubt and distrust. Employees of secretive superiors fear being shut out of conversations about important or difficult issues such as layoffs, fir- ings, wage decreases, and benefit changes. You can imagine how toxic this un- certainty can be to communication effectiveness in an organizational system.

The fourth positive communication trait is motivation: drive, visible interest, and incentive to produce. This positive work identity is highly conta- gious, creating motivation in others through example. Motivated employees see everyone as a potential success story because they believe in the power of good attitudes and common goals. Superiority runs counter to motivation. Members of an organization who see themselves as superior to others imply that they rank higher, are more respected, and perform better. Even if that’s true in an individual case, superiority represents a company atmosphere that is divisive, leaving workers unmotivated and bitter.

These positive and negative traits say something about the individuals who possess them. If you’re positive and inspired, your colleagues will be too. As such, these communication traits become vehicles through which we pat- tern and deliver messages, and ultimately determine how we are perceived as professionals. Employees who demonstrate positive traits are much more likely to get promoted, gravitate into leadership roles, and extract more pro- ductivity from their workers and colleagues. Employees who demonstrate negative traits are detrimental to the success of the organization because they foster an environment of low morale and low productivity. You can read about how to deal with colleagues whose negative communication traits inevitably produce workplace conflict in the box “Dealing with On-the-Job Conflict.”

Organizational Climate and Culture Organizations, as systems, are only as effective as their individual parts, and those parts—the organization’s people—operate not only within the organi- zation’s bureaucracy, but within its climate and culture. Organizational cli- mate and culture are closely related, and both are forces that arise naturally from and shape the life of the organization.

supportiveness Providing others with encouragement, empathy, understanding, and help.

secrecy Seclusion and con- cealment that causes others to wonder about a hidden agenda.

motivation Drive, visible interest, and the incentive to produce.

superiority Higher rank, more respect, and better per- formance as a means of put- ting oneself above others.

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Organizational climate is the “social information process that concerns the meaning employees attach to the policies, practices, and procedures they experience and the behaviors they observe being rewarded, supported, and expected” (Schneider, Ehrhart, and Macey, 2013, p. 381). Essentially, the climate is the product of employees’ interactions with the functioning of the organization.

For example, leadership is central to organizational climate, as leaders’ style and effectiveness shape members’ day-to-day behaviors and expecta- tions. The organization’s structure also influences its climate, as it is a visible expression of how it values its members and their expertise. Are there, for example, cross-departmental or cross-interest teams? Is the organization rigidly hierarchal, or streamlined and democratic? Other factors also shape climate. Does the organization have set standards of accountability; do its members take responsibility for their performance and behavior? Are perfor- mance and competencies rewarded fairly and tangibly? Is there a

organizational climate The meaning employees attach to the policies, practices, and procedures they experience, and the behaviors they observe being rewarded, supported, and expected.

Dealing with On-the-Job Conflict

On-the-job conflict makes going to work miserable, in- creases your level of stress, and hampers your perfor- mance. Organizations cannot function smoothly when employees feel this way. But keep in mind that conflict can be an opportunity for constructive change.

Human resources consultant Susan lankton-rivas (2008) explains that workplace conflict comes in many forms. Examples include interpersonal differences with a colleague, frustration over superiors’ or subordinates’ unwillingness to listen to your ideas or instructions, and annoyance with colleagues who do not carry their share of the work. She offers eight strategies for overcoming on-the-job conflict and turning it to your advantage:

1. Approach conflict with an open mind—Workplace conflict is not about winning; it’s about dealing with people with differing points of view. find a mutually satisfactory solution.

2. Consider what might have caused the conflict—is the problem about differing work or communication styles? is it a difference of opinion? is it about rank and power? Think about what you might have con- tributed to the problem.

3. Be respectful of differences—Today’s workplaces are more diverse than ever; you’ll spend your entire

career interacting with colleagues of different ages, cultures, and backgrounds. you want respect, so respect others.

4. Ask your coworker what you might have done to upset him or her—Communicate your willingness to talk the problem out and solve the matter together.

5. Listen carefully—Don’t jump to conclusions. ac- knowledge others’ feelings, listen, and then para- phrase what you heard. fully understand the issue before responding.

6. Carefully consider the type of language you use—use “i” rather than “you” statements. rather than “You don’t understand me,” try “Maybe I’m not being clear.” Communicate blamelessly; for example, rather than “You seem to have a problem with me,” try “There seems to be some tension.”

7. If conflict continues, get some help—ask someone you respect (and who is not involved) for advice on handling the problem.

8. Be sure the problem is resolved—feeling better about the situation is not enough. Make sure your co- worker feels that the issue has been resolved satis- factorily. Don’t be afraid to discuss how you might avoid future conflict.

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE

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well- expressed statement of the organization’s vision and strategies? These formal factors—these policies, practices, and procedures—constitute the cli- mate in which people perform their duties, facilitating or impeding the orga- nization’s success. Climate tends to be communicated down and then throughout the organization, whereas an organization’s culture tends to per- meate all levels of the system.

Organizational culture is the pattern of shared basic assumptions or inferences that members learn from the organization’s stories, myths, tradi- tions, and everyday experiences and observed behaviors. If members believe that these assumptions and inferences are useful and contribute to the orga- nization’s success, they see them as valid and pass them on to new members as the best way to think, feel, and act. As such, the organization’s culture sets its norms, values, and beliefs. Eric Eisenberg and his colleagues are even more specific, defining organizational culture as “the language of the workplace, the performance of managers and employees, the formal and informal practices that mark an organization’s character (such as rites and rituals), and the display of meaningful artifacts like architecture, interior design, posters, and furniture. Moreover, the cultural approach [to understanding organizations] foregrounds the human desire to see organizational life as an opportunity to do something meaningful” (Eisenberg, Goodall, and Trethewey, 2010, p. 103).

As in any culture, a person new to the environment must adapt through socialization, learning behaviors from others (as discussed in Chapter 7), and assimilation, becoming fully integrated into that culture. In an organi- zational setting, socialization typically takes three forms. Naturally, the first thing new employees must learn is information about the job they have been hired to do, and they need to understand exactly what is expected of them in undertaking that task. This is task socialization. Workgroup socialization happens as newcomers learn the specifics of the particular group of people with whom they’ll be working, their goals, rules (formal and informal), and values. But those newcomers belong not only to their work group, they are also part of a larger organizational culture, so they also experience organizational socializa- tion, learning the organization’s values, goals, customs, rules, preferred leadership and com- munication styles, and politics. One way that organizations display their values is through their commitment to corporate social responsi- bility, as you can read in the box “Doing Well by Doing Good.”

Organizational assimilation is “the pro- cess by which individuals become integrated into the culture of an organization” (Jablin, 2001, p. 755), and it occurs in three communication stages:

organizational culture Pattern of shared basic assumptions or inferences that members learn from an organization’s stories, myths, traditions, everyday experi- ences, and observed behaviors.

organizational assimilation Process by which individuals become integrated into the culture of an organization.

Eyeglass manufacturer fgX international uses artifacts to express the values of the people behind those foster grants.

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1. People learn about work through communicating with their world. They have lives before they join their new organization, and they are socialized about work by talking with family and friends, seeing work represented in the mass media, and even in other jobs of their own. These socializing experiences make up the anticipatory socialization stage.

2. The organizational entry and assimilation stage begins on newcom- ers’ first day with the organization and continues until they are no longer outsiders but are in fact integrated insiders. Mistakes are often forgiven early in this stage, and work roles are negotiated among newcomers, their colleagues, and their superiors.

3. Eventually, people leave the organization, either through movement from one part of the organization to another or by leaving altogether. This is the disengagement and exit stage. As in the dissolution process of an interpersonal relationship (Chapter 6), departing employees disen- gage from the relationships they have built with colleagues and superiors

anticipatory socialization stage learning about work through a lifetime of communication.

organizational entry and assimilation stage Moving from being an organizational outsider to organizational insider.

disengagement and exit stage Movement from one part of an organization to another, or leaving altogether.

Doing Well by Doing Good

Corporate social responsibility (CSr) is the integration of business operations and organizational values. More specifically, it is operating an organization “in a manner that accounts for the social and environmental impact created by the business. CSr means a commitment to developing policies that integrate responsible practices into daily business operations” (as you Sow, 2013).

Companies of all sizes practice CSr because of its wide range of benefits. These include attracting better clients, saving money, and generating social good will (Thorpe, 2013). in addition, CSr activities may increase profit. research has shown that practicing CSr changes consumer behavior toward those companies for the better (Mohr and Webb, 2005); it enhances customers’ respect for the brands, leading to increased purchasing intent (lai, yang, and Pai, 2010). CSr can even create a “halo effect,” in which consumers are more sympathetic toward an organization in cases of product-related harm or controversy (Klein and Dawar, 2004). “The vast majority of consumers around the world say that when companies engage in corporate social responsibility (CSr), they have a more positive image of the company (95%), are more likely to trust the company (94%), and would be more loyal to the company (93%),” explains public relations firm Cone Communications (2013).

Then there is the benefit of an improved organiza- tional culture. Business writer Devin Thorpe interviewed several companies about their CSr programs and dis- covered that “51 of 59 believe that they have happier employees and 45 of the 59 believe they end up with better employees, either as a result of being able to at- tract better talent or that the CSr programs help to de- velop better employees.” One of his interviewees added that CSr “lifts morale and builds capability among the team, [and] it also clears people’s minds, allowing them to make better decisions” (2013).

and finally, a growing number of socially responsi- bly investors will not deal with a company unless it has a CSr program in place. in fact, 73 percent of investment managers say that socially responsible investment indicators are now common (as you Sow, 2013).

Doing well by doing good, then, has obvious organi- zational benefits. Organizations including as you Sow and CSrWire help companies develop, maintain, and report CSr activities. Their membership includes, among thousands of others, general Electric, McDonald’s, Safeway, Whole foods, apple, Dell, HP, Best Buy, Coca-Cola, PepsiCo, Nestlé Waters, Starbucks, Target, gap, Home Depot, Walt Disney, and DuPont.

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as they withdraw from their work and the organization itself. They talk with them less frequently and less personally.

Strong Organizational Cultures Organizations that effect this socialization and assimilation with skill tend to be strong cultures; they “experience long-term business success. Strong cul- tures result in greater employee satisfaction, increased productivity, greater customer satisfaction, and customer trust. Strong cultures also possess a system of formal and informal rules that indicate how employees as well as the organization as a whole are to behave. Thus, a strong corporate culture enables workers to feel as if they are making positive contributions to the or- ganization. This, in turn, results in a more productive worker” (Avtgis, Rancer, and Madlock, 2010, p. 61). Organizational experts Terrence Deal and Allan Kennedy (1982) identified six interrelated communication-based elements that help build strong organizational cultures:

1. History: This is an organization’s shared narrative of its past. It estab- lishes the foundation for its culture. Its long-standing traditions keep people anchored to the organization’s core values.

2. Values and beliefs: An organization’s identity is expressed by its shared beliefs—what we consider important, what we stand for.

3. Rituals and ceremonies: Rituals (for example, casual Fridays) and ceremo- nies (for example, award recognition lunches) recognize and celebrate organizational values. These are the everyday practices that bring people together.

4. Stories: A constant theme of this text is that you are what you communi- cate. The same holds true for organizations. Their stories reveal and cele- brate their values and recognize the actions of employees who best personify those values in action. From these organizational tales, em- ployees come to learn what is expected of them and understand what the organization stands for.

5. Heroic figures: These are the employees and managers who are the most respected, best regarded, and most highly rewarded for their embodi- ment of the organization’s values. They include, for example, the em- ployee of the month, whose picture is in the lobby; the top salesperson, who has a reserved parking spot near the door; and the manager who re- ceived a $10,000 bonus for her innovation of the call center reporting system. They serve as role models, and their success marks the organiza- tion’s aspirational ideal.

6. The cultural network: We know this as the grapevine and water cooler talk. Deal and Kennedy identify several different members of the cultural net- work. Storytellers interpret what they see going on around them, and from that create stories that embody the organization’s values. Gossipers put their own take on daily events and provide entertainment. Whisper- ers are conduits to power. The higher-ups listen to them, and their

strong culture an organiza- tion that effectively socializes and assimilates its members.

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colleagues know they can use them to informally and safely get a message to the top (possibly softening the hierarchical mum effect). Spies, on the other hand, provide their own in- formation to the bosses, letting them know what’s really going on. Priests and priestesses are the guardians of the or- ganization’s cultural values. They are much respected by all levels of the hierarchy and know the organization’s history. Their colleagues know they will use the organization’s his- torical responses, values, and beliefs to make sense of any situation.

Dealing with Diversity in an Organizational Culture Like any culture, an organizational culture is made up of diverse groups. Consider how many different types of people there are in any one company: women, men, bosses, employ- ees, people of different races, different religions, different ethnicities, people who specialize in specific areas, educated professionals, IT people, lesbians, uneducated laborers, managers, young people, middle-aged people, the elderly, single mothers, Republicans, people who like their job and people who don’t, physically fit people, unhealthy people, the marketing team, people of different height and hair color, environmentally conscious people, Democrats—and

the list goes on. These are bounded cultures (Chapter 1) within the larger or- ganizational culture.

Once you gain membership in an organization, just as you would as part of any other culture, you must learn the language of that organization, get to know its members, understand the interpersonal dynamic of those members, and know how each person fits into the culture as a whole. At your college or university, for instance, you need to know the language, which includes con- cepts like tenure, assessment, curricula, transcripts, recruitment, commence- ment, and adjuncts. You are also aware of the many roles that exist—the bursar, professors, admission counselors, academic advisers, students, and re- source librarians. And finally, you have to understand how those different groups interact on campus.

Even though you may be interacting with all these people in terms of their roles or duties, you are also interacting with them as individual human beings. For example, in the admissions department, how many employees are female, black, Muslim, or gay? Learning the organization’s language, getting to know its members, understanding their interpersonal dynamics, and knowing how each individual fits into the system as whole will help you better navigate company policies and protocols. Perhaps more important, it will help you un- derstand how to effectively communicate with each member of the many bounded cultures that your organization houses. Back to your school—do you communicate the same way with your peers as you do with your professor? Do

The reserved parking spot is a sign that its holder is an organizational hero.

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you treat the janitorial staff with the same level of respect as you do the university vice presidents? Do you act the same way toward students who share your ethnic or racial heritage as you do toward those who do not?

This suggests the importance of effective intercultural communication, “interaction between people whose cultural perceptions and symbol systems differ enough to influence the communication event” (Samovar et al., 2013, p. 8). We will examine inter- cultural communication in great detail in Chapter 9, but here we want to stress that organizations—and the people in them—that embrace diversity and the communication challenges and benefits it brings are better prepared to negotiate a work cul- ture increasingly influenced by globalization. As organizations spread their reach overseas, those that can rely on a diverse, pluralistic employee base well versed in intercultural communication benefit in the following ways:

1. Miscommunication is less likely because the organization’s values en- courage its members to acclimate to a diverse communication culture. A multicultural workplace encourages one-on-one interactions, allowing members to better understand each other’s communication practices.

2. Discrimination, racism, and harassment are not tolerated in a diverse work environment. And because there is a direct correlation between ha- rassment and loss of workplace productivity, an organization that en- courages diversity is much less likely to foster a climate of harassment, and therefore, more likely to have more productive employees.

3. All employees feel full membership, fostering an open, outspoken orga- nizational culture rich in ideas and creativity. For instance, a European hired by an American company may have different views on employee motivation than do his or her US colleagues because Europeans typically believe in a more relaxed work environment. As a result, this one-time outsider might provide new strategies for getting the most out of the company’s workers by suggesting longer breaks, midday massages, or other rest techniques.

4. An organization that encourages diversity inward will also be more effec- tive outward. Consider an American employee who travels abroad to con- duct business in China. Understanding and appreciating Chinese business customs and language is likely to result in strong business relationships, and is much more likely to occur if that American employee is already comfortable operating in a multicultural work environment.

globalization The process in which organizations extend their business to different parts of the world, becoming more globally integrated.

Organizations are becoming increasingly diverse, echoing the culture as a whole.

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8.1. Describe the foundations of organizational communication. An organization is a social collectivity with orga- nizational and individual goals. As such, organiza- tional communication is any communication that occurs electronically, verbally, or nonverbally be- tween or among members of an organization.

8.2. Explain the ways messages can move within an organization. An organization’s messages move in an upward, downward, or horizontal direction. Upward mes- sages tend to be more formal and are open to dis- tortion. Formal, downward messages are also typically subject to serial distortion in the form of adding, leveling, sharpening, and assimila- tion. Horizontal messages, typically informal, are an important part of an organization’s func- tioning and take the form of the grapevine or water cooler communication.

8.3. Examine the roles, rules, ranks, and responses in the organizational system. Organizations are systems, composed of interde- pendent parts that work toward a common goal. The system is guided by individual roles and re- sponsibilities embodied in its policies and proto- cols. As a complex system, organizations require bureaucracy, which functions through authority, specialization, the centralization of decision- making, equal treatment of all employees, and a sense of employment as career.

8.4. give examples of the operation and value of bureaucracy in organizations. Complex systems rely on bureaucracy for efficient operation, but when they do not function as in- tended, the fault does not necessarily rest with bureaucracy itself. Because they are open sys- tems, they are subject to outside environments;

they sometimes have trouble adapting to non- routine or non-typical occurrences, or to tasks that those outside influences create; and their policies and protocols, no matter how well crafted, are put into practice by fallible humans.

8.5. Differentiate various positive and negative organizational communication traits. Because organizations are made up of many dif- ferent people, there tend to be many different personalities, communication styles, and charac- ter traits. Among the beneficial organizational communication traits are empowerment, asser- tiveness, supportiveness, and motivation. Among the negative communication traits are intimida- tion, aggression, secrecy, and superiority.

8.6. Describe how people are socialized into an organization’s culture within its climate. Organizational newcomers first undergo task so- cialization, learning information about the job and understanding what is expected of them. Workgroup socialization is the learning of the specifics of the particular group of people with whom they’ll be working. Organizational social- ization is learning the organization’s values, goals, customs, rules, preferred leadership and communication styles, and politics.

Organizational assimilation, the process by which individuals become integrated into the cul- ture of an organization, occurs in three communi- cation stages. The anticipatory socialization stage occurs as people learn about work through com- municating with their world. The organizational entry and assimilation stage begins on their first day with the organization and continues until they are no longer outsiders. Mistakes are often for- given early in this stage, and work roles are negotiated among newcomers, their colleagues, and their superiors. Eventually they leave the orga- nization. This is the disengagement and exit stage.

Review of Learning Objectives

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r E v i E W O f l E a r N i N g O B J E C T i v E S

Key Terms organization 166 organizational communication 166 hierarchal structure 167 upward message 168 hierarchical mum effect 169 downward message 170 serial distortion 170 horizontal message 170 grapevine 171 water cooler communication 171 closed system 173 feedback loops 173 open system 173 policy 174 protocol 174 bureaucracy 174 communication traits 175 work identity 176 empowerment 176 intimidation 176 assertiveness 176 aggressiveness 176 supportiveness 177 secrecy 177 motivation 177 superiority 177 organizational climate 178 organizational culture 179 organizational assimilation 179 anticipatory socialization stage 180 organizational entry and assimilation

stage 180 disengagement and exit stage 180 strong cultures 181 globalization 183

Questions for Review 1. Define organization and organizational commu -

ni cation.

2. What are upward messages, downward mes- sages, and horizontal messages? How might each suffer distortion?

3. What is serial distortion? What are the five ways it can occur?

4. What is the grapevine? Water cooler communi- cation? What is their value to an organization?

5. What are the five basic principles of the Theory of Bureaucracy (Weber’s original three and the two added by Scott)?

6. What is the value of bureaucracy to complex organizations?

7. What are the four positive and four negative organizational communication traits? Describe each.

8. Differentiate between organizational climate and organizational culture.

9. What are the three forms of socialization into an organizational culture? What elements are necessary for a strong organizational culture?

10. Organizational assimilation occurs in three stages. Name and describe each.

Questions for Discussion 1. Do you typically think of bureaucracy in nega-

tive terms? Describe a time when bureaucracy got in the way of something important you wanted to do at school. Now imagine your college or university without its bureaucracy. Would that make your functioning in that or- ganization easier? More difficult? Explain your answer.

2. Have you ever had a boss or colleague who demonstrated some or all of the negative com- munication traits detailed in this chapter? What were the circumstances? How did this situation limit your productivity, if it did? How did you deal with that person?

3. Have you ever been part of an organization with an active grapevine? What were the cir- cumstances? How well did that grapevine work? What was the most important piece of information you learned from the grapevine, and how did it influence your work situation?

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Chapter Outline

What Is Intercultural Communication? 188

Obstacles to Intercultural Communication 189

The “Naturalness” of Prejudice: Two Theories of Culture and Identity 192

Accelerators of Intercultural Communication 194

How Cultural Values Shape Communication 197

Attitudes Toward Diversity and the Problem with Tolerance 202

Intercultural Communication Alternative vacation? You’d never heard of it. But many of your

friends and classmates were taking the plunge, so why not you?

Your campus was encouraging students to travel to a United

Nations–run school for underserved children in South Africa. The

goal: to help the kids with their English while teaching them good

hygiene and health practices.

You figured it was time to take a risk and do something cultur-

ally challenging, so you signed up. On your way to Cape Town,

you were concerned about your safety as well as your ability to

communicate. You had also heard that the food is barely edible,

that there is a huge chance of contracting a disease, and that

South Africans don’t like visitors very much. But after traveling

halfway around the globe, you arrive at the school and are greeted

by five happy toddlers. Dressed in beautiful colors, they gather

around you, intrigued by your presence. You are overwhelmed by

the warmth of their welcome. This is not what you thought it

would be.

By the time you board your flight to return home, you have been

mesmerized by everything you’ve discovered. You also feel silly

about the misconceptions you’d had about South Africa and the

people who live there. You are already missing the children and

craving braai, South African barbecue. The experience was eye-

opening, educational, even miraculous.

9

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The biggest lesson from this opening story is that communicating with people from another culture is not as threatening as it might seem. As we will see in this chapter, attempting to understand one another despite our differences not only helps disabuse us of stereotypes and inaccurate generalizations, it makes us better people—more compassionate, more cultured, more human.

What Is Intercultural Communication? In Chapter 1 we looked at the purpose of culture. We learned that culture serves many functions—for example, defining us, liberating and limiting us, uniting and sometimes separating us. We also discovered that many different cultures (called bounded or co-cultures) make up our larger, dominant culture. These social communities distinguish us by gender, age, sexual orientation, ethnicity, activities, clothing, and personal preferences, among other things. This chapter focuses on how movement between those cultures affects com- munication. Intercultural communication “involves interaction between people whose cultural perceptions and symbol systems differ enough to influ- ence the communication event” (Samovar et al., 2013, p. 8).

The construction, delivery, and interpretation of messages will naturally vary when we address people outside our own bounded cultures. Think about how your communication changes when addressing your peers (people sharing your student culture) versus your professors (with whom you share your larger college or university culture). You quite naturally move from informal lan- guage to more formal language. A more obvious example would be your ability to communicate clearly when studying abroad or even when traveling to other parts of the country. Different languages and dialects can, at times, make ef- fective communication a challenge. Look at the various dialects represented by New Yorkers, Southerners, Bostonians, and Canadians. Even nonverbal communication can vary depending on the culture. In the United States, for example, eye contact is a sign of respect, while Asian cultures view prolonged eye contact as offensive. Bulgarians interpret head nodding as meaning “no,” not “yes”—quite the opposite of most other cultures. In this chapter we look at intercultural communication as a critical area of study for both global unity

intercultural communica- tion Interaction between people whose cultural per- ceptions and symbol systems differ enough to influence the communication event.

9.1 Describe the elements of intercultural communication.

9.2 Identify the obstacles to and accelerators of intercultural communication.

9.3 Describe how various cultural values affect communication.

9.4 explain attitudes toward diversity and the problem with tolerance.

Learning Objectives

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and as a means for better meaning making in our own country. The United States is indeed becom- ing more pluralistic: by 2020 the United States will be a majority-minority country; that is, there will be no single racial or ethnic majority among its people (Wazwaz, 2015).

The key to successful intercultural communi- cation is understanding how people from other places and backgrounds interact in their own cul- tures, using their own sets of symbols and inter- pretations to express traditions, beliefs, values, roles, and rules. The first step in this process of understanding is to recognize the obstacles and accelerators associated with doing so.

Obstacles to Intercultural Communication Intercultural theorists study obstacles and accelerators that develop when people communicate between or across cultures. That is, they are interested in what hinders intercultural communication and what fosters it. We will begin by addressing six obstacles to effective intercultural communication: stereo- typing, labeling, prejudice, discrimination, chauvinism, and ethnocentrism.

Examples of stereotypes include statements like Black people make the best athletes, Asian students are particularly good at math and science, gay men are great at interior design, and women are emotionally weaker than men. Stereotyp- ing, as we saw in Chapter 1, happens when we broadly characterize people or groups, often inaccurately. Stereotyping is a clear hindrance to effective inter- cultural communication for four reasons. Stereotypes

1. Serve as filters, and often what’s filtered out is the truth. 2. Assume that culture-specific characteristics apply to each member of a

group, even when they do not.

3. Are often exaggerated and oversimplified. 4. Are often difficult to change once formed.

Stereotypes begin to form early in childhood. In fact, ample scholarly evidence suggests that children who have more exposure to diverse groups hold fewer stereotypes throughout their lives (Meshel and McGlynn, 2004). Researchers have also demonstrated that positive interaction among chil- dren of different cultural groups can counteract false or negative stereo- types (Stephan, 1999). Exposure to and participation in other cultures, therefore, are key to bettering intercultural communication skills. You can learn more about how to avoid stereotyping in the box “Stereotyping versus Generalizing.”

majority-minority country When there is no single racial or ethnic majority among a country’s population.

The united States is becoming increasingly more diverse, making inter- cultural communication competence increasingly more important.

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A second obstacle to effective intercultural communication is labeling, or using names to categorize individuals and groups. We all remember labels from high school like nerd, dumb jock, loser, rich girl, and social outcast. The problem with labeling is that it often becomes a self-fulfilling prophesy; that is, something happens or becomes real because we have made it so with our words. If we label someone a social outcast, for example, we will not in- teract with him or her (denying ourselves a potential friend). The label in fact turns that person into a social outcast, which is not only unfair but hurtful.

Prejudice and discrimination are two other obstacles to successful in- tercultural communication, and the two concepts are often confused. Prejudice is “a negative attitude toward a cultural group based on little or no experience,” while discrimination “is the overt actions one takes to exclude, avoid, or distance oneself from other groups” (Martin and Na- kayama, 2001, p. 44). Prejudice is an attitude; discrimination is a

labeling Describing individu- als using names we believe categorize them.

prejudice Negative attitude toward a group based on little or no experience.

discrimination Overtly excluding, avoiding, or distancing oneself from another group.

Stereotyping versus Generalizing

Stereotyping forces people into categories or attributes characteristics to them that may not apply. This catego- rization, though, is part of how the human brain oper- ates. “While this storage system [categorization] assists with organization and use of the stored information,” explains researcher Adam Oliner, “it can have the un- wanted side effect of associating characteristics with subjects for whom the association may be inaccurate. This generalization, specifically as it applies to humans, is known as stereotyping.” In fact, he adds, stereotyping is one of our brain’s more complex functions because it involves “the task of storing and retrieving information about other people in order to interact with them or predict their behavior” (2000).

The original categorization might be automatic, but what happens next is not. “Implicit cognitive effects are often reduced by focusing [people’s] attention on their judgment task [to] provide a basis for evaluating [others] . . . aimed at reducing such unintended discrimination” (Greenwald and banaji, 1995, p. 4). In other words, while quick categorization may be evolutionarily hard-wired, stereotyping is a controllable cognitive process. Stereo- typing might be a natural side effect of our ingrained cognitive categorizing, but the attitudes and behaviors that it sometimes produces—racism, prejudice, and

discrimination—are not. So the question becomes, if we are prone to this categorization process, how do we ensure that what follows is not damaging to ourselves and others? We certainly have a social responsibility to do so.

Perhaps the answer lies in our ability to distinguish between stereotyping and generalizing—the first is neg- ative and the second natural. If we accept Olin’s premise that categorizing is natural, one way to avoid stereotyp- ing is to recognize that we cannot help our initial flow of thought, but we can control our subsequent thoughts and behaviors. It is morally acceptable to make cultural generalizations. How else do we make educated guesses about others in an attempt to understand them? For ex- ample, to say that all Americans are violent is a stereo- type. but to say that there tends to be more violence portrayed in American media than in other countries’ media is an educated characterization.

While cognitive categorizing may be an unconscious act, how we translate those categories into behaviors is quite deliberate. It requires that we think about people as individuals, not as categories (what Greenwald and banaji called focusing our attention on the judgment task). We can then condition ourselves to automatically sepa- rate generalizations from stereotypes.

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behavior. Prejudice often grows out of the stereotypes we hold. For ex- ample, Julie’s story begins with prej- udice born of stereotyping and ends with discrimination:

Julie graduated from college with a degree in journalism. She applied for a job as a local news reporter for a radio station. The station’s news department was composed of an all-male staff, which Julie saw as strange but not uncommon in the broadcasting business. Still, she was confident in her writing, investiga- tive reporting, and presentation skills, and was subsequently offered a chance to interview. What she didn’t know was that the news director believed female news reporters were more emotional than their male counterparts (a stereotype). The news director had agreed to interview Julie despite the fact that he thought she probably couldn’t handle the job because she was a female (a prejudice). Julie’s interview turned out to be the best among the several potential candidates. She was clearly the most qualified and ready to take on the challenges of a demanding newsroom. Unfortu- nately, she did not get the job (discrimination) because of the news director’s prejudice.

Chauvinism is a fifth obstacle to effective intercultural communication. Simply put, this is when people believe themselves to be superior to others. Americans often attribute chauvinism to men, but anyone can be chauvinis- tic. A female executive, for instance, can look down on her male and female subordinates, or older teenagers can act superior toward their younger peers simply because they view age as hierarchal. In any case, while chauvinism is not limited to men, the term is typically attributed to males who express feel- ings of gender superiority.

A final obstacle to successful intercultural communication is ethnocentrism, a form of cultural exclusion. Ethno indicates ethnicity, race, or culture, and centrism refers to being at the center of something. Ethnocen- trism, then, is the belief that one’s own culture lies at the center of every- thing; it is a superior culture, better than any other culture. Ethnocentric bias is an obvious hindrance when relating to those from a culture that is not the “superior” one. In the United States, the media and political discourse often reflect ethnocentric bias by using phrases such as “the greatest country on earth” or “the world’s greatest democracy.” Many of the persuasive techniques and symbols used in US news and advertising imply that if you disagree, you are somehow less of a person. But different cultures and individuals might view these ideals and values quite differently.

chauvinism believing oneself to be superior to others.

ethnocentrism belief that one’s own culture is the best.

In the film Mean Girls, the stereotypical roles of high school students are played out, and we see the labeling process that develops as a result.

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The “Naturalness” of Prejudice: Two Theories of Culture and Identity We see these impediments to successful intercultural communication all around us, and rare are human beings who do not occasionally feel a prefer- ence for people in their in-group, those with whom they identify, over people in an out-group, a group other than their own. Two closely related theories that consider the relationship between identity and culture help explain this “natural” prejudice.

Social Identity Theory The first is social identity theory, the idea that a person does not have one self, but rather several selves that correspond to her or his different group memberships. Originally developed by social psychologists Henri Tajfel and John Turner (1979), it argues that group membership, in and of itself, creates a self-identification that will favor the in-group at the expense of the out- group. The researchers were able to demonstrate in a series of experiments that the mere act of categorizing oneself as a member of a group—no matter how meaningless, even by the flip of a coin (Are you a Heads or a Tails?)—was sufficient to produce in-group favoritism and out-group disfavor. Why? Once people recognize that they have membership in a given group, they work to increase their self-esteem by positively differentiating their in-group from some other out-group; for example, “I’m an American; Americans are the best! Foreigners are not American; they must be inferior. Therefore, as an Ameri- can, I am superior to foreigners.” Echoing symbolic interaction (Chapter 1), social identity theory argues that people find positive distinctiveness in a collec- tive significant other, in this case, their in-group. They define their sense of identity in terms of “we” rather than “I.”

Matthew Hornsey explains the process:

Human interaction ranges on a spectrum from being purely interpersonal on the one hand to purely intergroup on the other. A purely interpersonal interaction (which Tajfel and Turner believed to be rare) involves people relating entirely as individuals, with no awareness of social categories. A purely intergroup interaction is one in which people relate entirely as representatives of their groups, and where one’s idiosyncratic, individ- ualizing qualities are overwhelmed by the salience of one’s group memberships. [Social identity theory argues] that sliding from the interpersonal to the intergroup end of the spectrum results in shifts in how people see themselves and each other. (2008, p. 206)

We rarely interact with others without at least some recognition of their membership in some other social category, for example, gender, race, profes- sion, or nationality. Comedian Stephen Colbert lampoons those who would argue otherwise when he says, “I don’t see race. Am I white? People tell me I am, but am I?” So the question now becomes what motivates a shift from the inter- personal to the intergroup end of the spectrum in our interactions with others; that is, when does group membership become salient in making out-group

in-group Those with whom one identifies.

out-group A group seen as other than one’s own.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Social Identity Theory

People do not have a single

self, but rather several selves

that correspond to their dif-

ferent group memberships.

Group membership, in and of

itself, creates a self-identifi-

cation that will favor the

in-group at the expense of

the out-group.

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judgments? Certainly the communication context and nature of the interaction are important, but the constant element in this shift is the value or significance in constructing their identities that people give to their in-group membership. If your identity is very heavily wrapped up in your group membership, then the other’s group membership becomes important in your interaction. For exam- ple, if you’re a white supremacist and your entire identity is defined by the color of your skin, the race of the person with whom you’re speaking is always an issue. If you’re a reasonable human being, it’s not. Let’s return to Mr. Colbert’s “I don’t see race” assertion. Of course he does; we all do. We all see race, gender, nationality, status, and a host of other identifiers of group membership. But these only become important in our judgment of others to the extent that those memberships are important to our judgment of ourselves.

Identity Negotiation Theory Communication scholar Stella Ting-Toomey (2005) offers a second explanation for our ten- dency to favor people like ourselves and disfavor others: identity negotiation theory, the idea that our identities are the product of negotiating our self-identification with others’ self-identifica- tion. That is, when we interact with others we, to varying degrees, assert, chal- lenge, and possibly modify our assumptions about our own and their identities. Ting-Toomey says that this process begins in childhood, as we work to estab- lish first our personal identities and then our cultural identities. We learn from our family interactions who we are, but then we undertake the wider task of developing just what that means. What does it mean to be a male or female? What does it mean to be Asian, Irish, a Mid-Westerner, an Atlanta Hawks fan? Through social interaction with and outside the family, we learn about and build attachments to larger cultural groups; after all, just as social identity theory suggests, it makes us feel better to belong to groups that we value. And again, just as social identity theory tells us, our commitment to that group- based identity is a function of how important membership in that group is to us. “Identity, thus, is constructed in communication in various cultural set- tings,” write theorists Stephen Littlejohn and Karen Foss. “When you commu- nicate within a familiar cultural group, you will experience more security, inclusion, predictability, connection, and consistency; but when you interact across cultures, you may experience the opposite—vulnerability, differentia- tion, unpredictability, autonomy, and change—leading to a lack of stability and even the possibility of transformation” (2011, p. 105).

Comedian Stephen Colbert claims, with great irony, that he does not see race.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Identity Negotiation Theory

Our identities are the prod-

uct of negotiating our

self-identification with

others’ self-identification.

When we interact with

others we, to varying de-

grees, assert, challenge, and

possibly modify our assump-

tions about our own and

others’ identities.

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There is an important intercultural communication lesson in these two theories. Yes, in-group favoritism is natural and normal; and yes, it is easier to interact with those with whom we are familiar. Membership in these com- fortable groups boosts our self-esteem. But it is only by stepping out of our “comfort zone” that we can transform who we are and negotiate an identity that is truly ours, one constructed with a richness of experiences and inter- actions. As Littlejohn and Foss explain, too much unquestioned and unchal- lenged cultural identity can “lead to ethnocentrism; too little can lead to confusion. Too little change leads to stagnation; too much change will lead to chaos” (2011, p. 105).

Accelerators of Intercultural Communication How do we become what Ting-Toomey (1999) calls a cultural transformer, someone who can shift effortlessly among and between multiple cultural mindsets and cultural identities? The route to finding that balance is effective intercultural communication. Just as there are factors that hinder successful intercultural communication, there are those that enhance it, including cul- tural relativism, understanding others’ cultural values, cultural pluralism, and cultural participation.

Relativism in general asserts that things like morals, values, and mean- ings are related to specific contexts, and no perspective or standpoint is more uniquely privileged over any other (Howson, 2009). Cultural relativism, then, is the belief that people vary in their behaviors, feelings, traditions, and values depending on the cultures in which they live; and the fact that their beliefs are different from those of others doesn’t make them any less or more valued. Once you recognize this as a communicator, you become more cultur- ally inclusive, recognizing and respecting the differences of others as you expe- rience diversity in cultures.

A second accelerator of intercultural communication is an understanding of cultural values, what they are, and their relevance to any given culture. Cultural values are gauges for determining right from wrong; that is, they are behavioral guidelines. Cultural values are deeply rooted in all people, making them extremely influential in shaping how members of a given cul- ture behave. In American culture we value things like freedom, efficiency, time, and materialism. When our freedoms are infringed upon or coworkers slack off on the job, we consider these to be violations of our values. But not all countries share our values or our interpretation of how those values should be expressed. Americans, for instance, typically do not revere their elderly people as much as Africans do theirs. Americans value individuality and freedom, but Chinese culture sees social harmony as much more import- ant than any one individual’s need. Regardless of the culture, the values people adopt are acquired in similar ways—through school, media, govern- ment, friends, family, and social structures—in other words, through

cultural transformer Some- one who shifts effortlessly among and between multiple cultural mindsets and cultural identities.

cultural relativism belief that people vary in behaviors, feel- ings, traditions, and values depending on their culture.

cultural values A culture’s gauges for determining right from wrong.

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interaction with that culture (Chapter 1). These values are first and foremost established to sustain the operation and success of the culture itself, but they can also be a source of misunderstanding for those who have not shared those same interactions.

Another accelerator of successful intercultural communication is cultural pluralism, when people maintain the practices and identities of their bounded-culture affiliations within the larger culture. For example, a family who moves to the United States from India might maintain their Indian tradi- tions by wearing saris (Indian dresses), cooking foods like pakoras (fried veg- etables and meats) and naan (a type of Indian bread), or following their native religion, which might be Hinduism or Sikhism.

Cultural pluralism, naturally, raises questions of the value and place of assimilation, when a person identifies with or integrates into another cul- ture. For example, because they desire inclusion, children brought to live in the United States from another country often want to fit in with their new environment. They might do so by abandoning their homeland traditions and adopting the typical American kid’s way of life. By the time they reach their teenage years, they might identify more as American than they do with their birthplace. It is difficult to characterize assimilation as an obstacle or acceler- ator simply because, depending on the circumstance, it can be either. Some people may feel it is a positive development that the children in our example establish a sense of inclusion and belonging, since they must adapt to another culture. Others make the counter-argument and mourn the loss of connection the children once had with their original traditions and beliefs. After all, doesn’t its diversity make America great?

Nonetheless, the contemporary view is in favor of pluralism, and propo- nents of cultural pluralism sometimes use two metaphors, one old and one new, to make their case. For more than a century now, especially at the height of Asian and European immigration to the United States in the early years of the last century, Americans spoke proudly of their country as a melting pot; all the immigrants’ values, beliefs, music, food, celebrations—all the things that made their cultures unique—would “melt together” and mix with the ex- isting American culture, forming an even better, harmonious whole. But might not everyone lose a little when what was special and good about those now-melted elements is lost? How would you feel if there was no soccer, hockey, lacrosse, Italian food, Afro-Caribbean music, yoga, martial arts, Costa Rican coffee, hummus, or salsa dancing? Maybe a salad might be a better met- aphor, argue pluralism’s proponents. America’s strength is not that it is a giant melting pot, but that it is a great big wonderfully tasty salad. In this salad America’s bounded cultures are thrown together and mixed up like the ingre- dients of a salad, each maintaining its own distinct flavor and contributing to the taste of the salad as a whole. The individual richness of each ingredient (culture) is valued for itself and for what it contributes to the whole. And when we want to enjoy that salad, we can combine several ingredients into a big mouthful of American culture, or we can pick out some Chinese dim sum here or maybe some Irish line dancing there.

cultural pluralism maintain- ing the practices and identi- ties of one’s bounded culture within the larger culture.

assimilation Identification with or integration into a dif- ferent culture.

melting pot metaphorical image in which all cultures blend together into one har- monious whole.

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The fourth accelerator is cultural participation. Any time people learn an- other language or students study abroad, they are engaging in cultural par- ticipation—the act of involving themselves in another culture. Sampling ethnic cuisine like Thai food is one way to participate in a different culture, and trying your hand at Egyptian basket weaving or Brazilian dance fighting are others. Any time we open ourselves up to one of these new experiences, we are engaging a different bounded or co-culture. In doing so, we chart unfamil- iar territory and gain appreciation for other people’s way of life. Also, when we

cultural participation Involv- ing oneself in another culture.

Cultural Participation

Cultural participation can be a fun intercultural commu- nication accelerator. It’s as easy as becoming an active member of a group outside your personal comfort zone. At most colleges and universities there are several organi- zations for specialized cultures. For example, the univer- sity of California–berkeley has a club called Active minds that is involved in removing the stigma surrounding mental illness. The university of Connecticut has the Afri- can Students’ Association for anyone interested in Afri- can culture. Florida State has the Aikido Club, which teaches students about japanese martial arts. And North- western university has the ballroom, latin, and Swing

Team, encouraging students to experience intercultural dance. The goal of these and other organizations like them, of course, is to cater to an increasingly pluralistic student body while promoting the value of difference.

regardless of how you choose to participate, ac- quainting yourself with other cultures helps humanize those with whom you are unfamiliar and who don’t fit the stereotypes imposed on you by your own culture. It is the responsibility of every person, especially those who live in a pluralistic country like ours, to embrace, participate in, and celebrate the differences that make us whole.

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

Some people who come from other cultures may choose to assimilate by adopting their new culture’s traditions, while others may want to maintain their original cultural identity.

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What Would You Say?

Whatever your personal level of intercultural communi- cation competence, you know that prejudice and disre- spect are all too common. In a single month in 2015, for example, media reported a school nurse shouting racial slurs at an 11-year-old student, a professor writing to the New York Times calling African Americans lazy, and a high school excluding special needs students from its yearbook. you might take satisfaction in the fact that you know better. but is that enough? What would you have done if you were directly affected?

An ethical communicator understands that when we stand up for the rights of one, we stand up for the rights of all. martin Niemöller, a man who spent seven years in World War II Nazi concentration camps, articulated this fundamental human truth: “First they came for the So- cialists and I did not speak out. because I was not a So- cialist. Then they came for the Trade unionists and I did not speak out. because I was not a Trade unionist. Then they came for the jews and I did not speak out. because I was not a jew. Then they came for me—and there was

no one left to speak for me” (uS Holocaust memorial museum, 2012).

It is the ethical responsibility of every person in a cul- ture to stand up for others in that culture, to ensure that no one is debased or isolated simply because of who they are. Actress and activist Anne Hathaway faced this situation. She grew up wanting to become a nun, but she left the Catholic Church because of its position on homosexuality. She explained, “There are people who’ve said that I’m being brave for being openly sup- portive of gay marriage, adoption . . . [W]ith all due re- spect, I humbly dissent. I’m not being brave. I’m being a decent human being” (One equal World, 2015).

So, imagine that you and a friend are out and she sees two guys holding hands. She turns to you and says, “you know I’m not a homophobe, but . . .” What would you say? Would you even wait to hear what follows “but”? How might ms. Hathaway respond? Why would— or should—your response be any different?

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION

participate in other cultures we may begin to see their commonalities or come to value even more their differences. If you’re willing, this participation is ac- tually quite easy, as you can read in the box “Cultural Participation.”

The last and perhaps most important accelerator of effective intercultural communication is avoiding the obstacles already addressed in this chapter— stereotyping, labeling, prejudice, discrimination, chauvinism, and ethnocen- trism. But what do you do when you see others engaging in these destructive practices? What is your obligation as a true cultural transformer? The box “What Would You Say?” can help you consider these questions. And while we must certainly avoid these obstacles in our everyday lives, they can be espe- cially detrimental in the modern workplace, as you can read in the box “Im- proving On-the-Job Intercultural Communication.”

How Cultural Values Shape Communication Many factors—geographic, political, economic, educational, historical, and technological—shape a culture’s character. But how does that culture influ- ence the way people interact? It should come as no surprise that our cultural

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experiences shape who we are and how we see the world. But keep in mind that people from different cultures may have different values. What do differ- ent cultures hold dear, and how do those values shape communication?

Dutch organizational communication researcher Geert Hofstede, after surveying more than 100,000 people from 50 countries, attempted to answer this question, offering his “value dimensions” as an answer (1983). He  originally identified four dimensions along which cultures could be differentiated—collectivism versus individualism, power distance, uncertainty avoidance, and masculinity versus femininity. Hofstede explained that these dimensions “relate to very fundamental problems which face any human society, but to which different societies have found different answers. They are used to explain (1) different ways of structuring organizations, (2)  different motivations of people within organizations, and (3) different issues people and organizations face within society” (p. 46). Naturally, these differences have implications for how people communicate in the various contexts in which they find themselves. Anthropologist Edward Hall added a fifth dimension, one even more closely tied to how people communicate. You may remember Hall as the theorist from Chapter 1 who told us that culture is “the medium evolved by humans to survive. Nothing is free from cultural influences. It is the keystone in civilization’s arch and is the medium through which all of life’s events must flow” (1976, p. 14). In differentiating high- context and low-context cultures, he hoped to stress that “one of the functions of culture is to provide a highly selective screen between man [sic] and the outside world. In its many forms, culture therefore designates what we pay attention to and what we ignore” (1976, p. 85).

Before you read on, though, remember that these dimensions represent ranges or continua that identify how given cultures, in general, typically view their worlds. No culture sits at any extreme, and no individual member of a given culture necessarily exhibits all (or even any) of the characteristics asso- ciated with his or her culture; after all, to think that way would be stereotyping.

The first dimension is individualistic versus collective cultures. “As members of individualistic cultures are socialized into their culture, they learn the major values of their culture (e.g., independence, achievement) and acquire preferred ways for how members of the culture are expected to view themselves (e.g., as unique persons). Members of collectivistic cultures learn different major values (e.g., harmony, solidarity) and acquire different pre- ferred ways to conceive of themselves (e.g., as interconnected with others)” (Gudykunst et al., 1996, pp. 512–513). As a result, people in individualist cul- tures tend to value the goals, needs, and rights of the individual. Those in col- lectivist cultures value the goals, responsibilities, and obligations of the group.

In individualistic cultures such as the United States, Great Britain, and Australia, the strong individual—one who is independent and stands apart from “the herd”—is valued. But in collective cultures such as China, Japan, and many Latin American countries, the needs of the many outweigh the needs of the few. In individualistic cultures, the individual is the most important entity

individualistic versus collec- tive cultures measure of a culture’s commitment to the individual versus the group.

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in any social setting; uniqueness and maintenance of individual self are re- warded. As a result, communication tends to be open, forceful, and direct, with more attention paid to what “I” want to say rather than to what “you” may want to hear. Hofstede’s research indicated that Western democracies tended toward individualism. In collective cultures, emphasis is placed on structure and col- laboration, always with consideration of how everyone within the group is af- fected by the behaviors of any one member. People remain steadfast and true to their groups (family, friends, or work, for example) and operate to protect the best interests of the collective many. Communication, then, serves more of a bonding, rather than information-sharing, function. How you say something is often more important than what it is you say. Hofstede argues that a majority of the people on earth live in collectivist cultures.

Improving On-the-Job Intercultural Communication

The contemporary workplace is diverse and often in- cludes colleagues from many other nations. The bureau of labor Statistics, for example, reports that there are 25 million foreign-born people in the uS labor force, ac- counting for 16.1 percent of the total workforce (2013). And there’s also a pretty good chance that someone born outside the united States will be your boss. About 20 percent of the CeOs of America’s 500 biggest corpo- rations are foreign-born (bluestein, 2015).

romana Stratton, business executive and manage- ment trainer, explains what this means for your career: “The modern environment we live and work in is in- creasingly complex. The exponential growth of technol- ogy has resulted, amongst other things, in the evolution of language and how we communicate. We now find ourselves communicating with people from different cultures increasingly both in our work and personal sur- roundings. As a consequence, successful intercultural communication is rapidly becoming an important chal- lenge to master to ensure effective communication— particularly in the workplace” (2012).

She offers eight rules for improving intercultural communication in the workplace:

1. Discourage the pack mentality—make sure that any behaviors that shut out specific colleagues are never tolerated.

2. Use humor—Well-judged humor has its place on the job; it improves morale and builds unity. but in a mul- ticultural workplace, remember that what one speaker finds funny may well offend colleagues from a different culture.

3. Celebrate cultural differences—Cultural differences can enrich the workplace, in terms of morale and on- the-job productivity. After all, people with differing experiences may offer different approaches to work- place issues and problems.

4. Discourage any sign of racial prejudice—Intolerance, prejudice, or divisiveness should never be tolerated on the job.

5. Stay in touch—managers or team leaders must always stay connected to the people working for them. This ensures that should an issue arise, they can respond quickly.

6. Walk a mile in another person’s shoes—empathize and find common ground to improve interpersonal communication.

7. Communicate well—Always make sure the message has been correctly received.

8. Give it time—Working in an intercultural environ- ment is not always as easy as you’d like. but organiza- tions can benefit from differences in perspective, so be patient. use the inevitable problems to learn how to do things differently and better.

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE

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Individualistic and collective cultures also have different ideas about face. You may remem- ber from Chapter 3 that face is the public self- image that all members of a culture want to claim for themselves. Face, as your public identity “is how others see you. [It] is acquired, maintained, and lost through social interactions” (Samovar et al., 2013, p. 208). And as you might imagine, be- cause they differ in their expectations of how their members should interact, individualistic and collectivist cultures will deal with face differ- ently. When people lose face in individualistic cultures, when they embarrass themselves, for example, they alone suffer the consequences. Why not? Their face (public identity) is built through their own, individual effort, indepen- dent of much reliance on others. Face was theirs to build; it’s theirs to lose. In collectivist cultures, however, when people lose face, it brings insult and dishonor to the entire group. Again, why not? Identity in collectivist cultures is not indi- vidually constructed; it is built and maintained through membership in the group. A member of a family who embarrasses him- or herself, for ex- ample, shames his or her family and is more likely to be disowned by the family than is a person who does the same in an individualistic culture.

The second cultural value dimension is power distance. Running along a continuum from high to low, power distance refers to how people in a given culture deal with matters of status and hierarchy. As Hofstede and his col-

leagues explain, all cultures must negotiate “the fact that people are unequal” (Hofstede, Hofstede, and Minkov, 2010, p. 55). How do high and low power-distance cultures do this? “Individuals from high power distance cul- tures accept power as part of society. As such, superiors consider their subor- dinates to be different from themselves and vice versa [and] that power and authority are facts of life” (Gudykunst, 2001, p. 41). Countries like Mexico, India, Saudi Arabia, and the Philippines are high power-distance cultures because of the importance they place on hierarchy—people are expected to know their place and the communication norms that apply, especially with others of different rank. But low power-distance cultures find inequality trou- bling. They “are guided by laws, norms, and everyday behaviors that make power distinctions as minimal as possible” (Brislin, 2000, p. 288). Low power-distance countries include the United States, Israel, Ireland, Canada, and Sweden because people there are expected to interact in an equitable way

power distance How people of a given culture manage status and hierarchy.

loss of face exists in all cultures because all people have a need for dignity and respect.

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despite rank, role, or position. Consider a typical classroom at your school. Low power-distance cultures encourage a great deal of discourse among stu- dents and between students and faculty. But at universities in high power- distance cultures, professors rule supremely; they are the only authority, and there is much less exchange of ideas and opinions.

Hofstede’s third value dimension is uncertainty avoidance, “the extent to which the members of a culture feel threatened by ambiguous or unknown situations” (Hofstede et al., 2010, p. 191). People in high uncertainty- avoidance cultures are uncomfortable with unpredictability and ambiguity; their com- munication evidences consensus, resistance to change, and rejection of the new or deviant. And naturally, something doesn’t have to be very different to be deviant. Communication is quite rules-based, following well-established conventions. Greece, Japan, Belgium, and Peru are typical of high uncertain- ty-avoidance cultures. Those in low uncertainty-avoidance cultures accept, maybe even relish, life’s uncertainty. They are more tolerant of the new and different, and are more willing to take risks. These traits show up in their ev- eryday communication. There is more openness and freedom of expression, less reliance on interactional rules. For example, consider the many different ways American students greet one another, the wealth of expressions they use to simply say, “Hi.” The United States, Sweden, Great Britain, and Jamaica are low uncertainty-avoidance cultures.

The fourth cultural dimension is masculinity/femininity. Masculine cultures have clearly defined sex roles and exhibit and encourage “male” char- acteristics such as assertiveness, competitiveness, wealth, hierarchy, and am- bition. Naturally, these values show up in communication; there is much more “me” and “I” talk, more open expression of material comfort, and greater amounts of conversational challenge. Feminine cultures tend to be more nur- turing, empathetic, and compassionate. These values, too, appear in everyday talk. “We” and “you” appear more often, as do terms of affection and interest. These distinct cultural contexts also differ in their expectations of men and women. Men are clearly dominant in masculine cultures. It’s almost a cliché now, but in the United States and other masculine cultures, an assertive male boss is tough and demanding, while an assertive female boss is nagging, over- bearing, and trying to be too much like a man. But in feminine cultures, there is more flexibility of gender roles. In fact, what makes these cultures feminine is that “both men and women are supposed to be modest, tender, and concerned with the quality of life” (Hofstede et al., 2010, p. 140). In Hofstede’s analysis, the Scandinavian countries are the most feminine, while Japan, Austria, Italy, and the United States are masculine.

One final dimension meriting our attention is Hall’s distinction between high- and low-context cultures. High and low pertain to the amount of meaning derived from the communication context or environment, rather than from the spoken communication itself. People in high-context cultures require less detailed explanation than those in low-context cultures. They make meaning implicitly from a given setting or situation and, unlike those in low-context cultures, don’t need to rely on detailed verbal information to get

uncertainty avoidance A culture’s comfort with differ- ence and ambiguity.

masculinity/femininity measure of a culture’s com- mitment to gender roles and the characteristics that ac- company them.

high- and low-context cultures measure of the degree of communication- shaping information present in communication settings.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Hall’s Differentiation of High- and Low- Context Cultures

High and low pertain to the

amount of meaning inherent

(existing in) the communica-

tion context or environment.

People in high-context cul-

tures require less detailed

explanation than those in

low-context cultures because

the context (for example,

participants, occasion, or

communication goals) pro-

vides cues for meaning

making. In low-context cul-

tures, meaning resides in the

explicit code or message, that

is, the message itself.

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the message. Think of the way you behave at a funeral (a very high-context communication setting). The cues—grieving family, somber conversation, and dark attire—make it clear how you are to behave and how free, or not, you are to communicate as you wish. Now think of lunch at the student union (a very low-context communication setting). The cues, by contrast, tell you very little about how to act, leaving you free to be individual, idiosyncratic, and expressive in your communication.

In high-context cultures, then, much of the meaning resides in the con- text of the communication—who’s speaking, what is the occasion, what’s happening nonverbally—not the words themselves. In fact, in very high- context cultures such as Japan, Korea, and China, speakers know to ignore the words (the explicit code, in Hall’s terms) and pay attention to the understood meaning. Young people in Japan even have an expression, kuuki yomenai, to describe people who are bad at “reading the atmosphere,” as it’s literally translated. In high-context cultures you never want someone to text that you’re KY (Meyer, 2014). In low-context cultures, primarily North American, Western European, and Scandinavian nations, on the other hand, meaning resides in the explicit code or message. Plain, direct, to-the-point communication is valued. Americans supposedly “say what they mean and mean what they say.”

Attitudes Toward Diversity and the Problem with Tolerance One of the motivations for Hofstede’s research was the question, “What hap- pens when people from different cultural backgrounds interact; what prob- lems arise from their different orientations, expectations, and modes of communication?” His goal, and that of those who study intercultural commu- nication, is to reduce errors, or in the vocabulary of this text, to improve meaning making between all people. This is an essential task if we intend to be moral, ethical, and evolved inhabitants of a multicultural world. We can more effectively engage in intercultural communication if we observe the following:

1. Recognize that we are all, to some degree, prejudiced and have a natural prefer- ence for in-group favoritism. Social identity theory and identity- negotiation theory explain our natural tendency to find comfort in our own in- groups. And as you read in the social responsibility box, we all have a natural tendency to cognitively store and categorize data. When we en- counter new experiences, we call up those categorizations in order to make sense of the experience in front of us. But in doing so, we can also call up prejudices we’ve developed over time.

We see this tendency played out in an early scene from the 2004 Academy Award–winning film Crash, when two young African-American men are engaged in a conversation about racial stereotyping. One of the

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Hofstede’s Dimensions of Cultural Differentiation

Cultures can be differenti-

ated along four dimensions:

collectivism versus individu-

alism, power distance, uncer-

tainty avoidance, and

masculinity versus feminin-

ity. These dimensions explain

cultural differences in how

groups and organizations are

structured, what motivates

people to behave as they do,

and the kinds of issues

people routinely encounter.

These differences have impli-

cations for how people

communicate.

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men is complaining about a wait- ress whom he believes refused to serve them because they’re black (even though the waitress herself is African-American). He also points out a white couple walking to their car who, it appears to him, are suspicious and fearful of him and his friend because of their race. The man claims that each of these three people is en- gaging in racial stereotyping. The irony of the scene is that as the two men finish their conversa- tion, they pull out guns and steal the white couple’s vehicle. The entire film specifically addresses gender, race, and class prejudice. But it also illustrates the ethical test we face when our preconceived ideas—our prejudices—are occasionally accurate. Only when we make an effort to understand that those preconceptions are based on both biased and unbiased information can we step back and reframe those positions in a way that sifts out our prejudices and allows objectivity to define our interactions with individuals who are different from us.

2. See all people as human first. While our physical characteristics, beliefs, and preferences may differ, at our core we all need the same things— physical and emotional interaction with others, mental and physical health, happiness, a sense of belonging, self-esteem, and dignity. But each of us is also flawed. We experience anger and we make mistakes. When we see all people as human first, we understand that characteris- tics like skin color, race, sexual orientation, and ethnicity are superficial, having little to do with a person’s basic values, needs, and overall human- ness. When we humanize people, we equate them with ourselves, and this should be the basis from which we experience others and approach diversity. Think about how many times you’ve had doubts about another student based on nothing more than an initial, superficial impression. But once you came to know him or her, became friends, or at least came to see that individual as someone who bore little resemblance to your original assumptions, the more you saw her or him as human and not threatening. Fear of the unknown is mitigated by familiarity and open-mindedness.

3. Understand that each person has a different set of experiences. Role-taking is our ability to put ourselves in the position of others in order to better un- derstand them. The act of role-taking tells others that we know that just as our experiences shape what we believe and how we feel, so do theirs,

role-taking Ability to put oneself in the position of others to better understand them.

In the award-winning movie Crash, we see accusations of racial prejudice, as well as the ironies that sometimes accompany stereotyping.

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and their experiences may well, in fact most certainly will, differ from our own. When American college student Maggie met her Chinese roommate Xiang for the first time, for example, she thought they would never get along. Besides the obvious cultural differences, Xiang was painfully shy and Maggie was extremely outgoing. They eventually became best friends as Maggie learned more and more about her roommate’s life. Xiang was the seventh of nine children, and her home life in China was so chaotic that she was rarely able to be heard among the many voices of her siblings. As a result, she grew up to be a passive young adult who simply needed someone like Maggie to help her find her voice. Although an only child who “ruled the roost,” Maggie was able to put herself in Xiang’s shoes in order to better grasp the circumstances that led to Xiang’s shyness.

4. Avoid making assumptions about others. Assumptions are sets of informa- tion that we automatically interpret as factual without evidence. Con- sider and challenge your own assumptions; take the time to examine individual circumstances. One person at a time, we can disabuse our- selves of damaging assumptions.

5. Increase your self-knowledge. In order to truly understand others, you must first know yourself. The more you know yourself, the better you relate to others. When you truly understand what defines you, you come to realize that the things that really matter are common to everyone. You are better able to separate the superficial definitions of you from the meaningful ones, and you can more easily do the same with others.

6. Understand that developing effective intercultural communication compe- tence is an ongoing process. Intercultural communication competence is the degree to which we can successfully make meaning with commu- nicators from different backgrounds. It is a process. Not all of us are good at it, and although we can get better, it requires two kinds of think- ing. The first is holistic: an intuitive, gut-level knowledge of what is and should be. We’ve already seen that because of stereotyping, assump- tions, and other gut-level ways of knowing, something else is necessary. The second way of thinking we need to invoke is analytical: conscious reflection on what is and what should be. These are the ideas of intercul- tural communication scholar William Howell (1982), who identified four levels of intercultural communication competence:

• Unconscious incompetence—This is the “I’m just being me” approach. This works great when you are with people like yourself, when you don’t have to think about differences. But it may not be the best ap- proach in intercultural communication settings when differences do matter. “You just being you” is likely to produce communication errors and hurt feelings.

• Conscious incompetence—In an intercultural communication interaction you may understand that things aren’t going very well, but you don’t understand why. You’re conscious of your failings. At least that’s a start.

assumptions Sets of informa- tion automatically interpreted as factual.

intercultural communication competence Degree of suc- cessful meaning making with communicators from different backgrounds.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Howell’s Levels of Intercultural Communication Competence

The acquisition of intercul-

tural communication spans

four levels: unconscious

incompetence, conscious

incompetence, conscious com-

petence, and unconscious

competence. True competence

occurs when a person’s holistic

and analytical understanding

of intercultural communica-

tion are in synch.

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• Conscious competence—That’s what this chapter is all about, becoming aware of what it takes to be an effective intercultural communicator, consciously avoiding the impediments and applying the accelerators. But, as Howell would argue, even though this may be a necessary step toward true competence, it’s not the ultimate goal.

• Unconscious competence— You’re “in the zone”; effective intercultural communication is happening without any thought. Your holistics and an- alytics are in synch.

7. Assume mutual respect when encountering those who may be different from you. In the US judicial system, a person is innocent until proven guilty. In other words, until evidence to the contrary is presented, the judgment of a person begins from the premise of innocence. This is analogous to the concept of assumed mutual respect in intercultural encounters. When we meet someone for the first time, we should automatically begin the dia- logue from a position of respect unless the other person presents us with some indication that she or he is undeserving of that respect. Imagine how different the world would be if those with religious or political differ- ences possessed this attitude. Perhaps we’d see less conflict and a willing- ness to communicate about the compatibility of our ideas and values rather than the differences.

8. Have a problem with tolerance. Many well-meaning observers still consider tolerance a positive attitude when communicating interculturally. But imagine if a classmate asked you if you liked him, and you responded, “Well, I tolerate you.” Better yet, what if someone said that about you? It’s demeaning and insulting. The idea of promoting tolerance toward others, as opposed to respect or interaction, is unfortunate. Mohammed Mahal- lati, presidential scholar in Islamic studies at Oberlin College, explains, “Difference is a blessing, not a challenge. We define ourselves by knowing other people. We know our world by learning about difference. What is the word we often use? Tolerance. Is that a positive notion? Not really. ‘For the time being, I will tolerate you?’ I’m against the concept. It means difference is a threat. Difference is a blessing and you don’t tolerate a blessing. You embrace it” (in Koerth-Baker, 2011). The best way to suc- ceed as an intercultural communicator is not to tolerate diversity but to respect and celebrate it.

What assumptions do you make about this group of people? Why?

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9.1 Describe the elements of intercultural communication. Intercultural communication involves interac- tion between people whose cultural perceptions and symbol systems differ. It is an essential form of meaning making in increasingly pluralistic cultures. The key to successful intercultural com- munication is understanding how people from other places and backgrounds interact in their own cultures.

9.2 Identify the obstacles to and accelerators of intercultural communication. Obstacles to intercultural communication include stereotyping (applying characteristics to people or groups that may or may not apply); labeling (describing individuals using names we believe categorize them); prejudice (a negative attitude toward a group based on little or no experience); discrimination (overtly excluding, avoiding, or dis- tancing oneself from another group); chauvinism (believing yourself to be superior to others); and ethnocentrism (the belief that your own culture is superior to all others). Accelerators include cul- tural relativism (the belief that people vary in their behaviors, feelings, traditions, and values depend- ing on their individual cultures); understanding others’ cultural values; cultural pluralism (maintain- ing the practices and identities of a bounded cul- ture within the larger culture); cultural participation (involving yourself in another culture); and avoid- ing the obstacles to intercultural communication.

9.3 Describe how various cultural values affect communication. A number of relational and communication dimensions distinguish one culture from another. Among them are individualism versus collectivism (a culture’s commitment to the individual versus the group); high versus low power distance (its rec- ognition of and comfort with hierarchy); high versus low uncertainty avoidance (its willingness to tolerate ambiguity); masculinity versus femininity (its commitment to gender roles and the charac- teristics associated with different genders); and high versus low context (a measure of the degree of communication-shaping information present in interactional settings that goes beyond the words themselves).

9.4 explain attitudes toward diversity and the problem with tolerance. Tolerance implies putting up with difference. Successful intercultural communicators do not simply tolerate cultural diversity; instead, they celebrate it. This behavior includes (1) recognizing that, to some degree, we are all prejudiced and natu- rally have a favorable in-group bias; (2) seeing all people as humans first; (3) understanding that everyone has different sets of experiences; (4)  avoiding making assumptions about others; (5)  increasing self-knowledge; (6) understanding that developing effective intercultural competence is an ongoing process; and (7) practicing mutual respect when encountering others who may be different.

Review of Learning Objectives

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r e V I e W O F l e A r N I N G O b j e C T I V e S

Key Terms intercultural communication 188 majority-minority country 189 labeling 190 prejudice 190 discrimination 190 chauvinism 191 ethnocentrism 191 in-group 192 out-group 192 social identity theory 192 identity negotiation theory 193 cultural transformer 194 cultural relativism 194 cultural values 194 cultural pluralism 195 assimilation 195 melting pot 195 cultural participation 196 individualistic versus collective cultures 198 power distance 200 uncertainty avoidance 201 masculinity/femininity 201 high- and low-context cultures 201 role-taking 203 assumptions 204 intercultural communication competence 204

Questions for Review 1. What are six obstacles to effective intercultural

communication?

2. Differentiate between stereotyping, prejudice, and discrimination.

3. What are five accelerators of effective intercul- tural communication?

4. What is assimilation and how does it relate to the melting pot and salad metaphors?

5. Explain social identity theory and identity ne- gotiation theory. How are they similar, and how do they differ?

6. What are Hofstede’s four value dimensions of culture?

7. What does Hall’s notion of high- and low- context cultures tell us about how communi- cation is transacted in those different settings?

8. What are Howell’s four levels of intercultural competence?

9. Name and define the two types of thinking re- quired for developing intercultural communi- cation competence.

10. What’s wrong with tolerance?

Questions for Discussion 1. Are you troubled by the fact that the United

States will soon become a majority-minority country? If you are, why? If you aren’t, why not? What does your answer say about your commitment to diversity and effective inter- cultural communication?

2. What’s the problem with chauvinism? Shouldn’t we all be proud of our national culture and our individual bounded or co- cultures? Can any good come of chauvinism? If you say yes, explain your response. Same thing if you say “no.”

3. The Martin Niemöller quote in the Ethical Communication box is very famous, but maybe it’s outlived its usefulness. After all, nothing like the Nazi roundup of those who were differ- ent could ever happen again. Or could it? What is Niemöller’s real message, and how does it apply to how we live our lives today?

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Chapter Outline

What Is Mass Communication? 210

Culture, Communication, and Mass Media 215

Characteristics of Media Consumers 219

Characteristics of Media Industries 221

Theories of Mass Communication 226

Mass Communication 10

Spring break is around the corner, and you can’t wait to relax by the

beach with friends. You are ready to leave behind the chaos of

school and work. But then your friend suggests that you really

escape by going without your phones, your laptops, TV, and other

media technology. The thought scares you. How will you ever sur-

vive a week without texting, without your music, without checking

your favorite websites and watching your favorite shows? Nonethe-

less, you accept the challenge. If your friend is willing to leave

media behind, so can you. Besides, how nice would it be to have no

intrusions for a whole week?

When you arrive at the shore, you instinctively reach for your

smartphone to post a photo of yourself on vacation, but there’s no

phone. OK, you think, I can do this. As the hours pass, you become

a bit anxious. By day two, you develop a mild headache. It could be

from lack of sleep, but as you think more and more about your loss

of contact with the outside world, the ache becomes worse. By days

three and four, you’re growing moody and snapping at your friends.

By day five, you are mildly depressed, stressed, experiencing

stomachaches, and looking forward to returning home to your

mediated life. This one-week vacation seems like a month.

Once you get back to campus, your nerves start to calm down,

and miraculously, the headache subsides as you turn on your phone

and crash in front of the TV. Is it possible you were feeling the effects

of media withdrawal? You’ve never really bought into the idea. But

as you think about it, you realize the physical and emotional symp-

toms seem surprisingly similar to those that accompany drug and

alcohol withdrawal.

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What Is Mass Communication? How can you possibly understand the impact of media if you’ve never experi- enced life without it? We are so immersed in our mediated culture that we can’t imagine how to exist outside it, and because of its assumed presence, we don’t give it much thought. Media theorist Marshall McLuhan would often pose the question, “Does a fish know it’s wet?” The answer, of course, is no . . . not until it’s dry. He was making the point that we can’t truly appreciate how enveloped we are by media because our mediated culture has evolved into a natural state of being. Just as a fish doesn’t know it’s wet because it knows no other reality, we are often unaware of media’s impact on us and the world around us. As our opening vignette suggests, we are “fish out of water” when stripped of our ubiquitous technologies and our ability to engage in mass communication.

Up to this point, we have largely focused on interpersonal communica- tion, which is between people in relationships. Mass communication occurs between mass media and their audiences. Mass media include television, radio and music, Internet, video games, newspapers, magazines, books, cell- phones, and movies, as well as the industries that support these platforms, like advertising and public relations. In Chapter 1 we examined communica- tion by considering components such as the sender (encoder), message, receiver (decoder), feedback, noise, and fields of experience. The same compo- nents are part of mass communication, where the sender is a particular medium. If that medium is television, for example, the receivers are the view- ers, and the messages are programs and commercials. Just as with interper- sonal communication, the complexity of the process becomes much more

mass communication Communication occurring between mass media and their audiences.

10.1 Describe the differences between interpersonal and mass communication.

10.2 Discuss the relationship between culture, communication, and mass media.

10.3 Identify the characteristics of media consumers.

10.4 Identify the characteristics of media industries.

10.5 Describe several theories associated with mass communication.

Learning Objectives

The impact of media is massive, and yet we often underestimate its magnitude and take for granted the influence that media have over our daily lives. In this chapter, we move away from various forms of interpersonal communication to focus on mass communication and the pervasive role it plays in our culture.

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W h aT I s M a s s CO M M u n I C aT I O n?

apparent when we assess the meanings, interpreta- tions, and effects of those messages.

Why Study Mass Communication? So why is mass communication such an important area of study? One obvious reason is simply the amount of time it occupies in our lives—an amount we often un- derestimate. Adult Americans spend 12 hours each day engaged with media (eMarketer, 2014). Deducting 8 sleeping hours from the 24-hour day leaves a mere 4 hours for all other activities. This means that Americans spend more time engaging with media, espe- cially television, than with anything (or anyone) else.

Another reason to study mass communication is to consider the effects of all that media consumption. Let’s start with cellphone use. Recent research has linked it to attention-span deficits and to disengage- ment from friends and family (Merlo, Stone, and Bibbey, 2013). In addition, sexting (sending sexually explicit messages or images via cellphone) has become an issue, and so has texting while driving. Those who text and drive are 23 percent more likely to have an ac- cident than are those who don’t, and one-fourth— 1.3 million crashes a year—involve texting drivers (Texting and Driving Safety, 2015). Growing Internet use has presented its own issues, such as Inter- net addiction, cyberbullying, children’s access to inappropriate material, and loss of privacy. We will discuss social media use in depth in Chapter 12. Tradi- tional media like television, video games, and music serve as catalysts for ongo- ing concern over issues such as violence, sexualized content, childhood obesity, cheapening of democratic discourse, and stereotyping of gender and race.

Regardless of the medium (the vehicle conveying the message; media is its plural), media content affects—negatively and positively—both individuals and the culture in which they live. And both low-quality and high-quality media content influence us in a multitude of ways. Studying mass communi- cation gives us insight about all of those effects. As media theorist James Potter explains, “We need to develop an appreciation for the wide range of effects that show up in the full spectrum of the population. Many of these effects are [too] subtle to observe at any given time, but this does not make them unimportant. To the contrary, many of the most influential effects on each of us are those that occur during our everyday lives and sneak in ‘under the radar’ so that we are unaware of how they are changing our habits and the way we think until someone points it out” (2012, p. 12).

Finally, arguably the biggest reason for studying mass communication, like any area of communication, has to do with the way we relate to one another. The meaning we make from media messages often determines our values, beliefs, and behaviors—including how we conduct ourselves in the

medium(media, pl.) Vehicle conveying a message.

how would the little guy know?

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relationships we maintain. For example, how does Internet messaging affect the way you com- municate with family members or the expecta- tions you have of friends? How do certain news networks shape your political views? Or how do you know what’s considered attractive? Media messages influence ideas of attractiveness. Con- sider celebrities who consistently appear on mag- azines’ lists of the “most beautiful people,” actors like Alex O’Loughlin, Eva Mendes, Bradley Cooper, and Mila Kunis. We may look for part- ners who fit those ideas, and we may even expect ourselves to fit those standards. Later we will ex- amine the link between media, communication, and culture, but first, we will consider the differ- ences between interpersonal communication and mass communication.

Interpersonal Communication versus Mass Communication When we mentioned cellphones as a medium, you probably wondered how they could be con- sidered a mass medium. After all, phones have traditionally been used as a way to engage in interpersonal conversation. But today’s smart- phones can channel a vast array of digital content. While you may occasionally use your phone to address one or a few people at a time, cellphone technology has blurred the distinc- tions between interpersonal and mass commu- nication. Making calls ranks only fifth in the ways people spend time using their smart-

phones (Walsh, 2012). Consider all the other functions that device serves. You can watch a television program or movie; you can stream music, play video games by yourself or with distant competitors; and you can access the Internet. This convergence (the erosion of traditional distinctions among media) renders the smartphone a technology of mass communication, making it a bit more difficult to think of interpersonal and mass commu- nication as completely different.

Another reason that cellphones can be classified as a mass medium is that they allow us to create our own mediated messages such as websites and blogs (potentially reaching millions of people), altering our role in the mass commu- nication process from passive consumers to active content producers. Over a decade ago, technology writer Dan Gilmor (2004) summed up this change when he wrote that the world is now populated by the “people formerly known as the audience.” We are no longer mere recipients of media content; we are

convergence Erosion of traditional distinctions among media.

Does Hawaii Five-O’s steve McGarrett, played by alex O’Loughlin, rep- resent attractiveness in our culture? Why or why not?

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also creators. Tens of millions of people around the globe maintain blogs, and 100 hours of video are uploaded to YouTube alone every minute (Smith, 2015). And every time you make an addition to your Facebook page you become a media content creator. Although this empowerment of the people formerly known as the audience further complicates our ability to easily draw distinc- tions between interpersonal and mass communication, there are still specific characteristics that traditionally separate the two, as you can see in Table 10.1.

The first, most obvious difference is the number of people involved in the communication process. Interpersonal communication involves two or a few people, while mass communication can involve millions of communicators. Having a conversation with your best friend means that for each of you, there is an audience of only one person. On the other hand, when a television net- work like NBC broadcasts Sunday Night Football, it can command an audience of nearly 30 million people in the United States alone. This dramatic differ- ence in the number of message recipients produces other distinctions between the two forms of communication.

A second distinction has to do with feedback. How do we know that Sunday Night Football has such a large following? The number “nearly 30 million” was taken from audience measurement company Nielsen, which provides ratings to the broadcast industry. It reflects the number of people who were tuned in (on a variety of platforms) to the game on a specific time and date. One week after the football game aired, Nielsen was able to provide its calculation. This rating serves as feedback to the network regarding the “popularity” of the pro- gram. Because the information was provided a full week after the program aired, the feedback is at best indirect, and because it represents only the sets tuned in and not whether people actually liked the broadcast (or even if they watched at all) it is inferential feedback. What’s the feedback for a movie? Box office. Magazines and newspapers? Circulation. Advertising? Sales. All are delivered well after the original message has been created, and all are inferen- tial. Have you ever gone to a movie you didn’t like? Read a newspaper or mag- azine story with which you seriously disagreed? Bought a product because it was on sale, not because you liked its commercial? In each of these cases, your feedback has told the original sender little about what you thought of the mes- sage. This type of feedback differs markedly from the direct and immediate feedback of interpersonal communication, such as in a conversation with your

inferential feedback Indirect, often delayed feedback.

Table 10.1 The Differences and Similarities between Interpersonal and Mass Communication

INTERPERSONAL COMMUNICATION MASS COMMUNICATION

1. Communication involves two or a few people

1. Communication can involve millions of people

2. Involves immediate, direct feedback 2. Involves delayed, inferential feedback

3. Messages are flexible and alterable 3. Once delivered, messages cannot be changed

4. Communication is personally relevant 4. Communication is often formulaic

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best friend. If you ask a question or make a com- ment, you get an instant response; you don’t have to wait a week or longer. Even the fastest televi- sion ratings, the overnights, are delivered many hours after the original message.

A third difference between interpersonal and mass communication is the nature of the mes- sage, something also influenced by the size of the audience. Let’s say you’re conversing with your friend and you make an inappropriate comment. Judging from your friend’s face and vocal tone, you realize you committed an indiscretion. In an effort to make amends, you quickly apologize and rephrase your comments. All is fine because your interpersonally communicated message is imme- diately alterable. Unfortunately, this is not possi- ble with a mass-communicated message such as a

television program. Once the content is packaged and aired, there is no altering of the message. Any offensive, inappropriate, or confusing content cannot be changed or deleted because the material has been edited into a final product.

And this leads to the final distinction between mass communication and interpersonal communication—the flexibility of the messages. During con- versations with friends, we often engage in highly experimental communica- tion; we exchange ideas, thoughts, and opinions; we joke, tease, and play word games. We value the unique, unpredictable, and personal nature of the con- versations that we and our friends tailor specifically for one another. Media messages are not flexible and rarely experimental. In fact, because the mes- sage has to appeal to a mass audience, the content is quite formulaic, mean- ing that content producers stick primarily with proven formulas in determining what will make a successful show. As producer John Landgraf (who had 53 different projects in development with the national TV networks from 1999 to 2003 but only one that lasted on air for more than one season) explained, “I always got the same dumb note from the networks. ‘Can you make the char- acter more likable?’ Not make them more exciting, more compelling, more interesting, no, it was always make them more likable” (in Carr, 2013, p. B1).

But return for a moment to convergence. Is the Internet micro-blogging technology Twitter interpersonal or mass communication? There is no production expense, no advertisers expecting a mass audience, nor are there network executives demanding that you make yourself more likable. Twitter users can be as bold and imaginative as they want in fewer than 140 characters; participants can react to content in real time, and they can share their material with one person or a million people. Again, more on this in Chapter 12.

The similarities between interpersonal and mass communication are just as significant as their differences. First, both are symbolic. The messages from each are constructed from symbols, and those symbols provide meaning. We

formulaic When media mes- sages hew closely to proven formulas.

Broadcasts of professional football are habitually among television’s highest rated programs, but we don’t know how popular a given game is right away—we must wait for the ratings to reveal the size of the TV audience.

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make a very different meaning from the American flag in a car commercial than we do from the American flag at an uncle’s funeral, but we make meaning nonetheless. Second, the messages we receive from both are ambiguous. They can be interpreted in many ways depending on the receivers’ fields of experi- ences. For instance, politically conservative viewers might interpret informa- tion from the liberal Rachel Maddow Show much differently than those who are politically progressive, just as you might be less accepting of the arguments of a stranger who does not share your political views than you would be of those from a family member who agrees with you politically.

Another similarity is that both take place in specific and deliberate con- tent environments. For instance, when we go to the theater to see a movie or to our favorite restaurant to dine with friends, we have definite expectations of what kind of communication will occur in these settings, and we interpret it in those contexts (Chapter 1). But this commonality is being challenged by the way we use new technologies, specifically, in our multitasking. Younger, more media-savvy people are rarely without cellphones or other handheld devices, so their interpersonal content environments often clash with their media content environments. You would be very annoyed if your friend kept chatting throughout the movie, but do you feel the same when that friend continues to play Farmville when you are having a conversation? Consider the frustration of parents who watch their kids text at the dinner table or the professor who lectures to a classroom of students checking their Facebook accounts on their laptops. It’s becoming increasingly compli- cated trying to distinguish mass communication from interpersonal communication because of the way we now routinely use and prioritize media. But it is important that we do so, and that’s why we will now look at the link between culture, communication, and mass media, and discuss the impact of media on contemporary culture.

Culture, Communication, and Mass Media If we accept the notion that we live in a media-heavy culture and use those media to communicate, then we must also accept the fact that mass media, communication, and culture are inextricably linked. In other words, they don’t simply coexist; they exist as a single, inseparable

a conversation between friends can weather all kinds of risks, but con- versations in television shows and movies, like those among the char- acters on Sex in the City, are often formulaic and safe.

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entity. To fully grasp the true influence of media, we must first understand its power in the cul- ture. One way to do this is to consider mass media as cultural storytellers who shape our ideas, feelings, and thoughts through the mes- sages they send, ultimately shaping and defining our realities (Gerbner, 2010). Ask yourself what it means to be a contemporary college student. Does it mean behaving and thinking like one? And how does a college student behave and think? Equally important, how much of your idea about what it means to be a college student is in- fluenced by culture—and therefore by media?

Consider Kayla’s profile:

Kayla Hansen is a 20-year-old woman born and raised in New Jersey. She attends Rutgers and is majoring in Child Psychology. She has three room- mates who, like her, are all on the track team and receive scholarships. Every Friday and Saturday night they enjoy going to Chili’s. They enjoy listen- ing to Taylor Swift when they’re just hanging out, and they also love watching television together, especially The Real Housewives of Atlantic City. They

constantly compete over who has the most Alex and Ani bracelets, and as athletes, they swear by Nike products—it’s the only gear they wear. By their own admission, Kayla and her friends are more occupied with boys than they are with studying, community ser- vice, or their internships. They are never without their iPhones and send dozens of text messages each day. Their Facebook pages are flooded with pictures of the four of them, even though they each have over a thousand other Facebook friends. When she gradu- ates, Kayla wants to eventually become a school counselor so she can help young kids negotiate what she calls “the very superficial and high-stress culture” in which they live.

You probably can relate to Kayla’s life as a college student or know people who can. However, Kayla wasn’t born wearing Nike sneakers, watching reality television, and liking Taylor Swift. Mass media helped shape her culture, which influenced her choices in becoming who she is. Media tell us stories about ourselves and we, in turn, act out roles within those stories (recall Goff- man’s frame analysis from Chapter 1). Clearly, Kayla’s story is an American tale, written in part by an American media structure. That structure presented Kayla with a series of narratives from which she made meaning, and then she applied those meanings in her ongoing efforts to self-identify.

Often, however, we contest cultural rules, and we can make individually meaningful choices. For instance, Kayla’s friend from home prefers handmade jewelry over trendy Alex and Ani bracelets and she boycotts a popular product because of its manufacturer’s unethical practices. When we contest the

Politically conservative viewers might interpret information from The Rachel Maddow Show much differently than those who are politically liberal.

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culture, we, not the media industries, determine our own stories. But we are never really free from media’s influence. You know the Alex and Ani bracelet wearer is judged differently than the do-it-yourselfer; and what’s with that hippie girl, boycotting this and boycotting that? You can read about the common practice of assuming that only other people are influenced by media in the box “The Third-Person Effect.”

Another factor influencing the nature of our mediated culture is money. With very few exceptions, our media system is composed of profit-making in- dustries; they operate as businesses. As a result, their real customers, the people whom they must ultimately satisfy, are their advertisers, not their au- diences. What is NBC’s goal in airing Sunday Night Football? That is, what does it hope to produce that it can sell to make a profit? Viewers. We are the product sold to advertisers. Many critics feel that this actuality cheapens culture, as narratives that can deliver a more saleable product will predominate. A simple test of this idea is to compare the variety and depth of themes that find their way into movies and novels (where the audience pays and, as such, is the real customer) with those typically found in prime-time television (where

The Third-Person Effect

have you ever thought that violent video game or tele- vision content can have negative effects on others, but not on you? Or that other people fall for those slick commercials, but not you? You’re just too smart for that. We all, at one time or another, have felt immune to me- dia’s influence, just as we have often thought that others surely must be affected. This is the third-person effect—the idea that others are affected by media mes- sages but we are not. In fact, so powerful is the third-person effect that we even extend it to our chil- dren, but with a twist: our children are unaffected by harmful content and benefit greatly from good or edu- cational content but their children suffer the effects of bad content and reap none of the benefits of the good (Meirick et al., 2009).

One problem with thinking that we (and our families) are unaffected by media is that both positive and nega- tive effects go equally unobserved. When we think of “effects,” we usually focus on violence, sexual content, and commercialism rather than considering the plea- sure we derived from a meaningful song or a well-writ- ten novel. Despite what many may believe, the point of

studying media effects isn’t to learn that seeing a char- acter shot on Strike Force will make people run out and shoot someone. actually, the effects that are of most concern to social scientists are the subtle ones, for in- stance, how we view the world as a result of our re- peated exposure to crime and violence in entertainment and news programming. Does this material desensitize us to real-world violence? are we more stressed and sus- picious of others in our everyday lives as a result of con- stant exposure to dark messages and themes? and can a piece of content have both positive and negative ef- fects? Whatever the impact, it is often subtle, and we are all affected in different ways.

We have a responsibility as individuals to recognize the many ways in which we are influenced by media; otherwise, we grant them too much power over our be- haviors, emotions, and values. recognizing media influ- ence empowers us to better deconstruct the messages presented to us and then reassemble them in a way that better serves our own individual meaning making. In the next chapter we look more closely at how to do this in a critical and productive manner.

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

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advertisers pay and, as such, are the real customers). You can conduct the same test by comparing pay-cable and streaming-service television programs like Homeland, House of Cards, Girls, and Game of Thrones (where the audience is the customer) with even the best of commercial television (advertiser- supported programming).

This complaint about the influence of profit is particularly important to critics of news media. What happens, they ask, when in the pursuit of profit, news organizations take a sensational approach to their programming rather than focusing on hard news that might serve a more democratic function? Murders, car crashes, factory fires, and missing babies dominate the news, but only when there is no celebrity divorce or royal wedding available for report- ing. As the media “have become increasingly more dependent on advertising revenues for support,” writes media critic Robert McChesney, “it has become an anti-democratic force in society” (1997, p. 23). “Privately owned news media seek profit and they will cut corners to get it,” explains sociologist Mi- chael Schudson, “They will seek to reduce costs even at the risk of limiting the quality of journalism. They may reduce the size of the editorial staff or close an overseas bureau. They may be reluctant to assign a reporter to an investiga- tion that will take weeks or months to yield a story” (2011, p. 119). What

Which is likely to get more news coverage and why: al Gore’s climate change awareness campaign or the Duchess of Cambridge’s pregnancy?

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happens to a culture when its people know more about celebrities in drug rehab than they do about issues surrounding education, employment, and the economy? Money, say these critics, is the driving force in propelling media industries toward a very specific, self-serving agenda.

There is, however, an alternative view. Media companies in search of profit (that is, in search of an audience that it can sell) must offer content that will attract those audiences. That’s why, despite their seeming overreliance on for- mulaic content—the many crime scene investigation (CSI) programs, reality TV shows, and singing and dancing contests—there is often some very good content. Commercial media’s defenders may say there is nothing formulaic about certain shows (Breaking Bad, for example), and moreover, they argue, people get the news and journalism they want. That’s why partisan cable news networks like MSNBC and Fox are more popular than more objective CNN and why local TV news is dominated by crime stories. There is also this paradox of American journalism: “If commercial news organizations fail to make profits, they will go out of business or they will limp along at a level that prevents them from investing in news gathering” (Schudson, 2011, pp. 118–119).

Characteristics of Media Consumers There are three easily identifiable characteristics of today’s media consumers: (1) they are platform agnostic, (2) they are media multitaskers, and (3) they are susceptible to media addiction. As platform agnostics, media consumers are neutral about the medium through which they access their content. If for ex- ample, you want the latest Katy Perry or Bruno Mars song for your smart- phone, it may not matter to you if you pirate the tune from an illegal download site, buy it from iTunes or YouTube, rip it from a CD, or have it streamed to your laptop by Pandora or Spotify, as long as you get the song. You have no loyalty to the platform, only to the song itself. Likewise, if you are interested in getting your hands on the latest book in the Fifty Shades of Grey series, you don’t care whether it comes from online Amazon or bricks-and-mortar Barnes & Noble, and you may choose to read it on an e-reader, or a tablet, or a laptop, or a smartphone, or even on paper pages. As a platform agnostic, you place more importance on the content than on the technology through which it is deliv- ered. Platform agnostics present a challenge for media businesses who, like other businesses, want repeat customers loyal to their specific methods of delivery.

Contemporary media consumers are also media multitaskers. They rarely use one medium at a time. For example, a third of America’s Twitter users tweet about the television shows they are watching at the time, and 44 percent of tablet owners and 38 percent of smartphone owners are on social networking sites while watching television (Bannon, 2012). It’s not uncommon, in fact, for multitaskers to use several different media simultane- ously. Think about when you’re writing a paper for class. You do it on your com- puter, and during the writing process you regularly minimize your document

platform agnostic neutrality in choice of content-delivery technology.

media multitasking using more than one medium simultaneously.

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to check Facebook, e-mail, and Twitter accounts, all while listening to music and watching Dancing with the Stars on television. It’s also quite likely that you’re texting on your cell, too.

Unlike platform agnosticism, the possible negative consequences of mul- titasking fall more to the consumer than to the media industries. It certainly poses a dilemma for advertisers who struggle to get their marketing cam- paigns noticed by a cognitively fragmented audience, but the adverse effects on the multitaskers appear much more serious. Reduced attention spans, aliteracy (a decrease in thoughtful reading), and a reprogramming of memory and focus functions are just a few of the problems they face. Media multitask- ing is nothing if not an activity of distraction. Research shows that when an activity (like homework) is coupled with another activity (like Internet surf- ing), task performance decreases (Foehr, 2006). Other research indicates that distractions affect how we process information, changing the memory system

and rendering information less useful later on. Additionally, when young people are forced to use only one medium at a time, they often find it mentally difficult, exacerbating all of these po- tential concerns (Richtel, 2010). Think about how you would feel if, while writing a paper, you were unable to engage with any other media. You may feel anxious and somewhat agitated, which brings us to our next point.

Media addiction, over-attachment to media, is a characteristic of many media consum- ers. Some psychologists believe that media, espe- cially social media, can develop into an addiction, while others believe the word “addiction” is used much too casually when connected to media use. Still, the fact remains that young people have a difficult time in the absence of their media tech- nologies (Clayton, Leshner, and Almond, 2015). For the Media Generation, access is about con- nection, and the way young people stay con- nected to the world is though social media. For years, researchers have studied addiction to more traditional media like television and video games, but much of today’s inquiry focuses on the Internet and cellphones. In a study conducted at the University of Maryland, students were asked to go 24 hours unplugged, that is, without media. Most could not do it. According to educa- tion writer Jenna Johnson, “It’s very easy to con- fuse these students with crack addicts who went cold turkey, smokers not given the comfort of a patch while quitting, and alcoholics forced to

aliteracy Loss of thoughtful reading.

media addiction Over- attachment to media.

Laptop open, television on, listening to music, no doubt a smartphone nearby. Media multitasking defines Generation M.

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dry up” (2010). Students reported being anxious, miserable, and feeling fran- tic in their cravings of media. “I clearly am addicted and the dependency is sickening” confessed one student, “I feel like most people these days are in a similar situation, for between having a Blackberry, a laptop, a television, and an iPod, people have become unable to shed their media skin” (Moeller, 2010).

How much like these students are you? Do you ever reflect on the amount of media you consume and how dependent on the media you may or may not be? There’s much more to be said about media-fueled distraction and addic- tion in Chapter 12, but for now we’ll step back from our own media use and look at some characteristics of the media industries that we interact with and how that engagement influences our culture.

Characteristics of Media Industries Media industries, old and new, are being shaped and reshaped by several forces that not only affect their economic structures, but the nature of mass communication itself. They include concentration of ownership, hyper-com- mercialism, fragmentation, globalization, and convergence.

Concentration of ownership, the ownership of many different media companies by an increasingly small number of conglomerates, has dramati- cally reduced the diversity of media sources available to consumers. Thirty years ago, 50 companies owned 90 percent of the media content consumed by Americans; today the number is six—Comcast, News Corp, Disney, Viacom, Time Warner, and CBS (Bart, 2014). With a mere six conglomerates having such dominant power over the creation and dissemination of content, we are left with fewer sources to which we can turn, fewer options for entertainment and news, and therefore a depleted number of perspectives.

Because these six giant companies own almost all of the country’s most prominent media outlets, including television and radio stations, newspapers, film studios, cable companies, and magazines, the values and perspectives of the parent company naturally filter down to its numerous subsidiaries. “One need not be a devotee of conspiracy theories,” writes media law expert Charles Tillinghast, “to understand that journalists, like other human beings, can judge where their interests lie, and what risks are and are not prudent, given the desire to continue to eat and feed the family” (2000, p. 145). Imagine you are a reporter for ABC’s Good Morning America (owned by Disney) and you are tasked with providing viewers with a “sneak peek” at a new Disney theme park. Now imagine you do not like the place. How likely are you to give the park a negative review, knowing that “Mickey Mouse” signs your paycheck (Jackson, 2013)? Now, a bit more significantly, you are still a reporter for ABC, but on the hard news side. How deeply do you dig into allegations of lax safety inspections at Disney’s theme parks brought to you by a whistleblower? What do you do? You want to do your job as well as you can, but you need a paycheck. This is only one of the many ethical issues facing modern journalists. You can read about another in the box “The Role of the Photojournalist.”

concentration of ownership Ownership of many different media compa- nies by an increasingly small number of conglomerates.

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Critics contend that this narrowing of views limits the diversity of voices, in contradiction to what Americans have long considered essential to their ability to govern themselves. Democracy is predicated on the idea that people, in order to ensure a free society, need a wide range of information on which to base their judgments. That information is supposed to come not only from a multitude of tongues, but from a variety of antagonistic voices. If we do not re- ceive a wide range of relevant, objective information about matters big and small—unemployment, gun safety, gay rights, women’s issues, war and peace, the economy, the cost of college, anything that touches how we live our lives— how are we supposed to make good decisions or vote intelligently on these issues?

The Role of the Photojournalist

In 2012, New York Post photographer r. umar abbasi was in the city’s subway when a homeless man fatally pushed another man, Ki-suck han, onto the tracks in front of an oncoming train. The photographer captured a horrific, now-famous picture of the man “about to die,” which became the Post’s front-page image. The photo’s publication fueled a national debate about the media in america. New York Times media critic David Carr wrote, “The Post cover treatment neatly embodies everything that people hate and suspect about the news media business: not only are journalists bystanders, moral and ethical eunuchs who don’t intervene when danger or evil presents itself, but perhaps they secretly root for its culmination” (2012).

In 1993, south african photographer Kevin Carter traveled to southern sudan to report on a devastating famine. he took a haunting photo of a starving suda- nese baby girl, weakened and crouched over, and a vul- ture lurking in the background. Carter soon came under severe global criticism for failing to help the girl. The St. Petersburg Times, for example, editorialized, “The man adjusting his lens to take just the right frame of her suf- fering might just as well be a predator, another vulture on the scene” (in ricchiardi, 1999). But was the photo- journalist truly a vulture, or was he using his talent to inform the world of a severe humanitarian crisis?

In both instances, media published disturbing photos that raised important questions about the re- sponsibility of the professionals who took them. The Times condemned the publication of the Post’s subway

image but published Carter’s vulture photo, suggesting that one image was unethical and the other was news- worthy and valuable. But are they that ethically different?

Most good journalists would argue that they are. as soon as a journalist embeds him- or herself in a story, that event becomes a constructed story, a fiction. In the case of Carter, the plight of the sudanese people was an already unfolding story; he was doing his job by report- ing on it. abbasi, on the other hand, took part in a story by failing to assist. had he helped han, there would have been no story. had Carter helped the sudanese child, the story would have been the same—the starvation in southern sudan would have persisted, but the image that brought much attention to the issue would not have been published. What do you think?

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION

a powerful but controversial media image.

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The second force reshaping mass communication is hyper-commercialism, the increasing amount of commercial content appearing in the media. It appears most obviously simply as more advertising, but also as the mixing of commercial and non-commercial content. Research suggests that the average American is exposed to as many as 5,000 commercial messages a day, up from about 500 a day in the 1970s (Johnson, 2009). And your own viewing tells you that from 20 to 25 percent of a prime-time television hour is devoted to com- mercials, and you no doubt have seen more than a few of the Internet’s more than 5 trillion annual ads, up from 200 billion in 1997 (Lunden, 2012). Amidst this clutter, or commercial overload, advertisers must find new ways to grab our attention. One way is to make sure we can’t ignore their messages, fast- forward through them, or change the channel. Among their strategies are product placement, brand entertainment, ambient advertising, and synergy.

Product placement occurs when ads are placed in and become part of media content. For example, if you’ve seen the movie The Avengers, you’ve seen paid-for placements, that is, commercials, for ABC, Acura, aussieBum, Black Sabbath, Bose, CNN, Colantotte, C-SPAN, Dr. Pepper, Farmers Insurance, Harley-Davidson, Jansport, LG, MAC Cosmetics, MSNBC, NASA, NY1, Oracle, Plantronics, Rimowa, and Southwest Airlines, among others. Today, there are very few feature films that do not include product placements. Big blockbust- ers are particularly welcoming to product placement since they are extremely expensive to make, and their producers look to advertisers to supplement pro- duction costs. And it’s not just movies; it’s all commercial media. Globally, ad- vertisers spend just under $11 billion a year on placements in TV, film, online and mobile content, video games, and music, with the United States, Brazil, and Mexico accounting for three-quarters of that amount (PQ Media, 2015). “We have come to an intersection of media and content where marketing is content and content is marketing,” explains Angela Courtin, marketing chief at Relativity Media, a movie studio that actively encourages the blending of advertising and content (in Downey, 2015).

Like product placement, brand entertainment is a fusion of entertain- ment and content; however, brand entertain- ment occurs when content is consciously developed around a specific brand. Director Ridley Scott’s movie The Polar Bears was created by Coke as a way to capitalize on the popularity of its well-known holiday television commer- cials. Battleship, G. I. Joe, Stretch Armstrong, and the many installments of Transformers are movies based on Hasbro toys. The Pirates of the Caribbean movies and Mr. Toad’s Wild Ride are based on amusements at Disneyland.

Ambient advertising, placing ads in natu- ral or otherwise nontraditional settings, is yet another strategy to make sure we can’t miss the message. Logos imprinted on beach sand, stairs

hyper-commercialism The increasing amount of commercial content appear- ing in the media.

clutter Commercial overload.

product placement When ads are placed in and become part of media content.

ambient advertising ads in otherwise nontraditional settings.

brand entertainment When content is developed around brands.

Is The Fast and the Furious a movie or a very long commercial?

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in public buildings made to look like stacks of newly released books, and brand logos temporarily tattooed onto real people’s foreheads are all examples of ambient advertising.

Synergy occurs when a number of different companies team up to sell one product across a number of real-world and media channels. Let’s say Disney releases a children’s film. The movie plays in theaters; its characters appear in Disney’s programming on the Disney-owned ABC television net- work and Disney-owned cable channels; Disney-owned book and magazine companies publish movie-based stories; and the actors are interviewed at courtside during Disney-owned ESPN’s broadcasts of college basketball. At the same time, McDonald’s markets character-based toy figures in its happy meals; JC Penney sells clothes and bedding covered with the film’s images; Toys “R” Us supplies the games, accessories, and toys based on the movie; and Welch’s markets fruit snacks in the shape of the characters. While there is only one product, the original film, many companies take part in its promo- tion, marketing, and selling.

Audience fragmentation is a third force reshaping media. It occurs as audiences become more segmented (less “mass”) and media content is increasingly specialized to reach those fragments. For example, before televi- sion, radio commanded a national audience. When television came along, radio was forced to become more localized, so radio content had to be special- ized in order to reach different audiences in a thousand different towns and cities. Today we have radio formats like talk, country, classic rock, and dozens of others. Cable did the same thing to television, offering hundreds of chan- nels compared to the three or four stations offered by over-the-air television in the pre-cable days. As the content became more specialized, giving viewers many more choices, the audience fragmented among those choices. Networks like ABC, NBC, and CBS were now sharing audience with HBO and Showtime. And today, these outlets are sharing audience with streaming services like Netflix and Amazon Prime, who themselves are sharing audience with YouTube, making the audiences for each smaller and more specialized.

A fourth reality characteristic of contemporary media is globalization. When media companies operate globally, the world becomes a smaller place— at least in terms of communication. As newer technologies render national borders invisible, media companies and individuals alike can communicate just as easily with people in faraway China as they can with those next door. For example, virtually every US film and video production company, including HBO and the Discovery Networks, maintains operations in Asia (Frater, 2014). The American situation comedy Friends is the world’s most popular television show for helping people learn English (Hofs, 2012), and in 2014 Transformers: Age of Extinction was the number one movie in Russia, China, Columbia, and South Africa. Godzilla was number one in Egypt. The Lego Movie was the box office winner in the United Kingdom, and Maleficent was the most-seen movie in Brazil and Mexico (Sedghi, 2014).

Many critics, here and abroad, worry that countries with the most power- ful media structures become culturally imperialistic, “invading” and

synergy Promotion of a single media product across multiple real-world and media platforms.

audience fragmentation splintering of media audi- ences into increasingly smaller units.

globalization Increasing worldwide operation of media companies.

cultural imperialism Influ- encing other countries through non-local mass media.

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influencing other countries through mass media. What impact, they ask, do Western media have on the traditions and values of other cultures? As global mass communication becomes easier, is it possible that the messages and meanings created by Western media will shape the perceptions of other nations? Other nations do indeed think so; they worry about globaliza- tion’s impact. For example, American hip-hop music is out- lawed on Jamaica’s broadcasting system; in Iran, where all Western music is banned from radio and television, a person can be arrested for uploading music videos based on Western tunes like Pharrell’s Happy. Communist China and democratic South Korea both limit the number of American movies that can appear on their theater screens, and there is an official movement afoot in Russia to pro- hibit the use of American words such as bar, restaurant, sale, performance, and trader, punishable by fines and loss of jobs (Pomerantsev, 2013).

The final force reshaping the media industries and therefore mass com- munication is convergence. As you saw earlier in the chapter, this erosion of distinction between media is a dramatic development in how we interact with media and their content. Technologies continue to merge, making data and communication access more efficient. But what does this do to existing technologies whose functions migrate to newer, converged technologies? Most obviously, they must find new business models. More music is being sold now than at any time in history, yet the traditional recording compa- nies, late to accept legal downloading, have seen their profits dwindle over the last decade. More people read the news than ever before, but because they do so online, on smartphones, and on tablets, traditional newspapers are losing money at a record pace. The same is true for the traditional maga- zine and book industries. But what may be bad for the big record labels may be good for music fans, as there is more music available for less cost. What may be bad for newspapers may be good for news readers, as there is more news from more sources at lower cost. What may be bad for the magazine and book industries may be good for readers, as there are more magazines and books published every year than ever before. But how much good music will be made when artists cannot earn a living from the new music environ- ment? How much good journalism will be undertaken if everyone reads the news online for free and our traditional sources of tough, hard-hitting journalism—newspapers and magazines—go out of business? And what does a “good book” mean when anyone with a laptop can become a novelist by self-publishing on the Internet?

Convergence is a remarkable advance for mass communication but a frightening advance for the mass media industries. In fact, all the traditional media industries are undergoing disruptive transition; that is, their long- standing business models are under constant attack from digital alternatives as they attempt to transform how they operate. For those hoping for careers in the media, though, this might actually be a good thing, as you can read in the box “Finding a Career in the Media.”

These young Iranians were jailed for their You- Tube Happy dance.

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Theories of Mass Communication Given the importance of mass communication and its many forms, you shouldn’t be surprised that there are quite a few well-developed theories regarding the meaning-making relationship between mass media and their audiences. We’ll address four theories that have had important and ongoing influence on our current thinking about the relationship between people and the media: cultivation theory, social cognitive theory, critical cultural theory, and social responsibility theory.

Cultivation theory is sometimes referred to as cultivation analysis or the cultivation hypothesis. Initially developed by George Gerbner in the 1970s, it originally dealt specifically with television effects, although its explanation of how we come to understand our world has been extended to other media. Here, though, we’ll stay with Dr. Gerbner’s original thinking. Cultivation theorists argue that television has long-term effects that are gradual but significant, for

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Cultivation Theory

Media have long-term, grad-

ual but significant effects

because their stories form

mainstream society’s widely

shared conceptions of reality.

We live in terms of the sto-

ries we tell, and media tell

them all through news,

drama, and advertising to

almost everybody most of

the time.

Finding a Career in the Media

There’s little doubt that the media industries are under- going massive change, and you’ve probably heard that media jobs are disappearing. That’s partly true. But every industry employs mass communication profes- sionals. Beyond the obvious examples of advertising and public relations, every good-size corporation and nonprofit has its media producers—its writers, photog- raphers, videographers, Web masters, and social media managers. and then there’s the Internet itself. Employ- ment in american Internet businesses has increased 54 percent since 2009, overtaking broadcast and cable television, magazines, and radio as top employers of media professionals (Johnson, 2012).

What, then, is the best way to find a mass communi- cation career? Industry professionals suggest these practices:

1. Know your options—The possibilities are nearly limitless. There are millions of mass communication jobs that are not part of a newspaper or radio or tele- vision station.

2. Think globally—Companies increasingly communi- cate across borders. Be interculturally aware to make

yourself more attractive to organizations, and be willing to travel or relocate.

3. Develop a specialty—a specialty gives you direc- tion and makes you more attractive to potential employers.

4. Work on your writing—solid writing skills will give you an advantage over other job seekers.

5. Network—as in any industry, networking makes finding work in the media far easier. Join media-ori- ented student and professional organizations, and take internships in media companies. Learn as much as you can and make contacts.

6. Stand out—Know what’s going on in the world of mass communication. read trade journals like Broad- casting & Cable, Editor & Publisher, Advertising Age, and Variety. Being in the know will show your potential employer that you are committed to your field.

7. Remember the basics—The old rules apply when searching for a job in the media. Keep your resume simple, highlighting your most impressive skills and accomplishments. Dress well for your interview, stay positive, ask questions about the company, and send a thank-you note immediately afterward.

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE

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example, an increased belief that the world is a cruel place. They say viewers who watch a significant amount of television develop the Mean World Syndrome; that is, they begin to view the world as a much more dangerous place than it really is. Because television shows violence and crime in much higher levels than exist in the actual world, heavy viewers cultivate a reality that is far differ- ent from that of light viewers. As Gerbner explained, “The repetitive pattern of television’s mass-produced messages and images forms the mainstream of the common symbolic environment that cultivates the most widely shared concep- tions of reality. We live in terms of the stories we tell—stories about what things exist, stories about how things work, and stories about what to do—and televi- sion tells them all through news, drama, and advertising to almost everybody most of the time” (Gerbner et al., 1978, p. 178).

Like any theory, cultivation analysis comes with some criticisms. Some feel the theory doesn’t take into account the social aspects of television view- ing, like the consumer’s socioeconomic background, ethnicity, developmental stages, gender, family attitudes, race, and viewing contexts. For instance, fam- ilies that consume television critically by discussing the content they watch may significantly reduce the cultivation effect among their members.

Social cognitive theory was created by psychologist Albert Bandura in the early 1960s at a time of widespread concern about the effects of televised violence. Bandura’s theory suggests that people learn behaviors, or model them, simply by observing them. This behavior can manifest itself through either imitation or identification. Imitation occurs when the observed behav- ior is directly replicated. For example, if a teenage girl watches her favorite Gossip Girl character buy a specific Coach bag and she, in turn, buys the same product, she has imitated what she has seen. Identification is copying the observed behavior to a degree but not replicating it. So instead of buying the same Coach bag, the girl might buy a pair of UGGs—copying the character’s brand-name purchasing behavior, if not the exact purchase.

Bandura’s most famous social cognitive theory experiment is his 1965 “Bobo doll” study (see chapter 2.) He showed nursery school children a short film in which a character was either rewarded for aggression or punished for those same behaviors. After viewing, each child was given a “free play” period in a room full of toys of all kinds, including an inflatable punching doll. Chil- dren who saw the filmed aggression rewarded showed more aggressive activ- ity during the play period, and those who saw it punished displayed less. Social cognitive theory concludes that not only can children learn simply by observa- tion, but when they see a forbidden behavior rewarded or even unpunished, there is a greater likelihood that the learned behavior will be enacted. By the same token, if they see a behavior punished, they are less likely to enact it (al- though they have still learned it and later, if there is sufficient incentive, they can indeed enact what they learned observationally). Some criticisms of social cognitive theory include the argument that not everyone who sees something in the media models what they’ve seen and that it may overestimate the power of mass media and underestimate that of individuals’ own meaning-making abilities.

Mean World Syndrome The more media people consume, the meaner they think the world to be.

modeling Learning through observation.

imitation Direct replication of observed behavior.

identification Copying of observed behavior, but in a more general manner.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Social Cognitive Theory

People learn, or model, be-

haviors by observing them.

Modeling can occur as imita-

tion, when observed behav-

iors are directly replicated, or

through identification, when

behaviors are copied to a

degree but not replicated.

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Another theory with significant contemporary influence is critical cultural theory, based in Neo-Marxist theory. While traditional Marxism argued that elites control the public through their ownership of the base, or the means of production (if you want a job, you do what you’re told), Neo- Marxism says that in contemporary society elites exert their influence not through ownership of the farms and factories, but by their control of the su- perstructure, or the culture—institutions like the schools, religion, and media. “Media provide the elite with a convenient, subtle, yet highly effective means of promoting worldviews favorable to their interests,” explain Stanley Baran and Dennis Davis. Critical cultural theory sees the media as “a public arena in which cultural battles are fought and a dominant, or hegemonic [imposed from above], culture is forged and promoted. Elites dominate these struggles because they start with important advantages. Opposition is marginalized, and the status quo is presented as the only logical, rational way of structuring society. Values favored by elites are subtly woven into and promoted by the narratives of popular programs” (Baran and Davis, 2015, p. 23).

Consider the war in Iraq and the global financial crisis of 2008. In both instances the media failed to do their jobs, first, by failing to question the gov- ernment’s motives and evidence before entering the war (“Never before has a nation had 100 percent confidence about its intelligence with 0 percent infor- mation,” wrote senior CIA analyst Melvin Goodman, 2013), and second, in not properly investigating the unethical practices of major financial institutions on Wall Street before the big crash (“The watchdogs barked, but often off in the distance, and then went on their way,” said press critic Greg Mitchell, 2009, p. 16). Neither government officials nor bankers felt the true backlash of these devastating events.

More recently, the most-reported news story in 2014 on the three com- mercial TV networks (ABC, CBS, and NBC) was the weather. The Winter Olym- pics and North Korean anger over the movie The Interview were also in the top 20. Although 2014 saw a historic mid-term election in which Republicans took control of both houses of Congress, and despite the fact that it was a year of record income inequality and swelling ranks of the poor, “Politics was practi- cally purged from the nightly news agenda in 2014. Never have midterm elec- tions been treated with such disdain. And never have federal domestic policy debates made such little news. Not a single White House nor Capitol Hill cor- respondent qualified for the Top 20 ranking of reporters. The economy logged record lows [of coverage] too” (ADT Research, 2015). Who benefits, ask Neo-Marxist theorists, when important electoral and economic news is absent from people’s media diets?

These scholars can explain how and why the media industries failed the public in these instances, but critical cultural theory suggests what the public can do to make sure those failures do not happen again. As you read in Chap- ter 2, critical cultural theorists claim that the reality of our social world is the product of the interaction between structure (the social world’s rules, norms, and beliefs) and agency (how we act and interact in that world). They believe that media industries support structure; after all, media shape our beliefs and

Neo-Marxism Elites maintain influence over society by con- trol of the superstructure.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Critical Cultural Theory

Our social world is the prod-

uct of the interaction be-

tween structure and agency, and although media indus-

tries tend to support struc-

ture and would seem to have

the advantage in the mass

communication process, au-

diences have power in

agency, that is, their beliefs,

values and behaviors.

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values and guide us toward specific behaviors. In other words, they structure our daily lives. But we have agency. We have our beliefs and values; we engage in those behaviors. Yes, argue critical cultural theorists, there is a dialectic, an ongoing struggle or debate, a tug-of-war between the media and the public as each works to make meaning. But if we simply accept that the media have more advantages in the mass communication process than do their audiences, media will have no incentive to provide us with better information and enter- tainment. But if we believe that structure is only as powerful as we allow it to be and that we set the standards through our media-use expectations and choices, our agency becomes our power. We, however, have to be aware that we have that power, and that’s the lesson of Chapter 11, Media Literacy. For now, though, we need to keep in mind that in the American political and economic system, media industries have a responsibility to the public; that is why we grant them the protection of the First Amendment. You can read more about their obligations in the box “Media Conduct.”

Earlier, in our discussion of personally responsible communication, we fo- cused on the need for audiences to think critically about media’s impact. Here we turn to the responsibilities of the media industries to their audiences. Social responsibility theory argues that media industries and profession- als must serve the public if they are to be free of government control. It is a normative theory, which means that it sets standards (norms) to guide media conduct that are based on society’s ideal values, and it is against those standards that the public should judge the media’s performance. For American media, social responsibility theory identifies eight basic assumptions regard- ing the operation of media outlets and the performance of media profession- als. Denis McQuail (1987) outlined these basic principles:

• Media have obligations to society that they must fulfill.

• They should meet them by setting high or professional standards of informativeness, truth, accuracy, objectivity, and balance.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Social Responsibility Theory

In exchange for the great

deal of freedom they enjoy,

media industries must meet

certain standards of socially

responsible operation, not

the least of which is to put

service above profit.

Media Conduct

The assumptions of social responsibility theory are based on libertarian thought; that is, people cannot effectively govern themselves without access to profes- sionally and responsibly created and disseminated information.

Do you feel the media generally meet the standards of social responsibility? Do they provide us with the news and entertainment content we need in order to make reasonable, effective, even humane decisions? a recent

national survey of american adults demonstrated that only 40 percent—an all-time low—had a great deal or fair amount of trust in the mass media, compared with 53 percent in 1997 (McCarthy, 2014). further, 18- to 34-year- olds are likely to describe the news media with terms like garbage, lies, one-sided, propaganda, repetitive, and boring, and they indicate that being informed about the news is not important (Poindexter, 2012). Do you agree? Why or why not? If so, what will you do about it?

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

libertarian thought a self-governing people require access to responsibly created and disseminated information.

normative theory setting standards to guide media conduct based on soci- ety’s ideal values.

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• Because they accept this duty, media should be self-regulating within the framework of law and established institutions.

• Media should avoid whatever might lead to crime, violence, or civil dis- order or give offense to minority groups.

• The media should reflect the diversity of their society, giving access to various points of view and to rights of reply.

• The people have a right to expect high standards of performance, and if not met, official intervention can be justified to secure the public good.

• Media professionals should be accountable to society as well as to the financial bottom line.

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10.1 Describe the differences between interpersonal and mass communication. Interpersonal communication involves two or a few people, while mass communication can in- volve millions of communicators. In interpersonal communication, feedback is direct and immedi- ate; in mass communication, it is inferential and delayed. The message in interpersonal communi- cation is immediately alterable; in mass communi- cation, once sent, it is unalterable. Messages in interpersonal communication are flexible; in mass communication they tend to be formulaic.

10.2 Discuss the relationship between culture, communication, and mass media. Our personal sense of self and our understanding of our world and others in it are developed and in- fluenced by a culture whose meanings are shaped to a large degree by mass media. Media tell us stories about ourselves and we, in turn, act out the roles we play in those stories. But we can contest the cultural meanings; we can make individually meaningful choices. But we are never really free from media’s influence, as we share the culture with others who are making meaning from media just as we do.

10.3 Identify the characteristics of media consumers. Contemporary media consumers are platform ag- nostic, media multitaskers, and are susceptible to media addiction.

10.4 Identify the characteristics of media industries. American media industries are overwhelming for-profit businesses, and that reality affects their content. The nature and operation of these industries are currently being shaped and reshaped by several forces, including con- centration of ownership, hyper-commercial- ism, audience fragmentation, globalization, and convergence.

10.5 Describe several theories associated with mass communication. Given the vastness and complexity of mass com- munication, it is obvious that there are hun- dreds of theories that attempt to help us understand that process. Four that hold great contemporary interest are cultivation theory, explaining how media realities become people’s realities; social cognitive theory, explaining how people learn to model or copy what they see in the media; critical cultural theory, which at- tempts to explain how media industries domi- nate meaning making; and social responsibility theory, establishing standards for the operation of our media system against which its perfor- mance can be judged.

Review of Learning Objectives

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Key Terms mass communication 210 medium 211 convergence 212 inferential feedback 213 formualic 214 platform agnostic 219 media multitaskers 219 aliteracy 220 media addiction 220 concentration of ownership 221 hyper-commercialism 223 clutter 223 product placement 223 brand entertainment 223 ambient advertising 223 synergy 224 audience fragmentation 224 globalization 224 culturally imperialistic 224 cultivation theory 226 Mean World Syndrome 227 social cognitive theory 227 model 227 imitation 227 identification 227 critical cultural theory 228 Neo-Marxist theory 228 libertarian thought 229 social responsibility theory 229 normative theory 229

Questions for Review 1. What are the distinctions between interper-

sonal and mass communication? What are their similarities?

2. What are platform agnosticism and media multitasking?

3. What is concentration, and what are its likely effects on media content?

4. What is hyper-commercialism and what are its likely effects on media content?

5. What are product placement, brand entertain- ment, ambient advertising, and synergy?

6. What is audience fragmentation, and what are its likely effects on media content?

7. What is globalization and what are its likely ef- fects on media content?

8. What is convergence and what are its likely ef- fects on media content?

9. What are the basic arguments of cultivation theory, social cognitive theory, critical cultural theory, and social responsibility theory?

10. How are libertarian thought and social respon- sibility theory related?

Questions for Discussion 1. While it is impossible to deny that audiences are

the product produced and sold in the commer- cial media business, there is disagreement about the relative influence of advertisers and those audiences. Yes, advertisers buy audiences, so their interests would seem to be most important to media companies; but if audiences weren’t served by those companies, there would be noth- ing to sell to advertisers. When a television net- work is trying to decide what to air or a magazine what stories to run, whose interests do you think they consider first? Defend your answer.

2. Answer these questions:

a. Do you believe that most people are just look- ing out for themselves?

b. Do you think that you can’t be too careful in dealing with people?

c. Do you think that most people would take ad- vantage of you if they got the chance?

These questions form the basis of cultivation theory’s argument that the more television you watch, the more mean you think the world to be (the Mean World Syndrome). Does this rela- tionship hold for you? If not, why not? If yes, can you explain that outcome in terms of culti- vation theory?

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3. Are you generally satisfied with the media’s performance, or are you generally unhappy? Why do you respond as you do? Can you draw distinctions between the different media industries, for example, maybe you think the

movie and video game industries are just great, but newspapers and popular music continue to fail you? Defend your answers using the principles of social responsibility theory.

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Chapter Outline

What Is Media Literacy? 236

Media Literacy Questions 244

What Does It Mean to Be Media Literate? 246

Media Literacy and Meaning Making 253

Media Literacy 11

On the first day of media literacy class, your professor explains

that throughout the semester, you will carefully examine televi-

sion shows, music lyrics, films, advertisements, and websites. This

will be easy and fun, you think. The professor devotes the first

three lectures to Disney films, movies you grew up watching and

loving. She talks about the racial stereotyping in Aladdin, the

gender stereotyping in Beauty and the Beast, and the historical

inaccuracies in Pocahontas. Suddenly, you find yourself a bit put off.

How could anyone criticize the hit movies of an iconic, kid-friendly

company like Disney—the “Happiest Place on Earth?”

But as the semester rolls on, you begin to realize not only how

much media you consume, but how passively you do, without a lot

of critical thought. During a break, you return home to find your

parents working at their computers and your nine-year-old sister

watching a Beyoncé video, emulating the star. What would have

been no big deal to you a semester ago now has you a little annoyed

and eager to talk about it with the family. You watch with your

sister for a few minutes, explaining how the lighting, sound, camera

movements, and editing make what the singer is doing seem par-

ticularly glamorous and exciting. You further explain that this is a

grown woman, not a little kid. Then you turn the video off and sit

down with your sister and parents. For an hour you discuss the

meaning of the lyrics, and the effects and overall social implica-

tions of videos like this on the behaviors and attitudes of young

girls. Your parents are stunned.

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The point of media literacy, the subject of this chapter, is to promote conscious and critical consumption of the media content we see and hear daily. As we learned in the last chapter, media have a pervasive influence on our culture. American adults, on average, consume 12 hours and 14 minutes of media a day, including watching television, browsing the Internet, and using mobile devices like smartphones and tablets (eMarketer, 2014). There is little question that people in our culture, especially millennials (those born after 1980), define them- selves and their generation by their technologies (Taylor and Keeter, 2010).

With so much of our individual identities and our culture’s values shaped by media narratives, it is important that we create a basis for evaluating those messages. We need to be media-literate consumers. Media educator Len Masterman explains, “In contemporary societies the media are self-evidently important creators and mediators of social knowledge. An understanding of the ways in which the media represent reality, the techniques they employ, and the ideologies embedded within their representations ought to be an enti- tlement of all citizens and future citizens in a democratic society” (2013, p. x).

What Is Media Literacy? Remember your high school English classes? You likely studied a number of novels and were asked to discuss what you read. You considered each novel’s cultural relevance, the quality of the writing, the robustness of character devel- opment and narrative description, and of course, themes. In fact, for more than a century we have viewed reading, interpreting, and critically analyzing liter- ary texts as an essential skill for an educated person. But in today’s media cul- ture, young people are spending more time not with novels but with other media texts—that is, content that comes from an ever-growing array of com- munication technologies such as the Internet, television, radio, video games, and smartphones and tablets. These have become the texts of choice for millen- nials and the following generation. As with literary texts, learning to critically and responsibly assess this new mediated content is key to the enhancement of our culture and ourselves. Media literacy is the ability to read, interpret, crit- ically assess, and productively use media texts. The term is often used inter- changeably with media education, which involves incorporating media analysis

media texts Content origi- nating from communication technologies.

media literacy the ability to read, interpret, critically assess, and productively use media texts.

11.1 Identify the assumptions and elements of media literacy.

11.2 Identify the skills necessary to practice media literacy.

11.3 Describe the importance of media literacy in identity formation.

11.4 explain the cultural impact and importance of media literacy.

Learning Objectives

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skills into learning environments such as school curricula or parenting. Our concern in this chapter, however, is strictly media literacy.

The idea of promoting media liter- acy is gaining momentum in light of our heavy media consumption habits. (The growth of the field has also cre- ated job opportunities, as you can read in the box “Careers in Media Literacy”) There has been a particular focus on children’s media literacy, as children represent an especially vulnerable media audience. Organizations such as the American Psychological Associ- ation and the American Academy of Pediatrics have developed guidelines outlining the ethical implications of marketing to children, arguing that they “lack the cognitive capacity to recog- nize advertising’s persuasive intent”(Kunkel, 2004). Children are not as capa- ble as adults in distinguishing fantasy from reality, nor can they always tell commercial from non-commercial content.

young people are immersed in media, making media literacy critical to understand- ing our culture.

Careers in Media Literacy

Because the foundation of media literacy is critical thinking, it has obvious career value. Media literacy pioneer art silverblatt explains, “Many companies now place a value on employees who have the ability to interpret and construct messages using the different ‘languages’ of media, such as film and television, audio, and the Internet” (2010). But the majority of careers specifically in media literacy are in the field of educa- tion. silverblatt lists three educational environments where the demand for media literacy professionals is predicted to grow:

1. Elementary and secondary teaching—all 50 states list media literacy among their desired academic outcomes.

2. College and university teaching—hundreds of american institutions of higher education teach either

selected classes or full curricula in media literacy. Media literacy programs are increasingly appearing in departments beyond Communication, Mass Commu- nication, and Media studies, such as education.

3. Educational consulting—enterprising and entre- preneurial students can develop consulting careers in media literacy. Dr. silverblatt provides these sug- gestions of ways to consult: • Conduct professional development workshops

for teachers. • Develop classroom materials for teachers. • Introduce media literacy to groups not reached

through the conventional school system, such as parents. Many parents’ groups hire speakers to conduct programs they consider vital to success- ful parenting, including how to contend with media messages.

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE

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Consider, too, the importance of media literacy in identity formation and in the process of meaning making, which we will discuss in more detail later in the chapter. For example, researchers from a variety of social sciences have demonstrated a significant correlation between media, negative body image, and eating disorders. Media messages tell females in particular that they must be thin and beautiful to achieve social acceptability. The following statistics speak to the power of these messages: 80 percent of American girls have been on diets by age 10; one-third of American boys and the majority of girls be- tween 6 and 8 years old wish their bodies were thinner; and almost 1.3 million adolescent American girls have anorexia—a rate that rose 119 percent between 1999 and 2006 alone (Pai and Schryver, 2015).

If culture shapes our perceptions of ourselves, and we live in a heavily mass-mediated culture, it’s clear that media contribute to the identities and meanings we create. Being media literate means asking the right questions about the content to which we are exposed. This questioning, in turn, encour- ages healthier attitudes about who we are, our roles and responsibilities in society, and our importance in the lives of those close to us.

Media Literacy Scholarship The systematic study of media literacy is a relatively new addition to commu- nication scholarship. “Almost all the writing about media literacy was pub- lished in the last three decades,” explains media scholar James Potter (2010, p. 675). In reviewing that body of work, Professor Potter was able “to identify four common themes where there is general agreement across the writings about media literacy” (p. 681):

1. “The mass media have the potential to exert a wide range of potentially neg- ative effects on individuals . . . [T]he media also offer a range of potentially positive effects.” You read much about media effects in the previous chapter.

2. “The purpose of media literacy is to help people protect themselves from the potentially negative effects. The purpose of becoming more media lit- erate is to gain greater control over influences in one’s life, particularly the constant influence from mass media.” For example, media literacy pro- grams demonstrating the sexual objectification of women in the media can produce significant effects on cognitive, attitudinal, and behavioral re- sponses to advertising. Such programs help women shield themselves against these potentially harmful representations (Reichert et. al., 2007).

3. “Media literacy must be developed. No one is born media literate.” There are numerous curricula for people of all ages, designed to build those skills (for example, Christ, 2006). This chapter will introduce you to the approach taken by one US-based media literacy professional group, the National Association for Media Literacy Education.

4. “Media literacy is multi-dimensional. The media constantly influence people in many ways—cognitively, attitudinally, emotionally, physiolog- ically, behaviorally—both directly as individuals as well as indirectly

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through other people, institutions, and culture. Therefore, increasing one’s media literacy requires development along [these] several different dimensions.” For example, in an extensive review of the literature on media literacy interventions—efforts to build specific media literacy skills—Se Hoon Jeong and his colleagues (2012) showed that these activ- ities produced positive effects on media knowledge, criticism, perceived realism, media influence, beliefs about behavior, attitudes, self-efficacy, and actual behavior.

Professor Jeong’s research team, after examining scores of media literacy efforts, could confidently argue that media literacy interventions are “an effective approach for reducing potentially harmful effects of media messages. Intervention effects were found across divergent topics for diverse audiences, for a broad range of media-related (e.g., knowledge) and behavior-related (e.g., attitudes and behaviors) outcomes. . . . Intervention effects did not vary according to target age, the setting, audience involvement, and the topic, sug- gesting that interventions can be equally effective across a broad spectrum of settings (e.g., school, community, or lab), age groups, levels of audience involvement, and topics (e.g., alcohol, violence, and sex)” (Jeong, Cho, and Hwang, 2012, p. 464). Here we will look a bit deeper at three types of media literacy efforts.

PARENTAL MEDIATION. We’ll start with kids and advertising. Moniek Buijzen and Patti Valkenburg (2005) showed that parental mediation could help elementary school children better deal with the flood of advertising that washes over them. They found that parents are able to reduce their children’s level of materialism and the frequency with which they demand the products they see advertised by engaging in active mediation; that is, while watching with their children deliberately offering commentary and judgments about TV commercials and actively explaining the ads’ techniques and selling intent. In addition, parents who engaged in concept-oriented communication with their kids were able not only to reduce their levels of materialism and demand for advertised products, but could also reduce the amount of parent-child conflict that often results from kids’ demands for what they see on TV. Concept- oriented communication is simply actively discussing consumer matters with children, even away from the TV, helping them become more critical consumers. Both techniques were more effective in improving children’s responses to advertis- ing than was restricting their viewing. If these intervention techniques sound familiar, recall how you handled the opening scenario, when you went home to find your sister engrossed in a Beyoncé video.

Research such as this has contributed to parental mediation theory, which stresses taking an active role in managing and regulating children’s in- teractions with media. Parental mediation theory argues that quality inter- personal communication between parents and children about media-related issues is a requisite part of what we now consider to be good parenting. This interaction can take a number of forms. Active mediation is talking with

media literacy inter ventions attempts to build specific media literacy skills.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Parental Mediation Theory

Parental mediation theory

stresses the importance of

parents taking an active role

in managing and regulating

their children’s interactions

with media. It involves active

mediation—talking with chil-

dren about media content;

restrictive mediation—setting

rules and limits on children’s

media use; and co-viewing—

engaging in media consump-

tion with children. A fourth

form of parental mediation is

Internet-specific: participa-

tory learning involves parents

actively engaging in Internet

use with their children.

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children about media content, as we just saw in the Buijzen and Valkenburg research. Restrictive mediation, as the name suggests, is setting rules and limits on children’s media use, for example controlling how much screen time they might have in a given day, or limiting which programs they can watch or which websites they can visit. Co-viewing is when parents engage in media consumption with their children, for example watching television, reading a magazine, or going to the movies together. There is also an Internet-specific form of parental mediation, participatory learning. It acknowledges that while the Net can indeed be a risky place for children, parents, by engaging in Inter- net use and other activities such as searching for information, gaming, and social networking, can strengthened their relationship with their kids while teaching them better Internet habits, boosting their creativity, and even

Advertising to Children

One of the most controversial issues in media ethics is marketing to children. Children’s brains are still devel- oping, so they do not possess the same critical- thinking capacities as adults. Is it fair for them to be targets of sophisticated and powerful marketing? those who oppose the practice argue that it is inherently unethical because of children’s inability to distinguish fact from fiction. some liken it to sending children into a com- mercial war zone without armor (Kunkel et al., 2004).

In the United states, children watch an average of 16,000 television commercials a year (a. C. Nielsen, 2015), and marketers spend approximately $17 billion ann- ually in child-targeted advertising (Campaign for a Commercial-Free Childhood, 2015). By contrast, countries

such as australia, Canada, Great Britain, sweden, and most other industrialized nations not only prohibit or seriously restrict advertising to children, but they also re- quire media literacy education in schools. Media literacy cannot change the pace at which children’s brains de- velop, but it can mitigate some of the adverse effects ac- companying womb-to-tomb marketing, or lifelong exposure to advertisements. “It is a parent’s worst night- mare,” writes parenting expert K. J. Dell’antonia. “Disney has almost certainly already colonized your 3-year-old’s brain. McDonald’s has planted a flag in there, too, along with My Little Pony and Pepsi and even toyota. Pre- schoolers recognize brand names and symbols, and they are increasingly willing and able to make judgments about products and people based on associations with those brands” (2010). social science has not only demon- strated children’s familiarity with product branding, but it has also discovered a strong link between that familiarity and childhood obesity (McClure, 2012).

Do you think advertising to children is ethical? Before you answer, imagine that you have two children, ages four and six. Now imagine that a big ad agency has of- fered you the chance to design online video games that reward children for finding hidden characters from a sugar cereal called Fluffy yummies. the reward (which you will make easily attainable) is a two-minute video featuring the singing Fluffy yummy band. Do you take the job? Why or why not?

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION

Do you think advertising to children is ethical?

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enriching their cognitive development (Clark, 2011). You can read about ethical questions sur- rounding aiming commercials at kids in the box “Advertising to Children.”

BODY-IMAGE INTERVENTION. But remember, media literacy isn’t just for kids. Janelle Coughlin and Cynthia Kalodner attempted a media literacy intervention with college-age girls who were at high risk for eating disorders. They developed a media literacy program called ARMED (Acknowl- edging and Rejecting the Media’s influence on Eating and body image Disturbance), which uses videos and discussion to “explain and define the thin body ideal and provide a history of the thin- ning standards of beauty . . . to provide a useful model for understanding the process by which the media leads to disturbances in eating behaviors . . . to inform participants about the techniques used by the media to create ideal images, and to arm women with cognitive strategies for challenging the messages they receive from the media by focusing on the unreal- ity of media images” (2006, pp. 38–39). Their research showed that eight weeks after the 90-minute intervention, “college women at high-risk for eating disor- ders reported significant reductions in body dissatisfaction, drive for thinness, feelings of ineffectiveness, and internalization of societal standards of beauty” when compared to those high-risk women who had not participated in the ARMED session (p. 40).

REFLECTION ON MEDIA CONTENT. Media literacy interventions can in- crease media’s beneficial effects as well as limit its unwanted ones. A team of psychologists led by Tom Farsides encouraged adolescents to reflect on the per- sonal meaning of what they were watching when exposed to prosocial (positive and inspirational) media characters. The researchers found that after engaging in this practice, adolescents showed higher levels of empathy and a greater in- clination toward altruism (willingness to help others). “People are free to enjoy basking in the warm glow resulting from identifying with the heroism and saintliness regularly enacted by characters in the media,” they wrote, “but that pleasant time in front of the screen could [also] lead to prosocial effects through encouragement to reflect on what’s being watched rather than simply escaping into the content” (Farsides, Pettman, and Tourle, 2013, p. 6).

Using scenes from the 1989 movie Dead Poets Society (in which the teacher, played by Robin Williams, not only preaches empathy but practices it), the re- searchers demonstrated evidence of what they called the Don Quixote Effect— the “cognitive and emotional assumption of idealism”; in other words, reflection on media content can close the gap between identifying with fic- tional characters and emulating them in real life (p. 6). And just to prove that it wasn’t only teenagers who could benefit from this simple intervention, they produced the same results with adults studying to become physicians in

Media play a big role in the development of every individual’s self-image.

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medical school after encouraging them to reflect on the values por- trayed by fictional doctors in a medi- cally themed TV show (E.R.) and movie (Patch Adams). Those who took the time to personally reflect on the characters’ behaviors reported that they saw them “as role models that should, could, and would be person- ally emulated.”

How were the participants in these two studies encouraged to re- flect on what they had seen? In other words, what was the media literacy in- tervention? For adolescents, it was what the authors called a reflection workbook, a short publication that accompanied the screening that asked a series of questions about what the teens had just seen. For the medical students, the intervention was simply asking them to reflect.

Some Core Concepts of Media Literacy Creating a foundation for becoming media literate requires knowledge of some  key concepts. These concepts, which may seem obvious when you read  them, typically go unacknowledged—or at least remain out of our consciousness—when we consume media texts:

• Media messages are manufactured.

• Commercial media are businesses.

• All media content expresses value messages; that is, it reflects or expresses the values of the content producer.

Media messages are manufactured by people whose values and priorities may or may not reflect yours. Additionally, editing content or writing scripts requires content producers to make decisions about what should or should not be included in a given narrative. Depending on the images and words they choose for a particular piece of content, the producers’ version of the story can change dramatically. Evidence of this can be found in agenda-setting theory, the idea that media may not always tell us what to think, but they certainly tell us what to think about. For example, in tele- vision news the very presence or absence of a story dictates whether the story is important according to the news organization airing it. In fact, news is only news if news people tell us it’s news. The amount of time

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Agenda-Setting Theory

Idea that media may not

always tell us what to think,

but they certainly tell us

what to think about.

In Miguel de Cervantes’ famous novel Don Quixote, the idealistic title character in- spires his sidekick, sancho Panza. similarly, media literacy interventions can encour- age what’s known as the Don Quixote effect, the power of prosocial media content to foster empathy and idealism.

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Look at this magazine’s cover lines. Whose values do they represent?

dedicated to a story also makes a statement about the content producer’s judgment of its value as a newsworthy piece. But these decisions may not be the ones you would have made, nor do they necessarily represent what’s important to you. And what’s more, they contain biases and perspectives that are embedded in the manufacture of the message. Recall what you read in Chapter 1—all communication is presentational; it is always some- one’s version of the facts or information. This is as true for mass commu- nication as it is for interpersonal communication.

As content producers decide which stories are “important,” their primary consideration is money. Commercial media are businesses and therefore their first priority is turning a profit, not informing or entertaining their audiences. This is, in and of itself, not a bad thing. We all have been moved by a great movie, delighted by a wonderful song, entranced by a funny television show, informed by a well-crafted news report. But it is important to remember that these outcomes are the byproduct of media companies’ drive for profit. It is not their goal.

So whose values are presented in media? Simple—what we see is primarily the product of the media owners’ and content producers’ values. And whether or not we agree with any given mes- sage, it’s clear that all media contain value messages. Consider the contents of fashion magazines like Vogue, Elle, and Cosmopolitan. First, each carries far more advertising than editorial content, sug- gesting that profit is their central concern. Second, look at the types of articles promoted on the covers—10 Sexy Ways to Please Your Man, Make-up Tips That Will Make Your Friends Jealous, The Latest “Must Haves” in Your Wardrobe, The Ultimate 2-Week Diet: Lose 10 Pounds in 14 Days. All of these articles relay someone’s notions of what it means to be a woman. Apparently, women are consumed by pleasing men, how they dress and look, and being skinny. Is this really how women in our culture feel, and more to the point, how they should be presented? These themes extend to teen maga- zines as well, so it’s no wonder that we have a self- esteem crisis among young women in our culture (Vandenbosch and Eggermont, 2012). Where are the articles on careers, culture, education, and health? Where are the essays on being happy with ourselves, aging gracefully, finding joy in consum- ing less? If they exist at all, they’re exceedingly dif- ficult to find.

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Media Literacy Questions The National Association for Media Literacy Education (NAMLE) outlines sev- eral core principles of media literacy (Table 11.1; 2007a), and in doing so, sug- gests a number of key questions that we should ask when we analyze media messages. Asking these questions of media’s texts—the television shows we watch, the music we listen to, the advertising that surrounds us—is a conve- nient way to begin engaging content, moving from passive consumption to proactive, critical consumption. NAMLE’s key questions involve audience and authorship, messages and meanings, and representations and realities (2007b).

Let’s use the popular video game Call of Duty: Advanced Warfare to address some of the concepts in Table 11.1. Looking first at the questions associated with audience and authorship, we learn that Call of Duty: Advanced Warfare is a first-person shooter video game, created and published by Activision. The plat- forms for which it was designed, that is, the different devices on which gamers can play Advanced Warfare, include laptop and desktop computers and dedicated

audience and authorship Questions about authorship, purpose, economics, impact, and response.

KEY QUESTIONS TO ASK WHEN ANALYZING MEDIA MESSAGES

Audience and Authorship

authorship Who made this message?

Purpose Why was this made? Who is the target audience (and how do you know)?

economics Who paid for this?

Impact Who might benefit from this message? Who might be harmed by it? Why might this message matter to me?

response What kinds of actions might I take in response to this message?

Messages and Meanings

Content What is this about (and what makes you think that)? What ideas, values, information, and/or points of view are overt? Implied? What is left out of this message that might be important to know?

techniques What techniques are used? Why were those techniques used? how do they communicate the message?

Interpretations how might different people understand this message differently? What is my interpretation of this and what do I learn about myself from my reaction or interpretation?

Representations and Reality

Content When was this made? Where or how was it shared with the public?

Credibility Is this fact, opinion, or something else? how credible is this (and what makes you think that)? What are the sources of the information, ideas or assertions?

(source: the National association for Media Literacy education [NaMLe], 2007b).

Table 11.1 Core Principles of Media Literacy

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M e D I a L I t e r aC y Q U e s t I O N s

consoles like the various Sony PlaySta- tions and X-Boxes. The game’s huge popularity and economic success have allowed the Call of Duty series to become its own franchise, much like the Harry Potter books and movies. While there are many versions of the game, this par- ticular edition, Advanced Warfare, was assigned an “M” rating by the ESRB, the Entertainment Software Ratings Board. Asking questions about audience, we might learn that while the “M” rating (Mature: 17 and older) indicates a more mature target audience for Advanced Warfare, young teens also make up a large proportion of the game’s players. Questions regarding impact and response are also essential because they force us to be accountable in our assessment of the material. For example, we know that the primary goal of Activision is not necessarily to entertain young kids or to teach them important life lessons. It’s to make money. That’s not a bad thing, but it is important in shaping our response to the game. So, how should we respond? We might recognize that the content may be harmful to kids under a certain age, and we might then proactively attempt to prevent or limit their exposure. We might also decide that we have a responsibility to tell other people what we think, especially those whose decisions affect younger audiences.

Analyzing messages and meanings—questions about content, tech- niques, and interpretations—we would recognize the use of sophisticated digi- tal technology to deliver realistic images of war, including death, suffering, blood and gore, and vulgar language. But we might also see that there are obvi- ous absences—we never see the consequence of players’ aggression or the points of view of those not representing the “good guys.” While players are given a sim- ulated opportunity to kill people, they never face the consequences of real death and therefore may become desensitized to the actual act, both from the per- spective of the shooter and the victim. There may be as many interpretations of this content as there are players, but you may come to the conclusion that the folks at Activision—by the choices they made of what to include and what to exclude—encourage some meanings and discourage others.

Finally, looking at representations and reality can be useful in assessing the context and credibility of the video game. For example, the adult language is not necessarily limited to the game itself. Because this is an online game, it is possible for players to communicate with each other in different locations around the world. This means that young kids can be exposed to the language of adult players. We may see teenagers playing in the context of their safe, at-home console boxes, but in actuality they may be involved in a violent, simulated, global warzone. But the ESRB protects kids from this, right? After all, it assigns the ratings. Asking questions about credibility, you would learn that the ESRB is

messages and meanings Questions about content, techniques, and interpretations.

representations and reality Questions about content and credibility.

We recognize the use of digital technology to deliver realistic images of war, but how critical are we of the messages they convey and the motives of their creators?

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a part of the video game industry itself. This means that the ESRB answers to the video game companies, not to consumers. In other words, ratings may have less to do with protecting underage users than with deflecting criticism and keeping more stringent regulation at bay (Bushman and Cantor, 2003).

But, you protest, it’s only play—you are not affected by violent video games. Actually, play is essential to youngsters’ emotional and psychological development, but that’s not the point. The point isn’t even the effects of vio- lent video games (although there is a wealth of scientific evidence of their impact, for example, Anderson et al., 2010). The point is that issues like this represent only a small portion of what can be revealed by asking the right questions about this and other media narratives. They force accountability in our media selections. We have a tendency to rationalize our individual media choices, asking, “What’s bad about it?” Media-literate people, however, raise the more appropriate, meaningful question, “What’s good about it?”

It is the responsibility of all of us to be critical of the messages we con- sume; otherwise, rather than creating our own meanings from these mes- sages, we allow content producers to construct them for us. This approach to media literacy also tells us that questioning only content is not enough. We must also evaluate what we consume by considering not just the material itself but where it comes from, who creates the messages, the motives of the creators, and the platforms over which the messages are distributed.

What Does It Mean to Be Media Literate? Now that you understand some of the key media literacy concepts and why media literacy is important, we can address the many elements that consti- tute being media literate.

Characteristics of Media-Literate People Media scholar Art Silverblatt identified seven elements necessary for true media literacy (2008, pp. 4–5):

1. Media-literate people develop critical thinking skills enabling them to make independent choices about which media content to select and how to interpret the information they receive through the media. Our ability to question the content to which we are exposed, rather than passively absorbing it, means we ultimately make better choices for ourselves, and in the case of parents, for our children. Doing this means being able to interpret the messages we get through television, radio, film, Internet, smartphones, and advertising. Because these mes- sages are prevalent in our lives and culture, the ability to question and sift out material that does not match our individual values makes us smarter consumers. Just as important, because most media content is polysemic, legitimately open to different interpretations (Hall, 1980), when we do

polysemic Legitimately open to different interpretations.

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choose to consume a given piece of content, we should make sure we are applying the interpretation that best meets our needs. Sometime the meaning we make may be the one the producer encourages; in this case we make the intended or preferred reading. But we can also make our own meaning from media content by creating a personally meaningful inter- pretation that differs in some important ways from the one the producer intended. This is our negotiated reading. For example, you watch a hu- morous online weight-loss commercial featuring two women talking badly about themselves because they can’t fit into last year’s jeans. The producer wants you to not only laugh, but feel bad about your own weight. That’s the intended or preferred meaning. You can create your own negotiated mean- ing by enjoying the humor—after all, it was funny—but read the spot as commentary on the pressures faced by today’s women.

2. Media-literate people understand the process of mass communi- cation. You’ll notice that the Mass Communication chapter of this text- book (Chapter 10) precedes the Media Literacy chapter, and for good reason. In order to be media literate, it is important that you first under- stand how media industries work, the impact and priorities of those in- dustries, and the relationship between audiences and the mass media. Now that you’ve read about the effects of mass media and the cultural role they play, you have a much more coherent understanding of the importance of media literacy.

3. Media-literate people are aware of the impact of the media on both the individual (micro-level) and society (macro-level). Media have effects. Otherwise, why would advertisers spend billions of dollars a year using the media to influence people? Why would the First Amend- ment of the US Constitution grant the media constitutional protection if media did not matter? Those effects can happen on an individual or a societal level. For example, we’ve seen a lot of criminal profiling in news, especially of people who make headlines by opening fire on crowds of people, as in the tragic shootings at Virginia Tech and in Aurora, Colorado; Columbine, Colorado; Newtown, Connecticut; and Charlestown, South Carolina. It seems media influence is always among the consider- ations in our attempts to explain why someone would shoot unarmed innocent people.

Let’s return to our video game example, Call of Duty: Advanced Warfare. We’ve already established its adult themes, including war and killing. Retired US Army officer Lt. Col. David Grossman has been out- spoken on the connection between video game violence and aggressive behavior. He believes that when we put violent games in the hands of our children, we are in effect teaching them to kill (Grossman, 2009). He argues that the US military trains soldiers to become desensitized to killing using a training program that employs violent games—and it works. In fact, ever since Doom introduced the single-shooter game (in which players wield weapons and view the killing from their

preferred reading the producer-intended meaning of a piece of media content.

negotiated reading audi- ence members’ personally meaningful interpretation of a piece of media content.

single-shooter game Video game in which players wield weapons and view the killing from their personal point of view.

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personal point of view), games have become a primary teaching tool for military personnel likely to face war- fare (Mead, 2013). So how do we as a culture rationalize the idea that these games have no impact on cog- nitively undeveloped kids when they appear to have an effect on adult sol- diers? The idea that a teenager is going to run out and kill people after playing Call of Duty: Advanced Warfare is absurd and is not the point. Desen- sitizing kids to the idea of killing and torture, however, is. And under- standing the role of these games in the life of any child and the overall cultural implications is critical.

Here we see the distinction be- tween understanding media influ-

ences as individual (micro-level) and cultural (macro-level) effects. Yes, you (the micro level) may not run out and shoot someone after playing a violent video game, but you live in a world (the macro level) that is possibly more accepting of violence as a means of problem- solving and less troubled by the incidents of mass murder that happen all too frequently. The awareness of media effects speaks less to the idea that content causes people to commit crimes and more to the notion that we cannot simply rationalize our consumption choices away using the third-person effect (the idea that others are affected but I’m not; see Chapter 10). The truth is that all individuals are in some way influenced by media messages, and those effects are perpetuated in the culture. What is your answer to this question: Whom would you vote for, the candidate who wants to get tough on crime, or the one who wants to pay elementary schoolteachers more and reduce class size? How do you think most Americans would answer? Why do so many people think the world is a mean and dangerous place? For this reason, media-literate people consider not just the impact of media on individ- uals, but also on the culture as a whole.

4. Media-literate people develop their own strategies for analyzing and discussing media messages. Media-literate individuals know it’s not enough to say “That stinks,” or “Loved it,” when evaluating media. For example, a common media literacy exercise is to come up with personally meaningful strategies for distinguishing good media messages (those which enhance our consuming experience) from poor media messages (those which lower our standards for consuming content). The struggle is to reconcile our subjectivity toward the content with the ability to

micro-level effects Media effects at the individual level.

macro-level effects Media effects at the cultural level.

Did media influence play a role in the tragic events at sandy hook elementary school in Newtown, Connecticut?

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objectively identify and judge its quality. This is not an undoable task. Take two popular recent television programs, Modern Family and Rich Kids of Beverly Hills. What criteria might you include in your evaluation? Quality of writing? Character development? Amount of humor? Cultural relevance? Production values? Add more criteria if you’d like. For each of the programs, give a score of 1 to 10 (1 being lowest, 10 being highest) based on your criteria. How does Modern Family score? Rich Kids? Which scored higher? Do you watch either of these programs? If you watch both, which do you prefer, and does your preference match your scoring? If you watch only one, is it the higher scorer, and if it isn’t, why do you watch it? There is no right and wrong in this little exercise, just an opportunity to examine for yourself why you make the content decisions you do—a hall- mark of a media-literate person.

5. Media-literate individuals have an awareness of media content as “text” that provides insight into our contemporary culture and ourselves. If media reflect our culture, the question becomes, “Do we like what we see?” Mass media are our cultural storytellers, and the stories they tell “help define our realities, shaping the way we think, feel, and act” (Baran, 2014, p. 14). When media construct narratives, those narra- tives say something about the culture in which they are created, dissemi- nated, and consumed. Television shows Glee, Grey’s Anatomy, Scandal, and Modern Family, which represent gay relationships as indistinguishable from other loving unions, say something about our culture’s comfort with all kinds of families. News organizations that engage in racial stereotyp- ing or partisan reporting represent a culture that is racist and politically unaware. When sensational headlines and reality television gain more

Which program would you point to as objectively better, Modern Family or Rich Kids of Beverly Hills? Why?

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attention than stories about poverty, schools, or the environment, it says something about what we think is important. Just as media practitioners have a duty to act responsibly in their construction of media messages, so, too, do media consumers have a responsibility to be thoughtful in their choice of messages.

6. Media-literate individuals promote the cultivation of enhanced enjoyment, understanding, and appreciation of media content. The point of media literacy is not that all media are bad. In fact, just the opposite is true. The ability to appreciate and enjoy media content and media technologies is a separate issue from using them productively and appropriately. People who are media literate have a respect for media; otherwise, they wouldn’t invest so much time thinking and talking about them. Remember the earlier discussion about high school literature? Your teachers made you study those works because the more you under- stood them, the more you could enjoy them and others like them. Clearly, people who know more about popular music find more enjoyment in lis- tening. People who know more about the movies love the movies more. Greater enjoyment flows from the ability to make meaning making per- sonal, and media literacy aids personal meaning making.

7. Media communicators have a responsibility to produce effective and responsible media messages. When we typically think of media communicators we tend to think of news anchors, film producers, song- writers, Web designers, and television executives. And yes, they are in fact media communicators, all of whom have a responsibility to provide content of value to an audience. But in the age of the Internet, we are all content producers. As you might remember from Chapter 10, we are the “people formerly known as the audience.” For example, Internet research company Technocrati typically tracks more than 100 million active blogs worldwide. Fifty-four percent of American Internet users have uploaded original photos or videos (Duggan, 2013), and speaking specifically of news, 37 percent “have contributed to the creation of news, commented about it, or disseminated it via postings on social media sites” (Purcell, Rainie, Mitchell, Rosensteil, and Olmstead, 2010).

You and your peers use the Internet in a very democratic fashion, creating your own blogs, websites, and social network profiles. You have a lot to say, and potentially millions of people who have access to your messages will read, hear, or see them. CyberJournalist.net has created a Blogger’s Code of Ethics outlining how we, as Internet users, should conduct ourselves as online con- tent creators. They include the following:

• Be honest and fair—Never engage in plagiarism; distinguish factual information from fictional information; never publish information you know is inaccurate; and provide sources whenever feasible.

• Minimize harm—Show compassion and sensitivity for those who may be adversely affected by your information; recognize that

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gathering and disseminating information may cause harm to others; show good taste by not pandering to lurid curiosity; and recognize that only an overriding public need can justify intrusion into any- one’s privacy.

• Be accountable—Admit mistakes and cor- rect them promptly; disclose conflicts of interest, political affiliations, activities, and agendas; deny favored treatment to adver- tisers and special interest groups; maintain high standards; and expose unethical prac- tices of other bloggers.

The Skill of Being Media Literate Media literacy is a skill. No one is born with it and we can get better at it through practice. Here are some basic skills typical of media-literate people:

1. Paying close attention to media messages and being able to sepa- rate valued content from noise. Consider television news. Many vet- eran journalists claim that actual journalism is becoming extinct as major cable news networks align themselves with specific political par- ties and, because of their profitability, soft news stories (sensational stories that have little real connection to people’s everyday lives) are given more attention than hard news stories (stories that aid people in making intelligent decisions about their everyday lives). Media-literate consumers know how to sift out the propaganda and focus on informa- tion that serves a more democratic function because they take many fac- tors into account, such as credibility, accountability, and motives. The result is they are better able to make value judgments about their world and themselves.

2. Setting high standards when it comes to media content and expecting media producers to live up to those standards. Earlier in the chapter we examined Modern Family and Rich Kids of Beverly Hills using a pre-constructed set of criteria. In the end, we were able to establish some very obvious quality differences between these two programs. Media- literate individuals expect television networks to provide quality content rather than deliver programs that are designed to do little more than make money, regardless of quality. If this is what we demand, this is what we will get. Equally important, when we expect more of media producers, we make a statement about who we are as an audience, our judgments, and our values.

3. Having the ability to always ask questions even when the source is seemingly credible. Judgments of what’s credible are often quite sub- jective. Is something “credible” only if it concurs with your opinions or values? Is it “credible” only if it aligns with your political or religious

soft news sensational stories that have little real connection to people’s everyday lives.

hard news stories that aid people in making intelligent decisions about their every- day lives.

What are your responsibilities in creating a Facebook page?

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beliefs? We live in a society where people are increasingly distrustful of media. In fact, as you read in the previous chapter, distrust in the media is at a record high, with 60 percent of Americans reporting not very much trust or none at all (McCarthy, 2014). So how do we know whom to trust? Sometimes the most seemingly credible sources need to be questioned. These questions of authenticity and credibility are particularly compel- ling when considering the Internet. Imagine yourself a graduate student in chemistry and basing part of your thesis on a website constructed by a 15-year-old boy—embarrassing, to say the least. A media-literate person would not have made that mistake because consideration of authorship would have been a factor in judging the site’s credibility.

4. Being knowledgeable about the terms (or language) of media industries so messages can be both deconstructed and con- structed effectively and accurately. One of the goals of media lit- eracy is to educate people about the language of media, that is, the terms and concepts needed to fully understand how media operate and how their content is consumed. In addition, media literacy en- courages understanding production values (editing, lighting, cinema- tography, script writing) so consumers can not only identify what

Being a Proactive Media Consumer

so you don’t like reality tV, sensationalist news, and the overwhelming images of sex and violence in the media. Well, what are you going to do about it? Media literacy asks that we become active consumers, but it also recog- nizes that we have a personal responsibility to be proac- tive consumers as well. Voicing your opinion with your family members, friends, and peers is certainly a start, but you can be even more active in your media literacy.

Being media literate runs along a continuum from passive to proactive consumers, with active consumers falling in the middle. Passive consumers probably don’t know much about media literacy and possess none of the skills required to meaningfully read, interpret, and assess content. active consumers have some under- standing of the importance of media literacy and even use some critical thinking skills when consuming media content. Proactive consumers, on the other hand, are extremely media literate individuals who not only want to affect how their family and friends are influenced by media but also want to make a difference in the culture.

Imagine that your little sister is reading and watching her favorite magazine website, a site featuring a lot of sexual references and advice. We can illustrate your possi- ble responses on a continuum (Figure 11.1). you could do absolutely nothing, which makes you a passive consumer (and a poor sibling). you could also turn off the computer and have a conversation with her about what’s going on in the articles and videos and why the site may not be suitable for her. In this case, you’re an active consumer. Or you could turn off the computer, have a conversation with your sister, and then work with her to create a blog aimed at kids her age designed to address the issues behind ma- terial like the website that originally caught your atten- tion. Now you’re truly a proactive consumer. If you choose the third option, you will have raised awareness not just in your family, but for all the readers of your new family blog.

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

Passive consumers

Active consumers

Proactive consumers

Figure 11.1 Continuum from Passive to Proactive Consumers

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goes into making a message, but can also create and influence mes- sages themselves. You can see how to become much more active in your media literacy in the box entitled, “Personally Responsible Communication: Being a Proactive Media Consumer.”

Media Literacy and Meaning Making Throughout this chapter, we have reiterated that the point of media literacy is to be critical consumers of media. Being critical of content requires us to make meaning from that content. For example, to determine whether a news story is objective or nonpartisan, we first must determine the implicit and explicit message of the story. We must also be aware of how the ap- proaches to creating the story contributed to its intended meaning. Was the coverage of a recent political campaign slanted? What meaning do we derive from sensational stories prioritized over economic, political, or civic head- lines? Why are certain models selected to appear in the magazine and tele- vision ads we see? Think about how you construct your social networking profiles. You probably make specific content choices to create specific mean- ings, and professional content creators do the same—quite likely with more skill and resources.

Media-literate people are better able to discern the mean- ings built into media texts because they do not passively absorb the content. They consume it in a critical fashion, asking ques- tions that reach beyond the information provided, looking at motives, interpretations, and credibility. The result is a deeper, more critical understanding. Media-literate people construct meanings from media messages, which helps them behave in more culturally productive ways, for example, choosing politi- cal candidates based on their policies and understanding of im- portant issues affecting the country, or rejecting representations of people and values that do not serve personally important needs. These behaviors tell others who we are, what we believe, and what is our role in the culture.

Media Literacy and Identity As we discussed in earlier chapters, identity is constructed through interaction with many others—parents, friends, social circles, colleagues, and media, to name a few. Media literacy, of course, deals primarily with media’s contributions to identity formation. For instance, how do we come to know what’s attractive or handsome in our culture? And then, how do we apply those definitions to ourselves?

Media ideals of beauty include women like Angelina Jolie, Gisele Bündchen, Salma Hayek, and Beyoncé. All of

all of these celebrities—angelina Jolie, Gisele Bündchen, salma hayek, and Beyoncé—look very different, so what exactly is it that makes them “beautiful”?

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these celebrities look very different, so what exactly is it that makes them “beautiful”? Surely the answer cannot be as simple as “media tell us what to think, and therefore we think it.” But media do set the agenda for us, greatly affecting not only our perceptions of the culture but our percep- tions of ourselves in the culture. Media-literate individuals may agree these women are “beautiful,” but they also recognize the many factors that contribute to media beauty (digitization, lighting, professional make-up design). As physically attractive as these women may be, they represent standards of physical perfection that are largely unattainable for most women. Those who fail to look critically at these media constructions of identity are less likely to form their own identities based on real rather than ideal values. Instead, they let someone else dictate who they are, what they believe, and their roles in society. Although always evolving, much of our identity and sense of self are formed during childhood and adoles- cence. The identity issues that arise from media influence are particularly disconcerting when it comes to the messages aimed specifically at young people, as you can read in the box “Socially Responsible Communication: Countering the Kinderculture.”

Countering the Kinderculture

First introduced by psychologist shirley steinberg, the term kinderculture describes a world of adultified and commodified children, a culture in which corporations construct our childhood. It encompasses the idea that our modern media constantly present children with messages that disregard childhood altogether. “the result is a consumer public of little girls, for example, who wear chastity rings and hip-clinging jogging pants with ‘Kiss My Booty’ in glitter on the backside. With one voice, adults tell kids to stay clean, avoid sex and drugs, go to Disneyland, and make vows of celibacy . . . with another voice, the corporate side markets booty cloth- ing, faux bling, and sexualized images of twelve- year-olds” (2011, p. 1). In other words, children receive contradictory messages about whether to act like kids or like adults.

as a culture, are we rendering childhood obsolete? Whatever your feelings on the matter, it is hard to ignore the impact of media on the personalities, behaviors, and identities of children.

Providing children the tools they need to negotiate their identities and values against the onslaught of media messages means a nation of physically, mentally, and emotionally stronger kids. type-2 diabetes, eating disor- ders, depression, and anxiety have all been scientifically linked to the kinderculture. should a teenage girl look like a Victoria’s secret model, or should she eat Doritos and drink Coke? should children be watching Dora the Explorer, or should they be playing violent video games? as par- ents, educators, and adult siblings, we have a responsibil- ity to recognize the importance of giving our children every advantage in making decisions about their own well-being. as a society, we need to more closely assess our children’s behaviors and attitudes and react accord- ingly. a good starting point is advocating media literacy in the school curricula, recognizing that doing so would help kids to become better critical thinkers, would encourage their active citizenship in our democracy, and would en- courage them to make better sense of their world, of who they are now, and of who they hope to become.

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

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Media Literacy and Democracy In introducing this chapter, our intent was to discuss the cultural importance of media literacy. What could be more culturally relevant than addressing the sus- tenance of our democracy and our role as citizens? When we contemplate the notion of citizenship, we typically think of being active members of our commu- nities, or we measure our contributions to the political process. But the way we come to understand these processes, as well as to benefit from them, is to rely on our media to provide us with the information necessary to voice our opinions, contribute to the cultural discourse, or cast a vote. Therefore, knowledge of issues and trust in those who disseminate information are critical to the func- tioning of our democracy. Media literacy teaches us to be critical consumers, to reject those messages that do not benefit our democratic process, and to disre- gard those whose opinions are merely politically or economically motivated. It encourages us to question everything we consume and empowers us to extract what we need in order to contribute meaningfully to the culture. There is no sep- arating democracy and citizenship from media literacy. The fundamental princi- ples of democracy and media literacy are closely aligned—both are constructed around the idea that people have a right to form their own identities, values, and judgments based on their skilled reading of honest and accurate information.

11.1 Identify the assumptions and elements of media literacy. Media literacy is the ability to read, interpret, criti- cally assess, and productively use media texts. Scholarship on media literacy suggests that media have the potential to exert a wide range of negative and positive effects on individuals; its goal is to help people protect themselves from potentially nega- tive effects; it must be developed; and it is multidi- mensional. Media literacy requires that we ask questions of audience and authorship, messages and meanings, and representations and realities when we interact with media texts. Media-literate individuals know that media messages are manu- factured, commercial media are businesses, and all media messages reflect and influence values. As such, there are seven elements necessary for true media literacy: critical thinking skills enabling

people to make independent choices about which media content to select and how to interpret the information they receive; an understanding of the process of mass communication; an awareness of the impact of the media on both individuals and society; the development of strategies for analyzing and discussing media messages; an awareness of media content as “text” that provides insight into contemporary culture and ourselves; the cultivation of enhanced enjoyment, understanding, and appre- ciation of media content; and a responsibility to produce effective and responsible media messages.

11.2 Identify the skills necessary to practice media literacy. The skills necessary for media literacy are paying close attention to media messages and being able

Review of Learning Objectives

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Key Terms media texts 236 media literacy 236 media literacy interventions 239 parental mediation theory 239 agenda-setting theory 242 audience and authorship 244 messages and meanings 245 representations and reality 245 polysemic 246 preferred reading 247 negotiated reading 247 single-shooter game 247 micro-level effects 248 macro-level effects 248 soft news 251 hard news 251

Questions for Review 1. What are the three assumptions of the commu-

nication discipline’s systematic study of media literacy?

2. What is parental mediation theory? What are active and restrictive mediation, co-viewing, and participatory learning?

3. In analyzing media texts, what questions should you ask about representations and reality?

4. In analyzing media texts, what questions should you ask about the audience and authorship?

5. What are the seven elements of media literacy?

6. What are some examples of micro-level and macro-level media effects?

7. What skills are involved in media literacy?

8. What is the difference between being an active and a proactive consumer of media messages?

9. What does kinderculture mean, and what does it have to do with media literacy?

10. What is the link between media literacy, citi- zenship, and democracy?

to separate valued content from noise; setting high standards when it comes to media content and ex- pecting media producers to live up to those stan- dards; possessing the ability to ask questions even when the source is seemingly credible; being knowl- edgeable about the terms (or language) of media in- dustries so messages can be both deconstructed and constructed effectively and accurately.

11.3 Describe the importance of media literacy in identity formation. We develop our identities—who we are, what we believe, and our role in the culture—through inter- action with our environment and the people in it. In our heavily mass-mediated world, that interac- tion is increasingly with the media. Media

literacy gives us control over meaning making when we engage the media.

11.4 explain the cultural impact and importance of media literacy. We make meaning of the world in which we live through interaction with that world and the people in it. In our heavily mass-mediated world, that interaction is increasingly with the media. Our realities of beauty, fairness, child- hood, war, our political and business leaders— in fact, of just about every aspect of our culture—are influenced by the meanings we make from media content. Media literacy gives us control over meaning making when we engage the media.

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Questions for Discussion 1. Discuss the ways in which media messages

influence you and your peers. Give examples.

2. Discuss ways you could be a more proactive consumer of media content. If you do not gen- erally approach media in this manner, why not? If you do, what do you gain from being proactive?

3. How media literate do you believe you are? What about your friends? Do you think you are more media literate than they are? Explain your answers.

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Chapter Outline

The Promise and Peril of New Communication Technologies 260

A Connected World 263

The Dark Side of New Communication Technologies 266

How Computer-Mediated Communication Affects Identity and Relationships 271

Social Media and Communication Technologies

12

You just don’t understand it. You have a great resume, a lot of com-

munity service, and a ton of leadership experience on campus. As

you explain to your Communication instructor, “My GPA is pretty

good, and after being in your class, I think my speaking and inter-

personal skills are much improved.” “So what’s the problem?” she

asks with a smile, trying to calm you down. You tell her, “I keep

getting interviews and even call-backs for second meetings, but for

some reason I never get an offer.” She thinks a moment and says,

“Let’s see your letter and any other writing you’ve been asked to

show.” You hand your instructor your cover letter and the essay an

interviewer asked you to prepare. “These look fine,” she says, “actu-

ally really fine. I see why you get interviews.” “But why aren’t I get-

ting job offers?” you wonder aloud.

She hands you her laptop and says, “Show me your Facebook

page.” “Really?” “Yes, really,” she says. “There’s nothing there that

could hurt me,” you tell her. “I know to keep all my ‘college-life

stuff’ private.” “Do your friends keep that stuff to themselves? Do

you know who they share your comments and photos with? Do you

know who their friends are? Are you tagged in any of their photos?

And how hard do you think it is for people who really wanted to dig

out the real Facebook-you to find everything they need? Remem-

ber,” she continues, “Facebook encourages sharing; that’s its busi-

ness plan; that’s why it makes sharing so seamless and easy. And

recall, too, what I told you when we discussed mass communication

in class: if you aren’t paying for the medium, you’re being sold.”

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Your instructor in this story knows what she’s talking about. Eighty percent of American employers say they Google prospective employees (Joyce, 2014), and more than half have rejected candidates because of material they found online (Grasz, 2014). There are companies selling data-digging services to em- ployers, promising to reconstruct people’s “true” identities from all the bits of themselves they willingly left in cyberspace. Those outfits don’t even have to work very hard, as 11 percent of social network users say they have posted material they later regretted (Madden, 2012)—and those are just the ones who admit it.

What your instructor is telling you is that modern communication tech- nology is a double-edged sword: it has both favorable and unfavorable con- sequences. The very tools that let you stay in touch with friends and express yourself in new ways can also open you up to unwanted evaluation by acquain- tances and strangers. There is no inherent good or bad in our new personal communication technologies—the Internet, smartphones and tablets, and social networking sites like Facebook and Twitter. Good and bad reside in the use we make of them, and that is the theme of this chapter.

double-edged sword The same technology can be used for good or bad.

The Promise and Peril of New Communication Technologies Writing in 2005, communication theorist Charles Berger attempted to sum- marize the available knowledge on computer-mediated communication (CMC), humans interacting via digital technology. He wrote that there were two dominant areas of research. The first, he said, was on “the potential dele- terious effects of the new technology’s use. Internet addiction . . . and the role Internet use may play in inducing social isolation and loneliness . . . A second research area of interest to interpersonal communication researchers invokes face-to-face interaction as a kind of gold standard against which to compare computer-mediated communication” (2005, p. 430). Today, research is also fo- cusing on several other issues related to how changing technology affects

computer-mediated communication People interacting via digital technology.

12.1 Identify the warning signs of Internet addiction, depression, and distraction.

12.2 explain why and how people use social networking sites for identity construction and maintenance and for relational communication.

12.3 Describe potential relationships between social media and social isolation, popularity, and self-disclosure.

12.4 Present an informed opinion in the debate over face-to-face communication versus computer-mediated communication.

Learning Objectives

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communication. These include cyberbullying, sexting, endless distraction, loss of interaction with the real world, cheapening of friendship, disappear- ance of privacy, and even disruption of brain activity. All of these are common worries surrounding our online communication.

Professor Berger was also correct in saying that the introduction of every new communication technology is invariably accompanied by predictions of doom. In his essay he mentioned television, which critics worried would turn us into mindless couch potatoes. He could also have added predictions that movies would destroy literacy, radio would kill musicianship, and comic books would breed juvenile delinquency (Davis, 1976). Even the arrival of the print- ing press frightened many people. In 1470 Italian Benedictine monk Filippo de Strata published his famous tract, Polemic against Printing, proclaiming, “This is what the printing presses do: they corrupt susceptible hearts . . . The pen,” he wrote, presumably in longhand, “is a virgin; the printing press is a whore” (Pinsky, 2010, p. 15; Sabev, 2009, p. 177). Father Filippo may have thought highly of the pen, but some 1,800 years earlier, Greek philosopher Plato wasn’t quite convinced about the value of that technology. He saw writing “as a passive, impersonal product that serves as a poor substitute for speech.” Unlike speech, he argued in Phaedrus, “writing is inhuman, a thing, a technological product; it weakens the memory of those who rely on it; it cannot respond to new questions; and it cannot defend itself” (in Ong, 2002, pp. 274–277).

Why do we have such reactions to new media? Recall one of this text’s central themes—communication gives people the power to make meaning. So every change in the way we communicate threatens somebody’s meaning- making power. Those somebodies are usually people with a vested interest in keeping modes of communication the way they are; after all, they’re already doing just fine. Movies, radio, comic books, and television—all more open and available to more people than the theater, the symphony, and novels— challenged the power of traditional cultural elites. Father Filippo feared the printing press specifically because it meant that many, many more books could be produced and read by many more people, weakening the power of Church and Crown to make meaning for their subjects. He was right to worry. Soon after the arrival of the printing press, Europe was transformed by the Protestant Reformation and later the Enlightenment.

We now know that writing, the printing press, and all the communication technologies that may have once been frightening are not harmful in them- selves. They have opened up new worlds and new realms of consciousness for us; they have increased our knowledge, experiences, and wisdom.

But while communication technology may be neutral—neither good nor bad—it is not benign—it matters; it changes the way we communicate. “All media, from the phonetic alphabet to the computer,” explains influential com- munication theorist Marshall McLuhan, “are extensions of man [sic] that cause deep and lasting changes in him and transform his environment” (1962, p. 13). Changes in communication technology, he argued, inevitably produce profound changes in people, culture, and society because they literally extend our senses through time and space. Television and movies let us see around

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Social Media, Social Connection, and Social Power

How do you use the power of new communication tech- nologies? Your voice is side by side on the Internet with those of the world’s biggest mass communicators. Your e-mail address and facebook page occupy the same digital real estate as the websites of the New York Times and Fox News. You can “talk” to one person or thou- sands, and you can electronically enlist those people to spread your message.

People are using these technologies to change the world in ways big and small. The Arab Spring, the on- going pro-democracy movement currently reshaping life for tens of millions of people in a dozen Middle eastern countries, was born and raised on social media and YouTube. Social networking has also been activ- ists’ primary tool in the fight to ensure that everyone’s content travels the Internet at the same speed and for the same price. Net neutrality is the idea that Internet service providers, primarily cable companies, cannot prioritize some users over others. It became law be- cause of “an incredibly engaged, incredibly passionate user base [given] the tools to respond,” said Internet activist and Tumblr director of social impact and public policy liba Rubenstein. “Our community is the source of our power,” explained online craft site etsy’s director of public policy Althea erickson. While contemplating the new rule, the federal Communications Commis- sion was inundated with four million public com- ments in favor of net neutrality, unleashed, in the words of New York Times technology writer Jonathan Weisman, by “the longest, most sustained campaign of Internet activism in history” (all quotes from Weisman, 2015, p. A1).

Another example of Internet activism is the story of 14-year-old Julia Bluhm. She began an online move- ment to convince Seventeen magazine to print at least one “real,” unaltered picture of a young girl each month. Nearly 100,000 people took up Julia’s cause, and the magazine responded by creating a Body Peace Treaty encouraging healthy self-image and pledging

to never again digitally alter images of girls’ bodies in its pages.

forty-four percent of 18- to 29-year-olds “like” or promote political material on social media. Thirty-four percent use social media to encourage their friends to vote, and one-third regularly post links to political sto- ries (Anatole, 2013). What about you? Have you used any of your digital tools for political or social action? If yes, what have you done, and how satisfied are you with its results? If not, why not?

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

It was social media users who convinced Seventeen to present unaltered images on its covers.

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the world, into the past, and into the future. Recordings let us hear music cre- ated by artists a century ago in distant places. The same is true of CMC. Using Internet video service Skype, we can see and hear our friends on the other side of the globe. Smartphone, tablet, or laptop in hand, we are powerful; wherever we go, we carry with us the world’s accumulated knowledge and a connection to 3 billion other technology users around the world. That’s pretty impressive, but it’s neither good nor bad. What we do with that power is what matters. You can read how some young digital natives have challenged some fairly powerful cul- tural players in the box “Social Media, Social Connection, and Social Power.”

A Connected World If you were born during or after the 1980s, you are a digital native. That is, you’ve never lived in a world without the Internet, World Wide Web, and the other technologies they make possible. So you might not see the changes in communica- tion they have brought about. As you read in Chapter 10, Marshall McLuhan would ask if a fish knows it’s wet, and his answer is “No” be- cause a fish is always wet. A fish can only know wet if it knows dry. Because you’ve always floated in an ocean of technology, you don’t know what it’s like not to live in a 24-hour-a-day, 7-days-a- week, 365-days-a-year, constantly connected en- vironment. But unlike our fish, you can think and reflect on your “wetness” in order to become aware of it. So, let’s dive into the ocean of new personal communication technologies.

Three billion people worldwide are connected to the Internet. That’s 35 percent of the planet’s population and a 566 percent increase since 2000. Eighty-eight percent of North Americans use the Internet, a 39 percent increase since 2000 (“Inter- net,” 2015). There are more mobile wireless connec- tions on the planet (7.4 billion) than there are people (7.1 billion; Timberg, 2013), and more people on earth have cellphones than have toilets (Wang, 2013). In the United States, 80 percent of adults have Internet-capable smartphones, and just over half have tablet computers (Lunden, 2015). In 2015 alone, people downloaded 235 billion apps (short for application, a program or software connecting mobile devices to specific websites; Martin, 2015). In 2009, for the first time, the amount of non-voice data sent over cellphones exceeded that of voice data. Journalist Clive Thompson explained, “This generation doesn’t make phone calls, because

app Short for application; program or software con- necting mobile devices to specific websites.

We swim in a sea of technology.

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everyone is in constant, lightweight contact in so many other ways: texting, chatting, and social network messaging” (in Vanderbilt, 2012, p. 52). In fact, making calls ranks only fifth in the amount of time we spend with those de- vices (02, 2012). In 2012 smartphones even surpassed traditional desktop and laptop computers as the platform of choice for sending and receiving e-mail (Walsh, 2012).

Social networking sites (SNSs) did not exist until 1995, when Classmates. com went online. Others followed: Friendster in 2002, LinkedIn and MySpace in 2003, and then, in 2004, Facebook. If Facebook was a country, its 1.4 billion users would make it the largest in the world. Seventy-two percent of online American adults are Facebook users. Since 2009 Facebook has been the most-visited website in the United States, and it accounts for 6 percent of all the time the world’s Internet users spend online (Smith, 2015). Twitter, which limits messages to 140 characters, went online in 2006 and now has more than half a billion registered users. Twitter users send a total of 500 million tweets (messages) a day (“Twitter Usage,” 2015).

Changes in communication technology on this scale and at this pace were certain to cause concern, some of it misplaced, but some of it quite reasonable. You can read about one set of ethical concerns in the box “Who Owns the Social Networking You?” An inconvenient truth of social-networking life is that we willingly, often enthusiastically, give up our privacy in exchange for the contact with others it affords us. Free services like Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter have to monetize somehow. So the ethical decision ultimately is ours. How much of our privacy, of ourselves, are we willing to give away to stay connected? But before you answer, read this list of potentially unethical infringements on your privacy routinely practiced by virtually all major SNSs (Shannon, 2012):

• Making users’ data available to third parties for commercial, surveillance, or data mining purposes.

• Use of facial-recognition software to automatically identify people in uploaded photos.

• Collection and publication of user data by third-party applications without users’ permission or awareness.

• Use of automatic “opt-in” privacy controls.

• Use of “cookies” (tracking software involuntarily loaded onto users’ computers) to track online user activities after they have left a social networking site.

• Use of location-based social networking for stalking or other illicit monitoring of users’ physical movements.

• Sharing of user information or patterns of activity with government entities.

• Encouragement of users to adopt voluntary but imprudent, ill-informed, or unethical information-sharing practices, either with respect to sharing their own personal data or sharing data related to other people and entities.

cookies Software involun- tarily loaded onto computers to track online user activity.

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How many of these routine uses of your content and personal data by SNS were you aware of? Do you find any more troublesome than others? Do any bother you enough to, if not quit social networking, at least be more judicious about what you post? But if you alter the you that you put “out there,” what becomes of the real you? What factors might you consider to arrive at a fair trade-off?

Changing technology also raises workplace issues; for example, which method of Internet communication is best suited for on-the-job interactions? You can find the answer in the box “E-mail vs. Social Networking Sites.”

Who Owns the Social Networking You?

At the end of 2012, Instagram announced new privacy and terms-of-service rules on its company blog. The popular digital filter and photo-sharing app company, which had been acquired by facebook a few months earlier, informed its 100 million users that (a) it could share your information with facebook and advertisers; (b) you could appear, without your knowledge and without compensation, in an advertisement not only on Instagram and facebook, but in the ads of anyone who paid facebook and Instagram; (c) people who didn’t use Instagram could appear in ads without their knowledge or permission if they had their photograph taken and shared on the service by someone who did use it; and (d) the company was under no obligation to tell you that you or your content were being used in an ad or in what way. Additionally, the only way to opt out was to quit the service before January 16, 2013, because after that, simply using Instagram meant you had agreed to their terms. If you quit after that date, Instagram still retained the rights to your material even though you had dropped the service.

Reaction was swift and negative. Many of the ser- vice’s users claimed that Instagram and facebook had made “a stark declaration of corporate over personal rights” (Smith, 2012).

The new policy was quickly suspended, but in late 2013, after the furor subsided, facebook again reas- serted its right to use its users’ posted materials in ads (goel, 2013). These actions raised one of social net- working’s most troubling ethical issues: Who owns the content we post, and because we put so much of ourselves into sites like facebook and Instagram, who owns us?

Communication scholars and legal experts see this as an ethical issue because privacy is a basic human right, and violations of our privacy are, by their very nature, unethical (Roggensack, 2010). ethics are also in play because our culture values privacy as an essential aspect of personal freedom and liberty. Internet secu- rity expert Bruce Scheier explains, “for if we are ob- served in all matters, we are constantly under threat of correction, judgment, criticism, even plagiarism of our own uniqueness. . . . We lose our individuality, because everything we do is observable and recordable” (in Carr, 2010). In fact, many Americans do seem to have some qualms about their loss of privacy. fifty-nine percent think that facebook is the company that poses “the greatest threat to the future of privacy.” forty percent think it’s Twitter (Peterson, 2014). Are these people just being para- noid, or do they have a point? explain your answer.

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION

Who owns your pics? Instagram’s claim that it owned the photos you post is only one of several important privacy issues that users must negotiate in exchange for new communication technology’s many benefits.

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The Dark Side of New Communication Technologies Parents worry that their kids are too easily distracted by technology. Teachers say students are too dependent on search engines like Google. People worry that their friends are addicted to the Internet. Most teens, when they get their first com- puter or smartphone, also get a lecture on limits—how, when, and for how long

E-mail versus Social Networking Sites

While it’s true that adults of all ages use e-mail and social networking to similar degrees, you don’t need research to tell you that younger adults spend more time on SNS and older adults rely more on e-mail. That research does exist (Madden, 2010), as do data demon- strating that social networking is hugely popular—the number of social networking users surpassed the number of e-mail users in 2009, and time spent on social networking sites topped time with e-mail for the first time in 2007 (Carlson and Angelova, 2010). You also know that in your personal life you are free to use whichever technology best suits your needs at any given time for any given purpose. On the job, however, there may be distinct advantages to one over the other.

Despite evidence that social networking use at work annually costs the American economy $650 bil- lion in wasted productivity (Shore, 2012), many compa- nies have adopted enterprise social network programs such as Yammer. That is, to accommodate employees’ natural and necessary need to interact on the job, they set up exclusive social networking networks accessible only to the organization and its internal users. There workers can share thoughts and ideas and post photos, updates, and other material likely to be of interest to colleagues, all without leaving work. There are, how- ever, seven definite career benefits to choosing e-mail over social networking when in the workplace, as exec- utive recruitment expert Jonathan Bennett explains (2013):

1. E-mail provides a level of privacy and profession- alism not present on SNS—When using e-mail to communicate with external people, you don’t have to be their friend, and you can better control the in- formation they know about you.

2. E-mail in-boxes provide a one-stop location for tasks and a more efficient manager of one-to-one messages—Your in-box is an electronic “go to folder,” enabling more efficient management of tasks and meetings. 

3. E-mail raises fewer privacy issues—Only your e-mail’s chosen recipient gets your message (unless your message is forwarded).

4. E-mail operates across all platforms and applications—SNSs are proprietary; that is, face- book only allows its users, linkedIn its. e-mail is universal across all servers and e-mail brands.

5. A working e-mail address is as essential a career tool as a passport or driver’s license—every online service or product sign-up requires an e-mail address to authenticate your identity.

6. Social networking sites do not provide a profes- sional online space for business one-to-ones— You wouldn’t arrange an important meeting with a customer or client, for example, on an SNS.

7. E-mail raises fewer issues of ownership of information—Your organization legally owns the data you transmit over its e-mail servers. However, there is considerable controversy (and legal uncertainty) about who owns material posted on SNS from the workplace and even away from the job if it has a connection to work.

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE

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they can be connected. We’ll look at three common concerns aimed at the new personal communication technologies: addiction, depression, and distraction.

Addiction Americans average more than 6 hours a day on the Internet. That’s 42 hours a week, essentially a full-time job. And 18- to 29-year-olds average even more (Bennett, 2015). Computer users visit an average of 40 websites a day. The av- erage person, regardless of age, sends or receives 400 texts a month, four times the number in 2007, and two-thirds of these “average” smartphone users report phantom-vibration syndrome, feeling their phones vibrate when in fact they are not (Dokoupil, 2012). More than half of Americans 18 to 34 years old would rather wait in line at the DMV, get a root canal, spend a night in jail, give up an hour of sleep a night for a year, or clean the shower drains at the local gym than take down their social media profiles (Conway, 2012). These data are for average or typical users. But there are indeed those who suffer from Internet addiction, characterized by “spending 40 to 80 hours per week, with [individual] sessions that could last up to 20 hours. Sleep patterns are disrupted due to late night logins, and addicts generally stay up surfing until 2:00, 3:00, or 4:00 in the morning [despite] the reality of having to wake up early for work or school” (Young, 2004, p. 405).

Several countries, notably China, Taiwan, and Korea, treat Internet addiction as a genuine psychiatric problem and operate government-funded treatment facilities for addicts. Even Google, in the heart of Silicon Valley, maintains an in-house “mindfulness movement,” designed to teach its employees the dangers of becoming overly dependent on their technology. In 2013, after years of debate, the American Psychiatric Association added “Internet Addiction Disorder” to its authoritative list of rec- ognized mental illnesses, the American Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders.

Addiction occurs because even in moderate In- ternet use, our brains rewire, that is, they alter phys- iologically. Researcher Gary Small and his colleagues studied two groups of Internet users, veterans and novices. Looking at their brains through a scanner, they found that the veteran Web users had “funda- mentally altered prefrontal cortexes.” They then in- structed the novices to go home and return a week later after having spent five hours online during those seven days. When these participants returned, their brain scans showed changes similar to those of the long-time Internet users (Small et al., 2009). “The technology is rewiring our brains,” said Nora Volkow, director of the National Institute of Drug Abuse. She compares the lure of digital stimulation not to that of drugs and alcohol; rather, the drive is more akin to that for food and sex, both essential but counterproductive in excess (in Richtel, 2010b, p. A1). And that is when addiction occurs, with excess.

phantom-vibration syndrome feeling a phone vibration when none exists.

Internet addiction Patholog- ical dependence on digital technology.

One sign of Internet addiction is interrupted sleep patterns.

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Studying the brains of diagnosed Internet addicts, Fuchun Lin and his col- leagues found evidence of disruption to the connections in nerve fibers linking the brain areas involved in emotions, decision-making, and self-control. “Over- all,” they wrote, “our findings indicate that IAD [Internet Addiction Disorder] has abnormal white matter integrity [extra nerve cells that speed up brain function- ing] in brain regions involving emotional generation and processing, executive attention, decision making, and cognitive control . . . The results also suggest that IAD may share psychological and neural mechanisms with other types of sub- stance addiction and impulse control disorders” (Lin et al., 2012). Yes, internet addiction exists. But there is another edge to this sword. The Gary Small research we mentioned just above also found that moderate Internet use could indeed en- hance brain circuitry in older adults. You can check your own level of Internet addiction using the box “Internet Addiction Self-Diagnosis.”

Internet Addiction Self-Diagnosis

If you were reading the text closely, you might have noted that a typical college-aged student spends more than 40 hours a week online. According to kimberly S. Young of the Center for Online Addiction, that is in the range of Internet addiction. So, are you addicted? Pro- fessor Young has created a self-diagnostic (2004, p. 404), and if you have ever worried that you spend too much time online, you owe it to yourself to take this test. Re- member, too, that this is about Internet addiction, not computer addiction. So you must consider all the devices—computers, smartphones, tablets, or game consoles—you use to connect to the Net. Also keep in mind that most people, while quite aware of the communication technologies they rely on, are typically unaware of the real amounts of time they spend with them (Hundley and Shyles, 2010). So think hard and honestly about your Internet use before you answer.

(1) Do you feel preoccupied with the Internet (thinking about previous online activity or anticipating next online session)?

(2) Do you feel the need to use the Internet with in- creasing amounts of time to achieve satisfaction?

(3) Have you repeatedly made unsuccessful efforts to control, cut back, or stop Internet use?

(4) Do you feel restless, moody, depressed, or irritable when attempting to cut down or stop Internet use?

(5) Do you stay online longer than originally intended?

(6) Have you jeopardized or risked the loss of a signifi- cant relationship, job, educational or career oppor- tunity because of the Internet?

(7) Have you lied to family members, therapists, or others to conceal the extent of involvement with the Internet?

(8) Do you use the Internet as a way of escaping from problems or of relieving feelings of helplessness, guilt, anxiety, or depression?

Dr. Young explains how to interpret your answers:

Only nonessential computer/Internet usage (i.e., non- business or nonacademic related use) should be evalu- ated, and addiction is present when [you] answer yes to five (or more) of the questions during a six-month period. This list offers a workable definition of Internet addiction to help us differentiate normal from compul- sive Internet use, but these warning signs can often be masked by the cultural norms that encourage and rein- force its use. That is, even if a person meets all eight cri- teria, signs of abuse can be rationalized away as “I need this for my job” or “It’s just a machine” when in reality, the Internet is causing significant problems in a user’s life. (2004, p. 404)

How did you fare? Do you show signs of Internet ad- diction? If yes, what will you do about it? If no, how have you been able to avoid overreliance on this technology?

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

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Depression Because depression is often tied to addiction, it too has drawn the attention of parents and medical and psychological professionals. The American Academy of Pediatrics says that research has uncovered Facebook depression, “de- pression that develops when preteens and teens spend a great deal of time on social media sites, such as Facebook, and then begin to exhibit classic symp- toms of depression. Acceptance by and contact with peers is an important ele- ment of adolescent life. The intensity of the online world is thought to be a factor that may trigger depression in some adolescents” (O’Keeffe and Clarke-Pearson, 2011, p. 802). Psychologist Sherry Turkle reports that young people, those in their teens and early twenties, tell her they become exhausted by always having to put themselves “out there,” and are unable to look away for fear of missing out, or FOMO, a finding supported by research indicating that average smartphone users check their phones 221 times a day, typically beginning while still in their morning beds; and these are average users (Allen, 2014). This “time suck” is among the primary reasons that 61 percent of Ameri- can Facebook users voluntarily take breaks from the site for periods of several weeks or more, and that of all US Internet users, 20 percent are former Facebook- ers who have quit the site altogether (Rainie, Smith, and Duggan, 2013).

Raghavendra Katikalapudi and a team of researchers electronically moni- tored in real time the Internet usage of 216 college undergraduates, 30 percent of whom showed signs of depression. They found that the depressed students were the most intense Web users; they exhibited more peer-to-peer file shar- ing, heavier e-mailing and online chatting, more video game play, and the ten- dency to quickly switch between many websites and other online resources than did the other students. The authors explained that each of these charac- teristics is related to depression. Quickly switching between websites may re- flect anhedonia, an inability to experience emotions, as Web users desperately look for emotional stimulation. Heavy e-mailing and chatting may signify a relative lack of strong face-to-face relationships, as these students work to maintain contact either with distant friends or new people they met online (Katikalapudi et al., 2012).

Unlike the physiological brain research on Internet use, this work on de- pression is correlational, that is, while there is a demonstrable relationship between depression and this type of Internet use, no one can confidently claim that one “causes” the other (maybe already depressed people gravitate toward the Internet). Nonetheless, the link exists, and depression is a serious problem, especially for college students. In fact, the Center for Collegiate Health reports that more than 45 percent of all students who visit a campus counseling center mention depression as a problem, with 16 percent citing it as their foremost problem (2015).

Distraction Addiction and depression are related to abnormal or excessive connection to digital technology. The issue of distraction, however, deals with our more typ- ical, everyday use of the new communication technologies. All of us “normal”

Facebook depression Depression that develops from overuse of social networking sites.

fear of missing out (FOMO) Inability to disengage from social networking for fear of missing something.

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users have been warned by friends and family to unplug. You know the con- cerns: young people “tweet and blog and text without batting an eyelash. Whenever they need the answer to a question, they simply log onto their phone and look it up on Google. They live in a state of perpetual, endless dis- traction, and, for many parents and educators, it’s a source of real concern. Will future generations be able to finish a whole book? Will they be able to sit through an entire movie without checking their phones? Are we raising a gen- eration of impatient brats?” (Rogers, 2011).

There is no doubt that time spent in front of a screen means less time spent interacting traditionally with the larger world and the people in it. But the real question here is how our use of technology influences our interaction with the larger world and the people in it when we do leave the screen. For ex- ample, research suggests that time spent with digital devices deprives people’s brains of needed downtime. “Downtime lets the brain go over experiences it’s had, solidify them and turn them into permanent long-term memories,” ex- plains learning researcher Loren Frank. When the brain is constantly stimu- lated, “you prevent this learning process” (in Richtel, 2010a, p. B1).

There is also research indicating that the speed of our digital communica- tion technologies is conditioning us to be impatient and easily distracted in the offline world. There is evidence that constant connection reduces atten- tion span; for example, 71 percent of the nation’s teachers say their students’ attention spans are reduced a lot or somewhat because of their screen time (Rideout, 2012); but you only have to look at your own behavior. Are you easily distracted in class? Do you get impatient when an e-mail or text is not ac- knowledged as quickly as you’d like? Which would you rather do, immerse yourself in a nice, long novel, or catch the story on video? “More and more, life is resembling the chat room,” explains Dr. Elias Aboujaoude, director of the Impulse Control Disorders Clinic at Stanford University. “We’re paying a price in terms of our cognitive life because of this virtual lifestyle” (in Parker-Pope, 2010, p. A13).

There is little question that changes in how we interact with the actual world are occurring. But there are those who see the change as normal, if not beneficial. One argument is that any individual loss of memory is more than compensated for by access to that repository of the world’s knowledge, the In- ternet. We should, explains, psychologist Daniel Wegner,

Accept the role of the Web as a mind-expander and wonder not at the bad but at the good it can do us. There’s nothing wrong, after all, with having our minds expanded. Each time we learn who knows something or where we can find information—without learning what the information itself might be—we are expanding our mental reach. This is the basic idea behind so-called transactive memory . . . [N]obody remembers everything. Instead, each of us in a couple or group remembers some things personally—and then can remember much more by knowing who else might know what we don’t. In this way, we become part of a transactive memory system. Groups of people commonly depend on one another for memory in this way—not by all knowing the same thing, but by specializing. And now we’ve added our computing devices to

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Transactive Memory

Because nobody can remem-

ber everything, people in

groups can remember some

things personally and then

build their memory by know-

ing who else might know

what they don’t. People learn

who knows something or

where they can find it with-

out learning what the infor-

mation itself might be.

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the network, depending for memory not just on people but also on a cloud of linked people and specialized information-filled devices. We have all become a great cybermind. As long as we are connected to our machines through talk and keystrokes, we can all be part of the biggest, smartest mind ever. (2012, p. SR6)

Another view is that yes, constant connection is indeed rewiring our brains, and this is as it should be. We experience the world not in a worse way, but in a different way. Digital learning researcher Kathy Davidson explains,

Younger generations don’t just think about technology more casually, they’re actually wired to respond to it in a different manner than we [non-digital natives] are, and it’s up to us—and our education system—to catch up to them . . . When my students go to the Web and they’re searching and they’re leaving comments and they’re social net- working and they’re Facebooking and they’re texting at the same time—those are their reflexes. They are learning to process that kind of information faster. That which we experience shapes our pathways, so they’re going to be far less stressed by a certain kind of multitasking that you are or than I am, or people who may not have grown up with that. (in Rogers, 2011)

In fact, there is evidence suggesting that SNS information, even strang- ers’ Facebook status updates, are much more likely to be remembered than sentences from books and people’s faces. Laura Mickes and her colleagues ex- plained that because social networking’s brief posts are “largely spontaneous and natural emanations of the human mind,” they are “the sort of informa- tion that our memories are tuned to recognize . . . That which we readily gen- erate,” they said, “we also readily store” (Mickes et al., 2013).

How Computer-Mediated Communication Affects Identity and Relationships Addiction, depression, and distraction have to do with how people use and abuse communication technologies. But what about the communication that takes place? How has it changed as a result of these technologies? Has it been altered for better or worse, or is it a new form of communication altogether? We look at two important lines of inquiry on CMC: its role in iden- tity construction and maintenance, and its influence on interpersonal communication.

Social Network Sites and Identity Construction and Maintenance Why do we use SNSs to interact with others, especially when distance isn’t a factor? Isn’t face-to-face communication more satisfying? For many it is. Half of the country’s 13- to 17-year-old social media users, true digital natives, find actual human interaction their favorite way to communicate with friends; half of those because it’s more fun, and a third because it makes understanding

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easier (Rideout, 2012, p. 11). Nonetheless, with the number of Facebook users alone approaching one-and-a-half billion, there must be something that takes people online for their interaction with others.

Psychologists Ashwini Nadkarni and Stefan Hofmann developed what they called the dual-factor model of Facebook (FB) use, which can also be ap- plied to other SNS use. They explain, “FB use is primarily motivated by two basic social needs: (1) the need to belong, and (2) the need for self-presentation. The need to belong refers to the intrinsic drive to affiliate with others and gain social acceptance, and the need for self-presentation refers to the continuous pro- cess of impression management. These two motivational factors can co-exist, but can also each be the single cause for FB use” (italics in the original; 2012, p. 245). The need to belong, as you learned in Chapter 6, is important because people are highly dependent on social support from others, and exclusion can cause loss of self-esteem and emotional well-being. Self-esteem, then, serves as a sociometer, a monitor of acceptability by others. Because social network sites foster a sense of belonging, their use can increase self-esteem and there- fore feelings of acceptability. Indeed, Gonzales and Hancock (2011) demon- strated that the simple act of updating and reading one’s own profile on an SNS was sufficient to boost self-esteem. The need for self-presentation online is the same as offline. Again, as you learned earlier, this time from Chapter 1, we know ourselves through our interaction with others, and if others who are of importance to us are online, that’s where we must be to present ourselves. But this raises the question, how do we present ourselves on social networking sites?

In the early days of the Internet, 1993, The New Yorker magazine published a cartoon featur- ing two dogs in front of a computer. The seated dog looks away from the keyboard to inform the other pup, “On the Internet, nobody knows you’re a dog.” Because of the Internet’s anonymity, people, even canines, could be anything they wanted to be. And sometimes what they wanted to be was rude or bullying, a byproduct of their anonymous membership in the massive popula- tion of Internet users. This is de-individuation, when people, protected by a mask of anonymity, cease to see themselves as individuals and therefore fail to see others that way. As a result, they treat those others in ways they would never consider when face to face. Yes, there are still e-meanies and cyberbullies, but many Internet sites have re- sponded by doing away with anonymity, requir- ing users to identify themselves with their real names before they allow postings or comments. “If I’m writing something, and I know my mom and my colleagues and my daughters are going to

You control the “you” that you present to the ever-expanding social networking world. How do you use that freedom?

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read it, I’m going to be on my best behavior,” explains psychologist Dacher Keltner (in Hill, 2012, p. D5).

But the real change in Internet self-presentation has come about because of SNS. Now people on sites like Facebook announce their sex, age, location, romantic status, occupation, and social attachments. Not only do people pub- licly declare their identities, they add to and update them with regularity. As a result—and returning to the theme of the New Yorker cartoon—on SNS ev- erybody knows you’re a dog because you’ve told them you’re a dog.

But if you’re going to tell them you’re a dog, why not tell them that you’re a particularly smart and talented dog? There is little doubt that social network site users employ “screen names, profiles, and messages” as means to “foster others’ impression formation about them” and that “users may select what information they want to include in a profile to highlight their most positive qualities” (Zywica and Danowski, 2008, p. 6). But how do they do this and why? Mitja Back and his colleagues tested the idealized virtual identity hypothesis, the tendency for creators of social network site profiles to dis- play idealized characteristics that do not reflect their actual personalities. They learned that it doesn’t happen very much. In fact, they discovered that for most people, online social networking (OSN) “may constitute an extended social context in which to express one’s actual personality characteristics, thus fostering accurate interpersonal perceptions. OSNs integrate various sources of personal information that mirror those found in personal environ- ments, private thoughts, facial images, and social behavior, all of which are known to contain valid information about personality.” This led them to pro- pose the “extended real-life hypothesis [which] predicts that people use OSNs to communicate their real personality” (Back et al., 2010, p. 372). But why? Why not create the identity you wish you could have? The researchers suggested two reasons that it would be difficult to do so even if you wanted to: “Creating idealized identities should be hard to accomplish because (a) OSN profiles include information about one’s reputation that is difficult to control (e.g., wall posts) and (b) friends provide accountability and subtle feedback on one’s Profile” (p. 372). We know this as symbolic interaction: identity is con- structed and maintained through interaction with others; we peer into the Looking Glass for “accountability and subtle feedback” to know who we are.

At the time Mead developed his notion of symbolic interaction, the 1930s, people communicated primarily face to face. But today, even though our online communication is computer-mediated, it remains just as relational, just as much a social action. We still conceive of ourselves in relation to other people. We remain social objects that others observe and we continue to know ourselves through their responses to us. The difference is that on social net- working sites we can direct—through our selection of information for pro- files, profile and other pictures, status updates, and posts—others’ attention to those symbols we most want them to use to make meaning of us. When we select our profile picture, for example, or snapshots from our birthday party or statement of our relationship status, we have knowledge of how others in our network will respond to them, so consciously or otherwise we attempt to

idealized virtual identity hypothesis Tendency for creators of social network site profiles to display ideal- ized characteristics not reflective of their actual personalities.

extended real-life hypothesis Tendency for social networking site users to communicate their real personalities.

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communicate something about ourselves that we deem meaningful. After all, we could choose any image from a near-limitless supply, and we are free to list our relationship status as anything we want. The SNS identity we construct cannot be separated from our social interactions on the SNS. In other words, we present ourselves based on who others think we are, which itself is based on the responses from others we have already received, just as Mead and sym- bolic interaction would have predicted.

And how do we use the SNS’s power to direct others’ attention to specific aspects of ourselves? Researchers Zhao, Grasmuck, and Martin argue that we use the power of selection to present not false, but hoped-for identities. They wrote, the “hoped-for possible selves users projected on Facebook were nei- ther the ‘true selves’ commonly seen in [anonymous] MUDs or Chat Rooms, nor the ‘real selves’ people presented in localized face-to-face interactions. The Facebook selves appeared to be highly socially desirable identities individuals aspire to have offline but have not yet been able to embody for one reason or another” (2008, p. 1830). Speaking of self-presentation on the Internet in general (as opposed to social networking sites in particular), technology writer Navneet Alang wrote of hoped-for identity construction for people who feel they are on the outside: “Freed from the myriad ways in which our bodies are read, interacting with others through this virtual self can, despite its immate- riality, still have real-world effects. The shy person’s brash Twitter persona, the immigrant’s perfectly hybrid avatar, the gay youth’s sex-positive blog: all these marginalized identities suddenly have another place in which to explore themselves and become anew” (2012).

Obviously, then, all kinds of people make their way to an SNS for all kinds of reasons. Petter Brandtzæg identified five more-or-less distinct types of users in an in-depth analysis of the SNS activity of 2,000 people of all ages over a two-year span (2012, pp. 476–477):

• Advanced users: These are the people on all the time, demonstrating “frequent usage and a very diverse and broad SNS behavior.” They take advantage of most or all of the SNS’s capabilities.

• Debaters: These users are “highly active in discussions and debating” and are frequent, often the heaviest, users of SNS.

• Socializers: These people engage primarily in socializing with friends, family, and other people on the sites. Social interaction is of primary importance for these users. They aren’t big on discussion and debating or following others’ discussions.

• Lurkers: People in this category regularly use SNS, but do so less frequently than the other types. They social network primarily to kill time, look at photos, find information about friends, and ‘‘see if somebody has contacted me.’’ They are passive consumers of what others have contributed to the site.

• Sporadics: People in this category are almost nonusers. They connect only occasionally to see if somebody has tried to get in touch with them.

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The Internet and Interpersonal Communication The real goal of the Brandtzæg research was not to identify different types of users. It was actu- ally designed to weigh the “social costs and bene- fits” often attributed to social networking, leading the author to conclude that use of SNSs is associ- ated with “social capital and might strengthen social bonds as SNSs give free and easy communi- cation with family, friends, and acquaintances regardless of time and place . . . Examining the results [of this research] in light of the current media debate, they do not support the anxiety about ‘antisocial networking’ or low social in- volvement. SNS communication does not seem to replace intimacy or face-to-face interaction. In fact, SNS users are actually more likely to socially interact face-to-face and report more social capital compared to nonusers” (pp. 481–482). Social capital in this instance is the building of social connections and social networks and the resulting norms and trust that are built which enable people to act together more effectively.

But haven’t we already seen that scholarly discussion of CMC tends to re- volve around the assumption that face-to-face communication (FtF) is supe- rior, the “gold standard” (Berger, 2005, p. 430)? This belief stems from two differences between these forms of interaction. First, FtF is immediate and direct, whereas CMC is mediated, or filtered. In FtF, communicators can see and hear one another; they can read facial expressions, gestures, voice pitch, rate of speech, that is, all the nonverbal cues that frame spoken communication (Chap- ter 4). Moreover, FtF communicators share a common, context-providing phys- ical space, further facilitating effective and efficient meaning making.

CMC, however, offers little contextual information and few, if any, social cues. This is the cues-filtered-out theory (Kiesler, Siegel and McGuire, 1984). FtF is assumed to lead to less miscommunication than does CMC for a second immediacy-related reason, mutual knowledge (Krauss and Fussell, 1990). Mutual knowledge is information the communicating parties share in common and know they share. Communicators can establish mutual knowl- edge through direct knowledge (they have firsthand experience with one an- other), category membership (the assumptions they make about each other’s knowledge based on the social categories they are assumed to belong to), and interactional dynamics (their reading of nonverbal reactions and direct feed- back). These elements are typically present in an FtF setting, even between relative strangers. The speakers are in one another’s presence, so they have at least a little direct knowledge of one another. They can see the gender, race, possibly occupation, and a host of other likely social categories that each may belong to. And as we’ve already seen, feedback and nonverbal communication are immediate and direct.

mutual knowledge Information communicators share and know they share.

face-to-face communication has long been considered the gold standard of interpersonal communication. But that view is starting to change.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Cues-Filtered-Out Theory

Face-to-face communication

is superior to computer-

mediated communication

because face-to-face commu-

nicators share a common,

context-providing physical

space, whereas communica-

tion transacted via technol-

ogy offers little contextual

information and few, if any,

social cues.

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In CMC, especially among relative strangers, these elements are typically lacking. Catherine Cramton investigated mutual knowledge in CMC and discov- ered that miscommunication would occur because in the relative absence of mutual knowledge, communicators, presumably conditioned by FtF communica- tion, falsely assumed that others understood their information (2001). This fail- ure to appreciate the limitations of CMC, argue Justin Kruger and his colleagues, may well stem from overconfidence and egocentrism. In a series of five experi- ments testing e-mailers’ ability to convey sarcasm, they demonstrated that

without the benefit of paralinguistic cues such as gesture, emphasis, and intonation, it can be difficult to convey emotion and tone over electronic mail . . . [P]eople tend to believe that they can communicate over e-mail more effectively than they actually can . . . [T]his overconfidence is born of egocentrism, the inherent difficulty of detaching oneself from one’s own perspective when evaluating the perspective of someone else. Because e-mail communicators “hear” a statement differently depending on whether they intend to be, say, sarcastic or funny, it can be difficult to appreciate that their electronic audience may not. (Kruger et al., 2005, p. 925)

Their findings held even when the communicators were personally acquainted.

But there is a more generous view of the availability of social and contex- tual cues in CMC, social information-processing theory (Lea and Spears, 1992), which argues that these cues do indeed exist. CMC often contains emoticons, text symbols, or pictographs, used to express emotions. Choice of technology, too, provides context. E-mail carries more gravity than text mes-

saging. A text message suggests more intimacy than a tweet or SNS posting. And because silence and chronemics are forms of nonverbal communication, both contribute significantly to CMC meaning making. Walther and Tidwell (1995) demonstrated that differences in the time of day an e-mail mes- sage is sent, from daytime to nighttime, and re- sponse delays of as little as 24 hours (that is, silence) significantly influence the degree of liking the com- municators express for senders and receivers and the perceived sense of urgency communicated by the message. Tyler and Tang (2003) examined chronemic rhythms in e-mail communication, iden- tifying the existence of response expectations, senders’ “expectations as to when they anticipate to receive a response to a message they sent,” and breakdown perception, “when the sender believes that something has gone wrong, and will take fur- ther action” (p. 253). Breakdown perception occurs when senders think a pause is already too long and judge it as silence.

response expecta- tions Senders’ expectations about the timing of anticipated response.

breakdown perception When senders believe no response is forthcoming and take action.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Social Information Processing Theory

Face-to-face and computer-

mediated communication are

more-or-less equal in quality

because the latter often

offers a rich variety of social

and contextual cues used to

facilitate communication.

CMC offers emotions as a substitute for many forms of nonverbal communication. How many can you identify?

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Kalman and Rafaeli (2011) investigated CMC delays and silence in terms of expectancy violation theory. As you read in Chapter 4, this is the idea that when our interpersonal expectations are violated (for example, when some- one enters our intimate space), our attention to this nonverbal communica- tion is heightened. As a result, we work to interpret the behavior—is it a welcomed sign of increased intimacy, or is it an unwanted, possibly threaten- ing intrusion?

As you might remember, the meaning we make from the violation de- pends on our judgment of the person making it. Kalman and Rafaeli dis- covered that users of e-mail are sensitive to delays and silence, are aware of norms regarding reply time, have expectations about those norms, and actively consider the nature of the other in judging whether delay or si- lence is indeed a violation of those expectations. This led them to com- ment on “the richness of text-based CMC.” They wrote that their work “contributes to the discussion of the richness of CMC, and whether CMC is a poor substitute for traditional communication channels, or whether it is an alternative to traditional communication channels the unique affor- dances of which make it neither superior nor inferior to traditional com- munication. The findings reported [in their research] support the latter assertion by adding to the accumulating evidence that text-based CMC is able to convey nonverbal cues, and that these cues interact with communi- cator attributes” (p. 65). Remember, too, that not all CMC is text-based, but more on that later in the chapter.

The second difference between FtF and CMC traditionally suggesting the superiority of the former is that FtF is synchronous, that is, people interact immediately, in real time, and can simultaneously send and receive messages. CMC, on the other hand, is asynchronous, there is a delay of some length, regardless of how short, between sending and receiving. Here, too, there is scholarship questioning this assumption. Kruger and his colleagues see value in the time afforded by asynchronicity, “Compared with synchronous media, asynchronous text media such as e-mail more readily allow for reflection and reconsideration of one’s communication before transmission” (Kruger et al., 2005, p. 934). This argument is based in users’ ability to control their CMC. Considering only text-based CMC such as e-mail, instant messaging, and tex- ting, users can control the pace and length of communication and speed of response. In addition, as we’ve already seen, CMC offers the opportunity for more careful crafting of the self in communication interactions (Walther, 1996).

Much of the presumed superiority granted to FtF communication over CMC is based in media richness theory, which views communication media as falling along a continuum of lean to rich, based on their contribution to the quality of meaning making. FtF is traditionally considered the superior medium because its immediacy provides greater personal information-carrying capac- ity (you and the other can observe each other in real time and in context) and it is synchronous (providing instant feedback). You can see the importance of

synchronous communica- tion Immediate, real-time communication interaction.

asynchronous communica- tion Delay of some length between sending and receiving.

In CMC, especially among relative strangers, these elements are typically lacking. Catherine Cramton investigated mutual knowledge in CMC and discov- ered that miscommunication would occur because in the relative absence of mutual knowledge, communicators, presumably conditioned by FtF communica- tion, falsely assumed that others understood their information (2001). This fail- ure to appreciate the limitations of CMC, argue Justin Kruger and his colleagues, may well stem from overconfidence and egocentrism. In a series of five experi- ments testing e-mailers’ ability to convey sarcasm, they demonstrated that

without the benefit of paralinguistic cues such as gesture, emphasis, and intonation, it can be difficult to convey emotion and tone over electronic mail . . . [P]eople tend to believe that they can communicate over e-mail more effectively than they actually can . . . [T]his overconfidence is born of egocentrism, the inherent difficulty of detaching oneself from one’s own perspective when evaluating the perspective of someone else. Because e-mail communicators “hear” a statement differently depending on whether they intend to be, say, sarcastic or funny, it can be difficult to appreciate that their electronic audience may not. (Kruger et al., 2005, p. 925)

Their findings held even when the communicators were personally acquainted.

But there is a more generous view of the availability of social and contex- tual cues in CMC, social information-processing theory (Lea and Spears, 1992), which argues that these cues do indeed exist. CMC often contains emoticons, text symbols, or pictographs, used to express emotions. Choice of technology, too, provides context. E-mail carries more gravity than text mes-

saging. A text message suggests more intimacy than a tweet or SNS posting. And because silence and chronemics are forms of nonverbal communication, both contribute significantly to CMC meaning making. Walther and Tidwell (1995) demonstrated that differences in the time of day an e-mail mes- sage is sent, from daytime to nighttime, and re- sponse delays of as little as 24 hours (that is, silence) significantly influence the degree of liking the com- municators express for senders and receivers and the perceived sense of urgency communicated by the message. Tyler and Tang (2003) examined chronemic rhythms in e-mail communication, iden- tifying the existence of response expectations, senders’ “expectations as to when they anticipate to receive a response to a message they sent,” and breakdown perception, “when the sender believes that something has gone wrong, and will take fur- ther action” (p. 253). Breakdown perception occurs when senders think a pause is already too long and judge it as silence.

response expecta- tions Senders’ expectations about the timing of anticipated response.

breakdown perception When senders believe no response is forthcoming and take action.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Media Richness Theory

Different media’s contribution

to meaning making falls along

a continuum of lean to rich, as

judged by criteria such as the

presence of instant feedback,

the use of multiple cues and

natural language, and the

medium’s personal focus.

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immediacy and synchronicity in the four factors that make a medium rich (Daft and Lengel, 1986):

• Presence of instant feedback, making possible the asking and answering of questions.

• Use of multiple cues, such as physical presence, words, nonverbal signs, numbers, and graphic symbols.

• Use of natural language, which, because of its universality, can convey meaning across a wide set of concepts and ideas.

• A personal focus.

The more a means of communication displays these attributes, the richer it is. Using these criteria, then, FtF is typically considered the ‘‘richest’’ and something like a mailed letter the “leanest,” with other forms of communication in between. But let’s take these elements one at a time and consider CMC in their light.

• Instant feedback: Where on the continuum would you place chat rooms and instant messaging? Where does texting accompanied by a web-cam fall? Where do you put Web services like Skype, Oovoo, and FaceTime that allow real-time video chats?

• Multiple cues: They are present in web-cam and video CMC, and even text-based CMC can be augmented with multiple cues such as photos, videos, and links to other places on the Internet. For example, imagine an FtF conversation with friends in which you want to tell them about your trip to Brazil. You may be a great interpersonal communicator, and your descriptions may be vivid. You’d no doubt do a good job. Now imagine that same conversation via an SNS or even e-mail. You can write the same descriptions, albeit without the flair and emotion you might have shown in person. You can gather carefully selected photos you’ve taken into a slide show (accompanied by quiet samba music) and post it to your site or provide a link to it in your e-mail. You can also include links to the nicely produced YouTube videos of your stay in Rio de Janeiro that you uploaded, as well as links to websites and other videos offering more information and insight into that South American destination.

• Natural language: Again, it is present in web-cam and video CMC, and assuming that you are communicating with others who speak your language, your post or e-mail text, written in your common tongue, is a natural language. But more than that, video and audio, and the Web itself, are natural languages to digital natives like you.

• Personal focus: Other than the inability to physically touch the other, contemporary CMC can be every bit as personally focused as FtF.

Vivian Sheer combined notions of communication control and rich media in her investigation of young people’s use of CMC in building friendships, demonstrating that “media richness aided in both social and task communication . . . Use of rich features, such as webcam and [instant messag- ing], seemingly facilitated the increase of acquaintances, new friends, oppo- site-sex friends, and, thus, the total number of friends. Primarily text-based

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messaging, however, helped with the progression toward close-friendship more than did rich fea- tures” (2011, p. 101).

But what is a “friend” in the age of social media? What becomes of traditional understand- ings of friendship when the average Facebook user has 338 friends and more than half have over 200 (Smith, 2014)? Is MIT psychologist Sherry Turkle (2012) correct when she says, “We expect more from technology and less from each other?” “People can’t get enough of each other,” she says, “if and only if they can have each other at a dis- tance in amounts they can control.” She labels this the “Goldilocks effect—not too close, not too far, just right.” As we saw earlier in this chapter, there’s no doubt that there are lonely, disengaged, even depressed people immersed in the new technologies. But communication scholars have gone quite deeply into a number of CMC issues connected to new digital friendships and relationships. We’ll look at four: social isolation, how shy and popular people use social network sites for friendship, online self-disclosure, and its close cousin, relational development.

Social Isolation Is the Goldilocks effect real? That is, do the new communication technologies dis- tance us from one another as they connect us? You’ve heard the argument in many forms. We are losing our sense of community. We are increasingly socially isolated, hanging out with smaller numbers of people, and the ones we do spend time with are very much like ourselves, all because of the Internet, SNS, and smartphones. “The implications of such a trend are alarming,” write Keith Hampton and his col- leagues. “They indicate a decline in the availability of broad social support within social networks in the form of companionship and instrumental and emergency aid and an increased likelihood that important mat- ters are discussed only within small, closed groups” (Hampton, Sessions, and Her, 2010, p. 131). Their analysis of more than 20 years’ worth of data from the US General Social Survey (a standard core of de- mographic, behavioral, and attitudinal questions asked annually and overseen by the National Science Foundation) suggests that these fears of atomized, isolated Americans, while not completely unreason- able, are overblown. They found that “neither Inter- net nor mobile phone use is associated with having fewer core discussion confidants or having less di- verse ties with whom to discuss important matters” (p. 148). In fact, they discovered that smartphone ownership and some SNS activity actually increased the number of close confidants, and Internet users

Because of technologies like Skype and Oovoo, CMC is rapidly shedding its text-based identity.

using your own experience, can you argue that the goldilocks effect does not exist?

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were far more likely to discuss important issues with people outside their immediate families and even with those of different politics.

Psychologist John Cacioppo, author of Loneliness (Cacioppo and Patrick, 2008) and an expert on America’s “epidemic of loneliness,” recently conducted an experiment looking “for a connection between the loneliness of subjects and the relative frequency of their interactions via Facebook, chat rooms, online games, dating sites, and face-to-face contact.” Journalist Stephen Marche (2012) asked him what he found. “The greater the proportion of face-to-face interac- tions, the less lonely you are. The greater the proportion of online interactions, the lonelier you are,” explained Professor Cacioppo. So, asked Marche, doesn’t this mean that Facebook and the new communication technologies actually do make people lonelier? Cacioppo, recognizing technology’s double edge, an- swered that Facebook is merely a tool, and its effectiveness depends on how we use it. “If you use Facebook to increase face-to-face contact, it increases social capital,” he said. “Facebook can be terrific, if we use it properly. It’s like a car. You can drive it to pick up your friends. Or you can drive alone.”

Shy and Popular Users But what if you have few friends to pick up as you drive around? In other words, do social networking sites help people make and maintain friendships, or are they places where those who are already popular offline go to enhance their pop- ularity and those who are less popular go to compensate for their real-world inadequacies? Researchers Jolene Zywica and James Danowski (2008) call these the Rich Get Richer (social enhancement) and Poor Get Richer (social compensa- tion) hypotheses, respectively. Studying the Facebook use of more than 600 collegiate students, they found significant evidence to support both hypotheses. “Those more sociable (extroverted) and with higher self-esteem are more popular both offline and on Facebook—supporting the Social Enhance- ment hypothesis,” they wrote. “At the same time, another subset of users who are less sociable (introverted), have lower self-esteem, and are less popular offline, support the Social Compensation hypotheses because they are—and strive more to look—popular on Facebook—and think that is important.”

In other words, already popular people used the site to augment that popu- larity, and less popular people were also more popular on Facebook than offline. This is because they were willing to reveal more information about themselves and express different facets of their personalities to their online friends than they were to their offline friends. “Rather than making strategic moves to en- hance popularity,” wrote the authors, these shy users “may just feel more com- fortable expressing their true selves online rather than offline” (p. 19).

Equally important is the quality of friendship experienced by users with less offline popularity. In a study of shy people’s use of Facebook, Levi Baker and Debra Oswald demonstrated that for “relatively shy individuals, Facebook use was positively associated with satisfaction, importance, and closeness with Facebook friends . . . refut[ing] warnings . . . that CMC use might cause shy individuals to become even more socially withdrawn and isolated. The current data clearly demonstrate that shy individuals’ use of Facebook is asso- ciated with better quality friendships” (2010, pp. 883–884).

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Facebook Envy and Our Sense of Well-Being But, staying with Professor Cacioppo’s car analogy, maybe driving the car in and of itself brings with it a different set of problems, just as if we never walked any- where any more, denying ourselves needed exercise and more immediate, tactile interaction with the world around us. Ethan Kross and his colleagues (Kross et al., 2013) examined that very issue, asking if Facebook use influences users’ subjective well-being, that is, how they feel about themselves. Subjective well-being operates on two levels: how we feel about ourselves in the moment, and how satisfied we are, in general, with our own lives. “We text-messaged people five times per day for two-weeks to examine how Facebook use influ- ences the two components of subjective well-being,” they wrote, “Our results indicate that Facebook use predicts negative shifts on both of these variables over time. The more people used Facebook at one time point, the worse they felt the next time we text-messaged them; the more they used Facebook over two- weeks, the more their life satisfaction levels declined over time” (p. 1).

The researchers were able to dismiss the two likely alternative explana- tions for what they found, “First, interacting with other people ‘directly’ did not predict declines in well-being. In fact, direct social network interactions led people to feel better over time. This suggests that Facebook use may consti- tute a unique form of social network interaction that predicts impoverished well-being. Second, multiple types of evidence indicated that it was not the case that Facebook use led to declines in well-being because people are more likely to use Facebook when they feel bad—neither affect [mood] nor worry predicted Facebook use and Facebook use continued to predict significant de- clines in well-being when controlling for loneliness” (italics in original; p. 4).

Might that damage to our sense of well-being be due to Facebook envy, users resentful of others’ happiness as represented on SNS? Hanna Krasnova and her colleagues tested that hypothesis and discovered that, indeed, that was the case for large numbers of Facebook users, as many as one in three. They found that “envy about ‘travel and leisure,’ ‘social interactions’ and ‘happiness’ belong to the three most frequently mentioned causes of envy triggered by Facebook use” (italics in original; 2013, p. 7). As any SNS user knows, these are the self-selected topics that most people tend to emphasize in their online presentations; few of us post the shameful or depressing things in our lives. But does Facebook envy pro- duce declines in users’ sense of well-being? The authors themselves wrote that the major contribution of their work was its demonstration of the link between “the spread and ubiquitous presence of envy on SNS” and the undermining of “users’ life satisfaction” (p. 13). And you? Are you free of Facebook envy?

Self-Disclosure and Relational Development Do online friendships develop in ways similar to real-world relationships? That is, what roles do self-disclosure and uncertainty reduction, both essen- tial to relational development, play on social networking sites? If you still hold to the FtF-as-gold-standard philosophy, you might argue that they must be different and inferior processes. But the available evidence suggests you’d be wrong. Different? Somewhat. Inferior? Maybe not.

Facebook envy users envying others’ happiness as represented on SNSs.

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In an experiment in which college students were asked to judge the “like- ability, trust, friendliness, and interest of others” by examining their Face- book profiles, Cynthia Palmieri and her colleagues discovered that what happens online mirrors what happens offline. That is, people whose profiles offered low levels of self-disclosure produced little uncertainty reduction and thus, a less positive reaction from those who “met” them. High levels of self-disclosure produced more uncertainty reduction and, therefore, more liking (Palmieri et al., 2012). Bruce McKinney and his colleagues suggested that SNSs produce their own “disclosure norms” based on what others have disclosed, clarifying just what kinds of information and how much of it is ap- propriate for sharing. This, in turn, produces “a positive attitude about such information sharing” (McKinney, Kelly, and Duran, 2012, p. 116). Recall Chapter 4’s discussion of the value of reciprocity in enhancing relational de- velopment, and it’s not very difficult to see that with greater opportunity for thoughtful control of self-disclosure, clear norms of appropriateness about what can and cannot be disclosed, and a positive attitude toward reciprocity, friendships can be every bit as real and meaningful online as off.

12.1 Identify the warning signs of Internet addiction, depression, and distraction. Many people suffer from Internet addiction, spend- ing 40 to 80 hours a week online. Overreliance on digital technology for connection and stimulation can also fuel depression. And while there is little debate that our interaction with digital technology is changing how we engage the world, disagreement exists over the harmfulness of this change.

12.2 explain why and how people use social networking sites for identity construction and maintenance and for relational communication. People are attracted to SNSs by the need to belong and the need for self-presentation. We have an intrinsic drive to affiliate with others and gain social acceptance and, as explained by symbolic interaction, a need for self-presentation to engage in impression management. And while the Inter- net’s anonymity can allow false presentations of self, most SNS users present fairly accurate or hoped-for identities.

12.3 Describe potential relationships between social media and social isolation, popularity, and self-disclosure. Personal communication technologies are often condemned as fostering social isolation, creating a false sense of popularity, and impeding meaningful self-disclosure. Remembering that technologies work as double-edged swords, there is some truth to these criticisms. But use of these increasingly mature technologies by increasingly savvy users may be obviating these problems, as research con- sistently demonstrates their potential value.

12.4 Present an informed opinion in the debate over face-to-face communication versus computer-mediated communication. The supposed superiority of face-to-face commu- nication is based on its immediacy and synchro- nicity. But contemporary forms of CMC may offer people equal levels of these two communication- enhancing factors as they are increasingly rich forms of interaction.

Review of Learning Objectives

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Key Terms double-edged sword 260 computer-mediated communication (CMC) 260 app 263 cookies 264 phantom-vibration syndrome 267 Internet addiction 267 Facebook depression 269 fear of missing out (FOMO) 269 transactive memory 270 idealized virtual identity hypothesis 273 extended real-life hypothesis 273 cues-filtered-out theory 275 mutual knowledge 275 social information-processing theory 276 response expectations 276 breakdown perception 276 synchronous 277 asynchronous 277 media richness theory 277 Facebook envy 281

Questions for Review 1. What does it mean to say that personal com-

munication technologies are neutral but not benign? What is the double-edged sword of these technologies?

2. What is phantom-vibration syndrome, and how does it relate to Internet addiction?

3. What are Facebook depression and fear of missing out (FOMO)?

4. What is transactive memory?

5. What two basic social needs drive our use of social networking sites?

6. What are the idealized virtual identity and the extended real-life hypotheses?

7. Differentiate between the cues-filtered-out and the social information-processing theories.

8. Explain response expectations and breakdown perception in terms of expectancy violation theory.

9. Explain media richness theory.

10. What are the Rich Get Richer and Poor Get Richer hypotheses?

Questions for Discussion 1. Have you ever been troubled by the amount of

time you spend engaged with digital technolo- gies? If not, why not? If yes, what was the im- mediate cause, if any, of your concern? What, if anything, did you do about it?

2. Have you ever encountered in your social net- working experience an obvious case of a friend misrepresenting him- or herself? If so, what did you do about it? Was your response direct or in- direct? How might symbolic interaction have predicted your response and its effectiveness?

3. Have you ever posted something online that you later regretted? What was it, and what was your regret? Do you have internal or personal rules about what you allow yourself to post or to self-disclose? How did you arrive at these rules?

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Chapter Outline

What Is Persuasion? 286

Values, Attitudes, Beliefs, and Behaviors 289

The Selective Processes 293

What Factors Influence Persuasion? 294

The Elaboration Likelihood Model of Persuasion 302

Processes of Attitude Change 305

Persuasion and Social Influence

13

No way can you pass up this offer—a free ticket plus a round-trip

ride to the conference championship game. The problem, though, is

that it’s a Sunday-night, nationally-televised contest and you

wouldn’t get back to campus until noon on Monday. That means

you’d have to get your Communication instructor to give you a

make-up for the quiz you’ll miss at 9 a.m. But that might not be too

big a problem because you’ve done everything right to get her to

think well of you. You’re respectful; you sit in the front row and are

always attentive; you come to class neatly dressed and groomed,

always smiling. But you may already have spent any benefit these

favor-building maneuvers earned you when you asked to miss a

Friday class so you could leave early for your brother’s wedding—

and when you had to convince her to give you an extra day for your

term paper first draft because your printer broke—and when you

tried to persuade her that your short essay on the mid-semester

exam was really worth an 8 out of 10, not the 6 she “unfairly” gave

you. And then there was the time you had “the flu” and missed your

in-class presentation on friendship maintenance and social

networking.

You’re pretty good at persuasion, but this challenge may be out of

even your league. You recall Abe Lincoln’s commentary on persuasion,

“You can fool some of the people all of the time, and all of the

people some of the time, but you can’t fool all of the people all of

the time,” especially a professor who’s no doubt heard it all before—

and probably all from you.

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What Is Persuasion? The theory of speech acts, developed by linguist and philosopher John Austin (1962), argues that whenever we speak, we hope to accomplish some goal. When we speak, we have intentions. As a result, we choose how we want to express ourselves based on what we want others to think, accept, or do. In other words, we are always to some degree persuading. For example, when you greet your classmates with “What’s up?” your words are less important than your intentions. If the words what’s up were the most important part of your greeting, you’d expect answers like “Certainly not my GPA.” Your intention, the reason you chose to express yourself as you did, was not even to get them to acknowledge you; it was to get them to think well of you. After all, you could have simply nodded in their direction. When you tell friends something as routine as “The sky was blue,” your intention is to have them accept that the sky was one color rather than another. As you should remember from Chapter 1, the transactional view of communication assumes that communication does not occur unless change occurs in the participants. Speech acts theory wants us to understand that people try, however routinely or intentionally, to influence that change.

Persuasion, however, is communication specifically intended to shape, reinforce, or change the responses of others (Miller, 1980). Response shaping occurs when we encounter new information, requiring some judgment or eval- uation. For example, you may be looking for a new car, and Chevrolet uses a sophisticated advertising campaign to favorably shape your response to its latest-model Camaro. As another example, you meet someone named Alex on the first day of class, and you use an invitation to a Friday night concert to

persuasion Communication specifically intended to shape, reinforce, or change the responses of others.

13.1 Explain the characteristics and importance of persuasion.

13.2 distinguish between values, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors, and explain how those distinctions influence persuasion.

13.3 Explain balance theory and cognitive dissonance theory.

13.4 describe the influence that source, message, and receiver characteristics have on persuadability.

13.5 Explain the workings of the elaboration likelihood model of persuasion.

13.6 distinguish between different processes of attitude change.

Learning Objectives

We are always persuading, even if it is at a very basic level. In this chapter, we will look at efforts to influence others through communication—instances when we consciously, actively intend to alter another’s thoughts or actions.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Speech Acts Theory

Whenever we speak, we hope

to accomplish some goal. We

use communication, however

routinely or diligently, to

influence.

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W h AT I S P E r S uA S I O n?

shape your relationship. In response shaping, the movement is from no response to some response. Response reinforcing occurs when communication deepens our commitment to already held attitudes or behaviors. You like big, powerful, American-made cars, and Camaro has always been your favorite. Chevy uses its ad campaign and an online video game to further cement that favor. You and Alex now have a nice friendship, so you extend a Thanksgiving invitation to deepen that bond. In response reinforcing, the movement is from one degree of response to another, typically deeper. Response changing occurs when communication moves our attitudes or behaviors from an exist- ing or established position to another. You currently drive an 11-year-old Subaru, but Chevy’s combination of skilled marketing, low finance rates, and a $2,000 cash rebate convince you to buy the new Camaro. You and Alex are great friends, but you want to become more. You propose on bended knee, which produces just the response you want. You are no longer just friends; you’re engaged. In response changing, the movement is from one condition to another, different condition.

These examples highlight two important characteristics of persuasion. The first is intentionality. As communication scholars James Stiff and Paul Mongeau explain, “Although one can argue that all communication is by its very nature persuasive and that many activities might inadvertently affect the responses of others . . . persuasive activity [considers] behaviors that are intended to affect the responses of others” (italics in original; 2003, pp. 4–5). Your big brother’s love affair with the Camaro may have influenced your affection for big, powerful, American-made cars, but he did not persuade you to that position. Alex may be head-over-heels for you just because you are who you are. You didn’t have to employ your persuasive skills; all you did was be yourself. The second characteristic of persuasion—whether shaping, reinforc- ing, or changing—is that sometimes it occurs over time, but sometimes it is quite sudden; sometimes it takes repeated persuasive attempts, sometimes just one. Typically, though, change occurs over time and with exposure to re- peated messages.

It is important to understand persuasive communication for two reasons. First, much of your daily communication is composed of efforts to persuade or influence others—so you might as well get good at it. Second, you are the recipient of a constant stream of persuasive communica- tion from others, often via mass media—so you need to decide which persuasive efforts are worthy of your response and which to reject.

Specifically, persuasion is essential to in- terpersonal communication and the building and maintenance of relationships. In almost every in- teraction with another—a friend, a family member, a boss, a stranger—we engage in communication for the purpose of altering or

Skilled communicators can shape, reinforce, or even change your responses. What’s your impression of Chevy’s Camaro? Where did it come from?

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modifying how they think about something (their beliefs, attitudes, values, or behaviors, which we will discuss in the next section). We want our pro- fessor to give us a make-up quiz, our friends to have lunch with us, our sister to lend us her car, our boss to let us leave work early on Friday, that stranger to support a ban on plastic shopping bags.

This last example suggests another domain where persuasion is essen- tial, the conduct and maintenance of our social institutions. In a democracy, it is the people who decide. But in the process of deciding, we have to receive and create messages that help us and others do just that. In other words, we have to persuade others to our view of an important matter, just as they

Four Dos and Four Don’ts of Workplace Persuasion

researcher and organizational leadership expert Jay Conger spent 12 years studying persuasion in the workplace. Why did he give the topic so much atten- tion? “If there ever was a time for businesspeople to learn the fine art of persuasion, it is now,” he explained. “Gone are the command-and-control days of executives managing by decree . . . Work today gets done in an environment where people don’t just ask What should I do? but Why should I do it?” (1998).

Professor Conger’s work led him to propose four dos and four don’ts for on-the-job persuasion:

The Four Dos

1. Do establish your credibility—Workplace credibility comes from expertise and good interpersonal rela- tionships. Show sound judgment and be well in- formed. demonstrate that you can be trusted to listen and to consider the interests of others.

2. Do frame your goals in a way that identifies common ground with those you intend to persuade—What are the shared benefits of your goal with those of the people you hope to persuade? Study their needs and desired outcomes; talk to them. If you can’t find any shared advantages, adjust your position until you do.

3. Do reinforce your positions using vivid language and compelling evidence—Supplement the data support- ing your argument with examples, stories, meta- phors, and analogies to enliven your position.

4. Do connect emotionally with your audience— understand the value of emotions in colleagues’ decision-making. Show your own emotional com- mitment to your position (but don’t overdo it) and develop an accurate sense of your audience’s emo- tional state. Then adjust the tone of your persuasive message accordingly.

The Four Don’ts

1. Don’t attempt to make your case with an opening hard sell— don’t paint a bulls-eye on your message, giving those prone to disagreement something to attack.

2. Don’t resist compromise—Compromise is not defeat; it is essential to constructive persuasion. Show your flexibility and willingness to respond to your audi- ence’s concerns. Compromise can produce better, more lasting, shared outcomes.

3. Don’t think the secret of persuasion lies in presenting great arguments—Logic and data are valuable when attempting to persuade others, but so, too, are your credibility, the strength of your interpersonal rela- tionships, the ability to connect emotionally, your use of vivid language, and your skill at finding mutu- ally beneficial outcomes.

4. Don’t assume workplace persuasion is a one-time effort—Effective persuasion is a process, not a thing. Colleagues, even well-intentioned, rarely reach consensus on a single try.

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE

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work to persuade us to theirs. Democracy does not work unless there is a “multitude of antag- onistic tongues,” that is, many divergent points of view (Associated Press v. United States, 1945). The more skilled you are at persuasive commu- nication, the greater the likelihood that your voice will be heard. Persuasive communication is also central to educational institutions, such as your college or university. You had to con- vince the school to admit you (and eventually to grant you a degree). And health and medical institutions increasingly rely on persuasive communication for greater efficiency and more productive delivery of services. Many of their influential health communication efforts are conducted online and in the traditional mass media. As you can image, there is definite career benefit in being skilled in the art of on-the-job persuasion, as you can read in the box “Four Dos and Four Don’ts of Workplace Persuasion.”

The third area where persuasive communica- tion is essential is in the operation and mainte- nance of mass media institutions. Our commercially supported mass media institutions prosper by selling audiences to advertisers. The way they do that is by exposing us to a near-constant stream of commercial messages—estimates range from 3,000 to 20,000 a day (Lamourex, 2014)—all designed to persuade us. Even on the Internet, not generally considered a commercial medium, Americans view 9.9 billion streamed video commercials a month, totaling just under four billion minutes of sound-and-motion-enriched persuasion (O’Malley, 2013). Recognizing the persuasive power of mass communication, non- commercial entities such as public broadcasting stations, charities, and other social interest groups also place their messages in the media in hopes of influencing us.

Values, Attitudes, Beliefs, and Behaviors The “somethings” that persuasion is intended to shape, reinforce, or change are people’s beliefs, attitudes, values, and behaviors. Values are people’s deeply held judgments about the worth or importance of various aspects of their lives; they are “abstract goals that people consider to be important guiding principles in their lives” (Maio and Olson, 1998, p. 294). We value

Even non-commercial public interest groups recognize the power of an effective ad campaign. here is an example from the group Adbusters.

value deeply held judgment about the worth or impor- tance of various aspects of people’s lives.

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phenomena such as helpfulness, trust, family, freedom, education, truth, equal rights, security, and childhood. In war, we say our enemies are less human, de- serving of destruction, because they “do not share our values.” Values are central to people’s sense of self, and therefore shape their beliefs and attitudes.

Beliefs and attitudes are closely related, as you can see in Milton Rokeach’s classic definition of an attitude, a “relatively enduring organization of beliefs around an object or situation predisposing one to respond in some preferen- tial manner” (1968, p. 112). Attitudes, then, are enduring; they are more than passing thoughts such as, “Yeah, that’s a cool car” or “I like the saxophone.” As Stiff and Mongeau explain, attitudes “are formed over a long period of time and are frequently reinforced. As such, they are relatively stable and are diffi- cult to change.” They are “cluster[s] or combination[s] of several related cogni- tive elements. These cognitive elements are defined as beliefs that cluster around a central attitude object, and the entire cluster of beliefs is the attitude about the object” (2003, p. 12).

A belief is a proposition about something, “faith that something is real or is true” (Potter, 2012, p. 41). According to Rokeach, there are three types of beliefs: descriptive, prescriptive, and evaluative. Descriptive beliefs are objective assertions that can be proven or disproven. Prescriptive beliefs are subjective assertions of goodness versus badness or correctness versus incorrectness. They cannot be proven or disproven. Finally, evaluative beliefs are subjective assertions of affect or judgment (liking versus disliking). They, too, cannot be proven or disproven. Let’s use smoking cigarettes as our attitude object (the concept around which our be- liefs might cluster). Scientific evidence convincingly demonstrates that smoking ciga- rettes is harmful to one’s health. This is a descriptive belief—it can be proven to be the case. It’s wrong (bad or incorrect) that cigarettes are so readily available. This pre- scriptive belief cannot be proven or disproven, because while it may be perfectly true to you, someone else might think differently. I can’t stand the fact that ciga- rettes are still legal is an evaluative belief. This is your personal, or subjective, position—many people applaud the fact that cigarettes are legal—and your sub- jective position can neither be proven nor disproven. These different—and differ- ent types of— beliefs about smoking (and quite likely many more) cluster together to form your attitude toward smoking.

Attitudes are not only relatively stable clusters of beliefs, they are predis- positions to respond; that is, they are likely to lead to some outcome, oftentimes a behavior—a concrete, observable action. Given the cluster of beliefs you have surrounding smoking and the resulting anti-smoking attitude you hold (all based on the high value that you place on health), you would most likely refuse your friend’s offer of a cigarette, or you might write a letter to the editor of your school’s paper to protest its acceptance of tobacco ads.

There are three important facts to keep in mind, though, about the con- nection between attitudes and behaviors:

• First, sometimes those attitude-produced responses are not visible. Yes, you might refuse the offer of a smoke, a quite visible response, but you might also come to think less of your friend because she is a smoker or

attitude A relatively endur- ing organization of beliefs around an object or situation predisposing one to respond in a preferential manner.

belief A proposition about something; faith that some- thing is real or is true.

behavior Concrete, observable action.

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because she doesn’t know how you really feel about smoking. That response, though real, would not be visible.

• Second, although there quite often is a link between attitude and behav- ior, sometimes the two are not in synch. You may have an anti-smoking attitude, but perhaps you hope to develop a deeper relationship with your tobacco-offering friend. If your attraction to your friend is stronger than your objection to smoking, your acceptance of her offer may well belie your attitude toward smoking.

• Finally, behaviors can alter attitudes. If you accept the offer of a cigarette and are smoking with your friend, you need to balance your attitude and behavior. Now that you are behaving in a certain way, you adjust your attitudes and beliefs, and possibly even your values.

Balance Theory One common explanation for why attitudes and behaviors sometimes don’t match is balance theory, and the most widely accepted explanation for how behaviors can change attitudes is dissonance theory. Psychologist Fritz Heider developed balance theory in 1946. His basic argument is that people want to be cognitively balanced; that is, they want the things and people in their lives to be in harmony. Balance theory is sometimes called P-O-X theory because it involves attitudes and behaviors in situations that involve three elements:

• P—the person

• O—another person

• X—the attitude object.

Our view of the relationship between these three elements will be either bal- anced or imbalanced, and we don’t like imbalance. Balance theory, then, argues that because we prefer balanced over unbalanced states, we are motivated to change either our attitudes or our behaviors to create balance. Figure 13.1 shows the relationship between the three elements in our smoking example.

You have a positive attitude toward your friend, so there is a  between P and O. Your friend has a positive attitude toward smoking, so there’s a  be- tween O and X. But you have a negative attitude toward smoking, meaning

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Balance Theory

People want to be cognitively

balanced; they want the

things and people in their

lives to be in harmony. Be-

cause people prefer balanced

over unbalanced states, they

are motivated to change

either their attitudes about

or their behaviors toward

elements in their environ-

ments in order to create

balance.

You (P)

Your friend (O) + Smoking (X)

–+

FIGURE 13.1 Balance Theory Example

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there’s a – between P and X. This relationship is out of balance (two positives multiplied by a negative produce a negative). How do you fix it? You could change your attitude toward your friend; that way, a negative multiplied by a negative multiplied by a positive equals a positive, and you have balance. Or you could change your attitude toward smoking, producing the same result (multiplying three positives produces a positive). And now, not only are you no longer attitudinally predisposed against smoking, you’re predisposed to behaviorally respond to the offer of a cigarette; you answer “Yes” and smoke the cigarette. But if you did that, you’d probably hate yourself. That’s where dissonance theory enters the picture.

Dissonance Theory Like Heider, psychologist Leon Festinger believed that people seek cognitive consistency, the tendency to maintain, or to return to, a state of attitudinal balance. His dissonance theory, then, argues that information that is incon- sistent with a person’s already held attitudes and beliefs will create a psycho- logical discomfort (a dissonance) that must be relieved (Festinger, 1957). “If a person knows various things that are not psychologically consistent with one another,” Festinger wrote, “he [sic] will, in a variety of ways, try to make them more consistent” (1962, p. 93).

In a classic test of dissonance theory, Festinger and Merrill Carlsmith (1959) set up a study in which they asked participants to perform a boring task (placing small wooden spools into trays and then taking them out of those same trays for 30 minutes). Those participants were then asked to con- vince the next participant that the task was quite exciting and interesting. The researchers paid the original participants either $1 or $20 to lie about the task ($20 in 1959 would be about $150 today). When later asked if they had en- joyed the experience, which group of paid participants do you think found it most satisfying? Wouldn’t you expect it to be those earning $20? But this wasn’t the case, and dissonance theory explains why. The task was boring and unpleasant, so lying about it to the next participant was worth that high pay. Those who were paid $20 admitted to Festinger and Carlsmith that they were liars. Bad job/big pay produces no dissonance. But because those who had re- ceived only $1 did feel dissonance, they reported that the job was indeed fun and exciting; they didn’t want to think of themselves as liars, so in their minds they hadn’t lied when they told the next participant that the job was fun. Bad job/low pay produces dissonance, but fun job/low pay produces no dissonance. Think of it this way: if someone paid you $25,000 dollars to eat a worm, you’d willingly admit that it tasted bad; after all, you are now $25,000 richer. But if you ate the worm for $10, you very likely would tell others (and yourself) that it wasn’t that bad.

This experiment demonstrated two ways to reduce dissonance. First, people can alter their attitudes toward the dissonant behavior. This is what the $1 condition did: “Yes, it was a fun task; I didn’t lie” (or in our earlier exam- ple, “I wanted to try smoking anyway”). Second, people can alter the attitudes themselves. This is what the $20 condition did: “Maybe it was a lousy job, but

cognitive consistency Tendency to maintain, or to return to, a state of attitudinal balance.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Dissonance Theory

Information that is inconsis-

tent with a person’s already

held attitudes and beliefs

creates a psychological dis-

comfort (a dissonance) that

must be relieved. If people

know various things that are

not psychologically consis-

tent with one another, they

will try to make them more

consistent. They do this

through the selective pro-

cesses of exposure, retention,

and perception.

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the pay was good, and after all, it was for science” (or in our smoking example, “Maybe smoking isn’t that bad for me, and it is kind of fun to have a smoke with a friend”). Festinger called these strategies changing the cognitive element related to the behavior and changing the cognitive element or elements related to the attitude, respectively. In the first instance, there is an adjustment in the attitude-behavior connection (I don’t like lying; therefore, I didn’t lie); in the second, the values that cluster around the attitude are adjusted (I believe lying is wrong, but I also believe that $20 is a lot of money and I do value wealth). But these efforts to reach cognitive consistency take a lot of mental work, so why not just avoid the dissonance altogether? That’s why Festinger identified a third way to avoid or reduce dissonance, one that is of particular interest to the field of communication—people can engage in various communication practices that can protect them from dissonance in the first place.

The Selective Processes Why would communication researchers (and advertisers and politicians) find it so interesting that people utilize different communicative strategies to deal with dissonance? Because “this tendency toward equilibrium determines . . . the kind of persuasive communication to which the individual may be receptive” (Rosnow and Robinson, 1967, p. 299). These strategies, collectively known as the selective processes, are selective exposure, selective retention, and selec- tive perception. Naturally, they are interrelated; we have to expose ourselves to a message before we can remember or perceive it, and our perception of some- thing we’ve read, heard, or seen is closely tied to how we remember it.

Selective exposure (sometimes selective attention) is our tendency to expose ourselves to or attend to messages that are consistent with the values, beliefs, and attitudes we already hold. We also tend to avoid messages that are inconsistent with those values, beliefs, and attitudes. What better way to avoid dissonance than to make sure it doesn’t occur? Cable news networks MSNBC (politically and socially liberal) and Fox News (politically and socially conserva- tive) were designed specifically to take advantage of this phenomenon. Con- sider, too, the effectiveness of persuasive health messages embedded in entertainment content. Smokers, for example, may well walk away from friends who are demanding they stop, and they may fast-forward through anti- smoking public service announcements on television, but they can’t avoid those mes- sages if they are an essential part of an episode of their favorite program. This is the same logic behind the many product placements (Chapter 10) in all media that we now see. Advertisers know that we selectively attend to only certain commercials, so they make their products part of the movie, book, or video game we’re enjoying. Selective exposure also operates in interpersonal commu- nication settings as well. Just as smokers might walk away from friends who are criticizing their smoking, they are just as likely to avoid communication with those friends altogether and associate with other smokers; they don’t need the hassle, or as we would say, they don’t need the dissonance.

selective processes Cogni- tive and behavioral strategies for dealing with dissonant information.

selective exposure Tendency to expose ourselves to or attend to messages that are consistent with already held values, beliefs, and attitudes.

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Selective retention is our tendency to most accurately remember information that is consistent with the values, beliefs, and attitudes we already hold. Why hang on to memories that are likely to create dissonance? Selective retention has long been of interest to researchers in political com- munication (e.g., Surlin and Gordon, 1976) and marketing (e.g., Elias, Malden, and Deas, 2009). As you might expect, we tend to remember best and longest the political ads and speeches of the candidates we favor and the commercial messages associated with the products we buy. If you’re an iPhone person, you no doubt remember many more ads for that smartphone than you do for the Droid. And think about your high school days. If you liked those four years, you probably have forgotten the many bad days and indignities they housed in favor of the good times, especially as time passes; if you didn’t like high school, you’ll no doubt remember the bad times more often and more clearly.

Selective perception is our tendency to interpret messages, to make meaning from them, in ways that are consistent with the values, beliefs, and attitudes we already hold. One of the most famous studies of selective percep- tion had to do with a particularly violent college football game between Dart- mouth and Princeton, one in which there were many injuries and even more penalties for unsportsmanlike conduct. When researchers Albert Hastorf and Hadley Cantrill showed a film of the game to students from both schools, 90 percent of the Princeton students thought the other side started the dirty play and a majority of Dartmouth students thought Princeton was the dirty team. These results led the researchers to conclude that “there is no such ‘thing’ as a ‘game’ existing ‘out there’ in its own right which people merely ‘ob- serve.’ The ‘game’ ‘exists’ for a person and is experienced by him [sic] only in so far as certain happenings have significances in terms of his purpose” (1954, p. 133). Was that a strike or a ball? Was that a three-point shot or was her foot on the line? Is your candidate a flip-flopper or has his position evolved? Was the president’s speech a masterful recitation of all that is good and great about our country, or was it just so much empty rhetoric? Another classic selective- perception study involved something much more important than an Ivy League football game; it had to do with how we perceive race. You can read about it in the box “Would the Razor Switch Hands Today?”

What Factors Infuence Persuasion? What balance theory, cognitive dissonance theory, and the selective processes make clear is that those who hope to persuade others have a fairly tough task. They have to create messages that can move people to change their values, be- liefs, attitudes, or behaviors while allowing those people to remain cognitively balanced, all the while making sure that they do not create so much disso- nance that those messages fail to make it past the selective processes intact. Naturally, then, quite a bit of scientific attention has been paid to the factors

selective retention Tendency to most accurately remember information that is consistent with already held values, beliefs, and attitudes.

selective perception Ten- dency to interpret messages in ways that are consistent with already held values, beliefs.

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that influence the effectiveness of persuasive communication. It typically falls into three categories: the characteristics of the source of the persuasive attempt, the nature of the persuasive appeal itself, and the characteristics of the target of the persuasive communication.

Source Characteristics Of course you’ve noticed that the people in ads and commercials tend to be fairly attractive, but sometimes they look like ordinary folks. And you know

Would the Razor Switch Hands Today?

First, a one-question quiz. Among America’s White and African-American population, which group has the highest incidence of illegal drug use? We’ll give you the answer in a little bit.

For now, we will look at one of the most famous sci- entific demonstrations of selective perception, Gordon Allport and Leo Postman’s 1945 study of rumor. The two psychologists showed people, one at a time, a drawing of an altercation aboard a train. The antagonists were a Cau- casian male wielding a razor and an unarmed African- American male. After making sure that a participant had accurately understood the image, the researchers then asked that original participant to describe what he or she had seen to a person who had not seen it. These people, in turn, were asked to pass it on to the next par- ticipant, and so on, through six or seven participants. You might know this today as the game of telephone. Across multiple trials, the blade invariably moved from the hand of the White man to the hand of the Black man. In 1945 America, Allport and Postman’s participants— Caucasians, African Americans, young people, older people, men and women, professionals and laborers— selectively perceived what they were hearing. Sounding remarkably like hastorf and Cantrill, whose football study led them to argue “There is no such ‘thing’ as a ‘game’ existing ‘out there,’” Allport and Postman con- cluded, “What was outer becomes inner; what was ob- jective becomes subjective” (1945, p. 81).

But that was then; this is now, you might say. That kind of automatic prejudice is long gone for most Americans, isn’t it? now, back to the quiz. What was your response? The correct answer is there is no difference. White and

Black Americans consume illegal drugs at the same rate (Lopez, 2015). But in whose hand did you put the razor (in this case, the drugs)? The uS legal system invariably puts it in African-American hands. For example, African Americans represent only 13 percent of the country’s illegal drug users, but they account for 36 percent of all incarcerations for illegal drug use (Common Sense for drug Policy, 2014). If the razor wouldn’t switch hands today, African Americans would represent 13 percent of all people in prison for drug-related convictions, not 36 percent.

Few of us consider ourselves prejudiced, but each of us encounters the world through our own eyes—we selectively perceive what we see and hear. how we live our lives eventually defines and redefines the norms and rules that we must live by.

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

The line drawing from Allport and Postman’s classic 1945 study of rumor.

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that when you read an online editorial, it usually cites credible experts you’re supposed to trust. And you’re aware that when advertisers target Latino consumers, they use Latino models in the ads of magazines like Alma and Ser Padres. And who among us has never tried to persuade a friend with the argument, “If I like it, you’ll like it, too”? In all of these persuasive attempts, the source of the message is central to its hoped-for effectiveness. Three source characteristics that have received a great deal of scholarly attention are credibility, personal similarity, and physical attractiveness.

Source credibility, the receiver’s percep- tion of the source’s expertise and trustworthi- ness, is positively related to successful persuasion. That is, the more credible the source, the more likely it is that the message will have its desired effect. Expertise involves judgments of authori- tativeness, and trustworthiness involves judg- ments of character and, of course, trust (McCroskey, 1966; Hovland, Janis, and Kelley, 1953). But it’s important to note that expertise and trustworthiness have less to do with the source and more to do with the receiver’s percep- tion of the source’s expertise and trustworthi- ness. This is why it is against the law to represent a spokesperson in a commercial as a doctor if he or she isn’t an actual physician and why any as-

sertion of objective scientific evidence—such as “two out of three dentists agree”; “tests prove that with these videos your baby can read”—must in fact be supported by actual science. We regularly use credible sources in our every- day interpersonal communication. The topics and persuasive goals might be different, but we have all used variations of these appeals: “My aunt is a com- mercial angler and she says eels are much better bait than squid.” “My father is a professional chef and he says boil the pasta with the lid off.” “I was a Girl Scout and I’m telling you, you need to stake that tent better.” You can read more about how source credibility in advertising is assessed and policed in the box “The Federal Trade Commission and Advertiser Credibility.”

The degree of perceived similarity between would-be persuaders and their receivers also influences persuasion. This alikeness suggests a per- sonal connection, and whether you want to think of that bond’s value as bringing greater balance (“We’re alike and she favors that position” means three plusses on the balance triangle) or helping to reduce dissonance (“He’s like me, so I should attend to what he’s saying” or “We’re alike, so his views can’t be too dissonant”), the value of perceived source-receiver

source credibility receiver’s perception of source’s exper- tise and trustworthiness.

expertise Judgments of source’s authoritativeness.

trustworthiness Judgments of source’s character.

perceived similarity receiver’s sense of alikeness with source.

Similarity between source and receiver is an important factor in per- suasion. That’s why models in ads look like the people targeted by those commercial messages.

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similarity is clear. That’s why we see just as many everyday-looking people in ads, especially ads for everyday or must-have products such as soaps, cleaners, mid-priced cars, and health insurance. And that’s why, as men- tioned earlier, Latino and Hispanic faces fill the commercials of Latino- and Hispanic-oriented media.

Perceived similarity is actually a combination of membership similarity and attitudinal similarity (Simons et al., 1970). Persuaders attempt to build mem- bership similarity by referencing common demographics, group and organi- zational memberships, and experiences. We are all familiar with mass-mediated and personal appeals that begin with membership markers such as “Commut- ing students like us . . . ,” “I’m in the National Rifle Association and . . . ,” and “We’ve all had that (fill in the blank) feeling.” In fact, merely sharing the same

membership similarity Source-receiver similarity built on common demo- graphics, group and organizational memberships, and experiences.

The Federal Trade Commission and Advertiser Credibility

The Federal Trade Commission (FTC) is charged with making sure that advertisers’ claims are truthful; in other words, the FTC’s job is to ensure that advertising oper- ates in a socially responsible manner. In judging the credibility of commercial messages, the FTC allows ad- vertisers quite a bit of leeway. You probably realize that elves don’t bake Keebler cookies, that polar bears don’t drink Coca-Cola, and that Coors beer isn’t as cold as the rockies. These are examples of puffery, obvious exag- gerations designed to attract our attention. Keebler, Coke, and Coors aren’t trying to deceive us; they’re simply puffing up their products. But the FTC does target advertising that is designed to mislead or that makes seemingly credible but unfounded scientific claims.

For example, the FTC clashed with POM Wonderful over the juice-makers’ assertions that the drink is “heart therapy” and “the antioxidant superpower,” that it “saves prostates,” and that it can help people “cheat death.” All of these claims may well be true, but they are unsupported. The POM Wonderful ads are intentionally deceptive, according to the FTC, because in the absence of “competent and reliable scientific evidence,” consum- ers have no capacity to judge their credibility (Goldstein, 2013, p. 24).

The FTC collectively fined four weight-loss compa- nies—Sensa Products, L’Occitane, hCG diet direct, and

LeanSpa—$34 million for promising that their products would help consumers get lean and fit by simply sprin- kling a powder on their food, applying a cream, or put- ting drops of liquid on their tongue. none of these assertions were supported by scientific evidence, al- though as explained in its commercials, Sensa Products’ owner was indeed a doctor who had appeared on Oprah, Cnn, and numerous other media outlets (Wyatt, 2014, p. B1).

Most professionals in the advertising industry wel- come the FTC’s actions against misleading advertising because they understand the importance of source credibility. They know that the more we believe that ad- vertising lacks credibility, the more difficult it will be for them to persuade us toward their positions, products, and services. In fact, industry organizations such as the American Association of Advertising Agencies maintain codes of practice that expressly forbid false advertising for this very reason.

how credible do you find most advertising? Should commercial messages for different kinds of products be held to different standards of truthfulness? For example, should different rules apply to ads that make health or medical claims, as opposed to those attempting to sell us products like cars and beer? how good a job do you think the ad industry does in maintaining source credi- bility? does it need the government’s help?

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

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or a similar name with a persuader leads to an increased likelihood of attitude change because persuadees more easily relate the presented information to themselves, more thoughtfully examine it, and remember it to a greater degree than if that information was presented by someone with a dissimilar name (Howard and Kerin, 2011).

Persuaders express opinions that sit well with their targets’ existing values and beliefs to build attitudinal similarity. Again, none of us is a stranger to persuasive pitches such as “We all love a good movie, so why don’t we . . .” and “We are the greatest nation in the world, so there’s no reason we can’t . . .” It’s important to remember that perceived similarity is most effective when the membership and attitudinal similarities have something to do with the issue at hand, especially as it is linked to judgments of trustwor- thiness (Simons et al., 1970). For example, “We all love a good movie, so why don’t we get a Netflix subscription” and “We are the greatest nation in the world, so there’s no reason we can’t give adequate healthcare to returning vet- erans” might be effective approaches. But “We all love a good movie, so why don’t we protest cuts to Medicare” and “We are the greatest nation in the world, so there’s no reason we can’t all have chocolate ice cream for Passover” might not work as well.

There is considerable scientific evidence that receivers’ judgments of per- suaders’ physical attractiveness—both in the media and in interpersonal communication—shape their views of persuaders’ credibility, trustworthi- ness, expertise, and liking. It’s only logical, then, that sources’ perceived phys- ical attractiveness influences the effectiveness of their persuasive communication for the better (Chaiken, 1986; Patzer, 1983). There is even ev- idence that this relationship is biological, that is, hard-wired as a natural part of the brain’s chemical functioning (Theodoridou et al., 2009). There are three other explanations for this attractiveness/persuasiveness link (Stiff and Mongeau, 2003). One is social reinforcement—we find the company of

attitudinal similarity Source-receiver similarity built on common values, beliefs, or attitudes.

social reinforcement Welcoming of influence be- cause we find the company of physically attractive people socially rewarding.

Which of these two men would you trust to watch your books while you run out to put money in the parking meter? Why?

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physically attractive people socially rewarding, so we welcome their influence. A second explanation is based in heuristics, simple decision-making rules that substitute for more careful analysis of persuasive messages. Stated simply, we usually agree with people we like; we like attractive people; Pat is attractive. Good enough; no need to expend mental energy; I agree with Pat’s message. A final explanation is another heuristic, the halo effect, the idea that what is beautiful must be good.

Message Characteristics If the nature of the persuader influences a message’s power to influence, cer- tainly message characteristics must do so as well. Most basically, a badly con- structed persuasive attempt will likely fail, no matter how trustworthy or lovely its deliverer. Among other message characteristics that have received scholarly attention are the use of rational arguments, the use of evidence, one- versus two-sided appeals, the use of fear, and employing explicit and explicit appeals.

Although it is almost impossible to separate rational and emotional appeals—my very rational, data-heavy presentation on sexually transmitted infections (STI) may be the scariest thing you’ve ever heard—we are talking here about the use of rational arguments as a central component of a persua- sive attempt. Rational arguments contain three elements (Toulmin, 1964). The first is the claim, what I want you to do or believe, that is, my conclusion. The second is data, my evidence, typically from an external source. Finally, the warrant is my argument linking the claim and the data. A typical rational ar- gument, then, might look like this: If you are sexually active you should have reg- ular checkups for STIs (claim). The Centers for Disease Control say that half of the 19 million new STI cases every year are among college-age people (data). These dis- eases can be physically and psychologically devastating; they are very common among college students like you; you should get checked out at the Health Center where testing is free (warrant).

Rational arguments, however, even very well-crafted and presented ones, are not always as effective as a persuader might hope. That’s because they are only as good as receivers’ willingness and ability to process the logic of the ar- gument. Evidence, even good, authoritative evidence, suffers from the same limitation. In addition, evidence must pass through the selective processes—I don’t accept what the Centers for Disease Control say about anything. They just want to scare us so they can stay in business. And anyway, I’m careful in my physical rela- tionships. Nonetheless, if the receiver is motivated to and capable of analyzing the evidence, rational arguments can “produce general persuasive effects that appear surprisingly stable” (Reinard, 1988, p. 46). Evidence also has the addi- tional benefit of increasing perceptions of the credibility of the persuader.

A specific case of rational arguments, one- versus two-sided appeals—has also been of interest to communication researchers. Message sidedness is how hard a persuasive appeal works to recognize and refute differing opinions or viewpoints. One-sided messages present only the persuader’s position, for example: A college student like you should get regular checkups for STIs. Two- sided messages bring up and address opposing arguments, for example: Yes,

heuristics Simple decision-making rules that substitute for more careful analysis of persuasive messages.

halo effect Idea that what is beautiful must be good.

rational argument Persuasive appeal containing a claim, data, and a warrant.

message sidedness degree to which a persuasive appeal works to recognize and refute differing opinions or viewpoints.

one-sided message Presenting only the persuader’s position.

two-sided message Bringing up and addressing opposing arguments.

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the test usually takes time and money, and although you can take precautions, no method of prevention is 100 percent safe. Nonetheless, the campus health center offers fast, reliable, free, walk-in testing. So there’s no reason that a college student like you shouldn’t get regular checkups for STIs. The long-standing view of sided- ness has been that one-sided messages are more effective with less educated receivers and with people already predisposed to favor an argument. Two- sided messages work better with better-educated receivers and with those who have attitudes opposing those held by the persuader (Hovland et al., 1949). These assumptions about sidedness have received a lot of scientific debate and refinement, but contemporary thinking is that two-sided mes- sages that refute, rather than simply acknowledge, opposing positions tend to be most persuasive because they not only confront and attempt to reduce re- ceivers’ dissonance, they also boost judgments of the persuader’s credibility (Allen, 1991).

An example of a non-rational persuasive appeal that has received a great deal of research attention is the use of fear appeals. And it’s easy to understand why, especially if you think about the example of persuasion we have been using throughout this section of the chapter, STIs. Fear appeals, persuasive messages that attempt to motivate action or change attitudes through the use of a relevant threat to the receiver, are a staple of health and safety campaigns. We’re all familiar with appeals such as “Don’t text and drive” and “This is your brain on drugs.” We’ve also all seen anti-smoking public service announce- ments featuring people suffering from gruesome diseases and anti-drunk driving spots offering close-ups of crumpled cars and blood-stained roads. But just how effective are they? Might they not backfire because they create so much dissonance? Actually, “the stronger the fear aroused by a fear appeal,

the more persuasive it is” (Witte and Allen, 2000, p. 601). Keep in mind, though, that fear is in the eye of the beholder; that is, what is important is not the fear encoded into the message, but the fear felt by its recipient.

The evidence surrounding our final message characteristic, the effectiveness of explicitly stating the argument versus leaving recipients free to come to their own conclusions, is rela- tively straightforward. Both making explicit statements of a message’s conclusion and explic- itly stating evidence in the message produce per- suasive appeals that are more effective than simply letting receivers “fill in the blanks” (Stiff and Mongeau, 2003, p. 143).

Receiver Characteristics Obviously, it takes more than an attractive, trustworthy source and a well-crafted message to persuade us. Remember one of this text’s

fear appeal Persuasive mes- sage that attempts to gain influence through the use of a relevant threat to the receiver.

It’s not how much fear the persuader includes in the message, it’s the fear the receiver feels that shapes the response to persuasive efforts.

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central themes—we make meaning together in a reciprocal transaction. So, if the source and message are important factors in a persuasive effort, the re- ceiver must hold just as crucial a role. In fact, we’ve already seen the power of receivers’ personal meaning making in balance theory and dissonance theory. Two receiver characteristics that have attracted much attention are gender differences and involvement. Early research findings that women were more easily persuaded than men are now rejected as artifacts of cultural bias, as most were conducted before the women’s rights movement and typically in- volved issues that were not generally of great interest to women of the time. As persuasion researcher Alice Eagly explained,

The historical period during which research was conducted is a major determinant of the likelihood of obtaining findings demonstrating that women are more influenceable than men. Thus, a pronounced difference in the distribution of findings is revealed by comparing studies published before 1970 with those published in the 1970s . . . In persuasion research, there is an established tradition of using messages presenting social, economic, or political issues . . . The relevance of these choices to persuasibility sex differences stems from findings that men are more knowledgeable and interested in political and economic areas than are women. (1978, pp. 95–96)

There is actually little difference between men and women in susceptibility to persuasion. Both genders are equally susceptible to persuasive communication if they have little knowledge of or are uninterested in the topic at hand.

And this raises our second receiver charac- teristic, involvement, motivation to process persuasive communication because it is relevant to some personal value, outcome, or impression (Johnson and Eagly, 1989). Distinguishing values, outcomes, and impressions is important because different types of involvement can have different kinds of influence. Involvement borne of values (value-relevant involvement) tends to limit or reduce attitude change. As we’ve already seen, values are tightly tied to identity, so per- suasive appeals that touch on a person’s values are unlikely to produce attitude change, although if based on those values, they can indeed produce reinforcement. The most well-crafted arguments in favor of a woman’s right to control her repro- ductive choices will fall on deaf ears of people who value their religion’s prohibitions on birth control and abortion. Involvement that is the product of a desire to produce or achieve a de- sired outcome (outcome-relevant involvement) nat- urally leads to more attention to and scrutiny of

involvement Motivation to process persuasive commu- nication because it is rele- vant to some personal value, outcome, or impression.

Early persuasion research demonstrating that women were more per- suadable than men was conducted at a very different time in uS history.

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a persuasive message. Someone trying to make a decision between competing job offers will pay very close attention to the pros and cons of each potential employer’s recruitment pitch. But this is where the quality of the arguments and evidence become important. The receiver’s involvement with the message makes strong, quality persuasive efforts more effective and weak appeals less so. Finally, involvement that comes from receivers’ desires to control the im- pressions others have of them (impression-relevant involvement), particularly in terms of the social consequences of expressing a particular opinion, can either enhance or inhibit persuasion. People who are highly concerned about how the acceptance (or rejection) of a given argument will affect a would-be persuad- er’s judgment of them will “employ their attitudes as a means of advancing interpersonally oriented goals” (Levin, Nichols, and Johnson, 2000, p. 166). In other words, if it is to their social advantage to agree, they will; if it isn’t, they may well not. For example, imagine that all your friends are walking 10 miles to raise funds for the Special Olympics. You want to show them that you are energetic and have a social conscience, so why not? You are easily convinced to join them.

The Elaboration Likelihood Model of Persuasion As you’ve read, decades of scientific inquiry have made it clear that the effec- tiveness of any persuasive communication effort depends on quite a few fac- tors. Who is the source? Is that source trustworthy, credible, expert, or attractive? What’s the nature of the message? How is it structured? What are its appeals? What about the targets of those persuasive communication efforts? Are they interested in the issue, motivated to process its logic and evidence, capable of doing so?

Social psychologists Richard Petty and John Cacioppo (1986) developed a model of persuasion they called the elaboration likelihood model (ELM) that attempted to account for all these different factors. ELM (Figure 13.2) is based on two well-demonstrated assumptions about how people deal with per- suasive communication. The first is that people tend to be cognitive misers (Taylor, 1981); that is, when we are confronted with a persuasive message, we will rely on the simplest analysis possible. We’ve already seen that these routine meaning-making strategies are called heuristics. Heuristics are not necessarily a bad thing; in fact, they are quite natural and useful. As Richard Miller and his colleagues explained, it would be “irrational to scruti- nize the plethora of counterattitudinal messages received daily. To the extent that one possesses only a limited amount of information-processing time and capacity, such scrutiny would disengage the thought processes from the exi- gencies of daily life” (Miller, Brickman, and Bolen, 1975, p. 623). In other words, these mental shortcuts make everyday life possible. The second import- ant assumption of ELM is that, for various reasons, people are motivated to hold “correct” attitudes. Balance theory and dissonance theory offer clues as to

cognitive miser The idea that people rely on the simplest analysis possible when confronting information.

THUMBNAIL THEORY

Elaboration Likelihood Model

When presented with a per-

suasive message, people will

sometimes put a lot of effort

into their cognition, and

sometimes not. For social

reasons, people are moti-

vated to hold correct atti-

tudes, but the amount and

nature of cognitive effort

that they are willing to apply

is dependent on a number of

individual and situational

factors. Motivation and the

ability to scrutinize a mes-

sage lead to enduring atti-

tude change. Less motivated

processing leads to less-en-

during attitude change.

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why this is the case, but Petty and Cacioppo suggest this explanation: “Incor- rect attitudes are generally maladaptive and can have deleterious behavioral, affective, and cognitive consequences. If a person believes that certain objects, people, or issues are ‘good’ when they are in fact ‘bad,’ a number of incorrect behavioral decisions and subsequent disappointments may follow” (1986, p. 127). But remember, we’re cognitive misers, so the researchers add, “People

Persuasive communication

Motivated to process? personal relevance; need

for cognition; personal responsibility; etc.

Peripheral attitude shift Attitude is relatively temporary, susceptible, and unpredictive

of behavior.

Peripheral cue present? positive/negative affect

(liking/disliking); attractive/expert sources; number of arguments; etc.

Retain or regain initial

attitude

No

Yes

Yes

No No

Yes

No

Cognitive structure change: Are new cognitions adopted and stored in memory?; are different responses made salient than previously?

Central positive attitude change

Central negative attitude change

Attitude is relatively enduring, resistant, and predictive of behavior.

Yes (Favorable)

Yes (Unfavorable)

Favorable thoughts

predominate

Unfavorable thoughts

predominate

Neither or neutral

predominate

Ability to process? distraction; repetition;

prior knowledge; message comprehensibility; etc.

Nature of cognitive processing: (initial attitude, argument quality, etc.)

FIGURE 13.2 The Elaboration Likelihood Model (adapted from Petty & Cacioppo, 1986)

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want to hold correct attitudes, [but] the amount and nature of issue-relevant elaboration in which they are willing or able to engage to evaluate a message [will] vary with individual and situational factors” (1986, p. 128). In other words, we’re not always willing or able to process persuasive messages in a way that will get us to that correct attitude, at least not all the time. Often we take an easier, more automatic route to get there, the peripheral route of infor- mation processing (the right side of Figure 13.2). Engaging persuasive mes- sages along this route depends less on elaboration (analysis or scrutiny) of the message than it does on cues unrelated to the information. Look at the middle box of the peripheral route. These are all heuristic cues with which we’re famil- iar, for example liking (affect), attractiveness, and expertness. If those cues are present (if the source is liked or perceived as attractive or expert), there will be attitude change (the “yes” arrow leading to the first box). But because it is based not on deep thought and analysis, it will not be a very securely held new attitude. If those cues are not present (or the source is disliked or perceived as unattractive or non-expert), there will be no attitude change (the “no” arrow leading to the peripheral route’s bottom box).

But, of course, there are many situations when people are involved in the message and actively work through the argument or issue. In these instances people will use the central route of information processing (the left side of Figure 13.2), bringing as much scrutiny and analysis to the information as possible. They engage in “issue-relevant thinking,” and the “elaboration likeli- hood” is high. When do we undertake this mental heavy lifting? Look at the first two boxes of the elaborated route, just below “persuasive communica- tion.” People will indeed work through an argument when they are motivated by its relevance, have a need for cognition, or hold a sense of responsibility regarding the topic. If they are motivated, they will continue their message scrutiny if they are able. Here is where message and receiver characteristics mix. Does the quality of the message itself encourage and allow deeper analy- sis; is the receiver able to give the message full attention; and does the receiv- er’s prior knowledge of the topic permit or short-circuit fuller analysis?

ELM sees the likelihood that people will engage in scrutiny or analysis of a persuasive effort as running along a continuum from no thought about the message to “complete elaboration of every argument, and complete integra- tion of the elaborations into the person’s attitude schemas” (Petty and Cacioppo, 1986, p. 8). This flow from elaboration to peripheral processing is represented by the arrows that lead from the left to right side of the model. At any time that the receiver loses motivation or the ability to continue deeper analysis, processing becomes more automatic, less reflective, and more likely to rely on heuristics. And even if the receiver works though a persuasive appeal but comes to no feeling either way or there is no real attitude change, the per- suasive power of the peripheral cues will increase in strength. Finally, ELM argues that attitudes that are produced through elaboration will be more deeply held, more enduring, and more likely to predict the recipient’s subse- quent behavior. Those developed through the peripheral route will be less deeply held, less enduring, and less predictive of behavior.

peripheral route Easier, more automatic route of information processing; relies on heuristics.

central route In information processing, employing as much scrutiny and analysis as possible.

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Let’s return to our example of a campus effort to persuade students to visit the health center for STI testing. You hear the Dean of Students make her pitch. But you are not sexually active. You have little motivation to scrutinize her argument; as a result, your processing moves to the peripheral route. She seems professional, clearly knows what she’s talking about, so yeah, you may not make a visit, but you’ll keep her words in mind just in case a friend asks. But consider if you are sexually active. Now your motivation to process is heightened, and in fact, you have a friend who has suffered a serious STI, adding ability to process to your motivation. You will likely pay close attention to her appeal and take it to heart. If you had already intended to get a checkup, that intention will be reinforced, and the likelihood that you will get to the health center is greatly increased. If you hadn’t before thought about going, you will think that it is, indeed, a good idea and you will plan to do so.

Processes of Attitude Change Sometimes it may be difficult to bring about attitude change; sometimes it may be relatively easy. Sometimes attitude change is the product of thoughtful analy- sis of competing arguments; sometimes it may come about quickly, with little real mental effort. But attitude change does occur, and this raises a question ini- tially investigated more than a half a century ago by Herbert Kelman, regarding “the nature of changes (if any) that are brought about by a particular communi- cation or type of communication. It is not enough to know that there has been some measurable change in attitude; usually we would also want to know what kind of change it is. Is it a superficial change, on a verbal level, which disappears after a short lapse of time? Or is it a more lasting change in attitude and belief, which manifests itself in a wide range of situations and which is integrated into the person’s value system?” (1958, p. 51). He identified three forms of attitude change—compliance, identification, and internalization—although one really isn’t attitude change at all. Compliance occurs when a person accepts influence in order to gain a favorable reaction from the persuader but does not actually change the original attitude. People comply with others’ persuasive communica- tion, not because they have been convinced by the message, but because they expect “to gain specific rewards or approval and avoid specific punishments or disapproval by conforming. Thus the satisfaction derived from compliance is due to the social effect of accepting influence” (italics in original; p. 53). For example, your friends want you to blow off an optional study session in favor of a visit to the gym. Why not go? You know the material, you need the exercise, and besides, the professor won’t miss you among the crowd of students who will show up. But you run into your instructor on the way to your workout, and she suggests that you should indeed attend the study session because you can never be too pre- pared. You ultimately attend the session because she is your professor, the very person who will evaluate your exam and assign you a grade for the course. Com- pliance, then, because it is yielding to the argument, not accepting its merits, pro- duces no attitude change (you still would really rather be with your friends), and

compliance When people accept influence in order to gain a favorable reaction from the persuader but do not change their original attitudes.

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any resulting behavioral change will be short-lived (you will attend this study session, and this one alone, only because you saw your professor on the way to the gym), as it is based on peripheral route or heuristic analysis.

Identification occurs when people accept influence because they want “to establish or maintain a satisfying self-defining relationship to another person or a group” (p. 53). Your friends want you to blow off the optional study session in favor of a visit to the gym. You know you shouldn’t go. Even though you know the material pretty well, you can never know it too well. But you go to the gym. After all, these are your friends, you like them, and you will be with them for the rest of your college career. Unlike compliance, identification does produce attitude change—think balance theory and dissonance reduc- tion. “The individual actually believes in the responses,” Kelman explains, “but their specific content is more or less irrelevant” (p. 53). In other words, it isn’t the persuasive message that produces change; it is the combination of specific source characteristics (trustworthiness, membership and attitudinal similarity, and social reinforcement) and receiver characteristics (outcome and impression involvement). Identification can be the product of heuristic or peripheral-route message scrutiny (they’re my friends; all for one and one for all!) or more serious consideration of an appeal’s arguments.

Finally, internalization occurs when people accept the persuader’s influ- ence because the resulting behavior and the ideas on which it is based are “in- trinsically rewarding. He [sic] adopts the induced behavior because it is congruent with his value system . . . may consider it useful for the solution of a problem, or find it congenial to his needs” (p. 53). Your friends want you to blow off the optional study session in favor of a visit to the gym. You know you shouldn’t go. Even though you know the material pretty well, you can never know it too well. So you weigh the different arguments of both your friends and your teacher. Ultimately, you determine that hers is more convincing, es- pecially because a higher grade in Communication will offset that shaky per- formance in Statistics. Scrutiny of the persuasive efforts has moved you to internalize your professor’s position and reject that of your friends. You may even start to show up at help sessions like this more often in the future.

Kelman’s ideas on the processes of attitude change have the additional value of focusing our attention on power, which he defined as “the extent to which the influencing agent is perceived as instrumental to the achievement of the sub- ject’s goals” (p. 54). We saw in Chapter 1 how effective communication bestows power, and in our efforts to persuade others, we surely want our message to carry as much power as possible. Otherwise, why try to persuade in the first place? Compliance relies on the exercise of hierarchical power; that is, it has less to do with the quality of the communication and everything to do with who holds the more powerful position. Why do you comply with your professor’s demand that you turn off your phone? But remember, there is no persuasion here, just the im- position of rank. Identification relies on the power of attractiveness in its broad- est sense, what we already know as source characteristics such as judgments of expertness, trustworthiness, affinity, and yes, physical attractiveness. These characteristics are all carried in our communication of ourselves and our values

identification When people accept influence because they want to establish or maintain a satisfying self-defining rela- tionship to another person or a group.

internalization When people accept influence because the resulting behavior or attitudes are intrinsically rewarding.

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with others. Internalization, true attitude change, is based on the power of our message, how convincingly we communicate the tie between our claim, data, and warrant. Each of these forms of influence brings with it specific ethical consider- ations. For example, the exercise of power to gain compliance, on its face, seems less proper than marshaling the power of a well-crafted argument to gain inter- nalization of a position. But parents often “pull rank” on their children to get them to comply with requests that are good for them, for example getting an inoculation, and friends often make very logical, well-crafted appeals to get others to do what is not really in their best interests, for example, skipping the optional study group to go to the gym. The ethics of persuasion, then, are not as clear-cut as they may seem. You can read one approach for determining the ethics of persuasion in the box, “The TARES Test.”

The TARES Test

Persuasion, by its very nature, brings with it important ethical concerns. Who are we to try to change another person’s values, beliefs, attitudes, or behaviors? Most of us apply some simple standards—call them moral rules—when attempting to persuade someone. First, is the person reasonably aware that we are trying to per- suade him or her? Second, are we using coercion or power to persuade? Finally, what is the desired outcome of our persuasive appeal?

Clearly, then, there is such a thing as ethical persuasion, “a communication activity that unites people . . . [while it] permits maximum individual choice” (Anderson, 1978, p. 3). It is an attempt “to effect a desired voluntary change in the attitudes and/or actions of [another]” (p. 7). Com- munication ethicists James Jaksa and Michael Pritchard explain that voluntary change in the receiver “distin- guishes persuasion from indoctrination and coercion, which do not allow significant choice. But it also suggests that ethically acceptable modes of persuasion do not rely on deceptive manipulative tactics . . . [Ethical persuasion] show[s] respect for individuals as capable of making sig- nificant choices . . . [T]hose capable of rational choice are respected only if manipulative and deceptive tactics are avoided” (1994, pp. 76–77). Furthermore, deception in persuasion is fundamentally unethical because, accord- ing to ethicist Austin Fagothey, humans are social beings, “and the gift of speech is perhaps the chief means by which . . . [our] social life is carried on. Like all other gifts,

speech may be used or abused. Thus truthfulness is good and lying is wrong . . . [To deceive] is morally wrong be- cause it is an abuse of the natural ability of communica- tion, because it is contrary to [our] social nature, which requires mutual trust . . . and because it debases the dig- nity of the human person, whose mind is made for truth” (italics in original; 1976, pp. 241–242).

Communication ethicists Sherry Baker and david Martinson combined these ideals of personal freedom and human dignity to produce their TArES Test (2001). Its name is an acronym for the five principles it lays out for ethical persuasion:

• Truthfulness (of the message) • Authenticity (of the persuader) • Respect (for the persuadee) • Equity (of the persuasive appeal) • Social responsibility (for the common good).

Baker and Martinson present the TArES Test as a set of moral obligations we have to those we are attempt- ing to influence. What do you think? Is this too high a standard to maintain in everyday interactions with the people around us? Can you think of situations when its individual elements might conflict, such as truthfulness and respect? Can you imagine a situation when viola- tion of the TArES principles might actually be ethical? If yes, explain your answer.

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION

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13.1 Explain the characteristics and importance of persuasion. Persuasion is the use of communication to shape, reinforce, or change the values, beliefs, attitudes, or behaviors of another person. Persuasion is essential to interpersonal communication and the building and maintenance of relationships, the conduct and maintenance of our social institutions, and the oper- ation and maintenance of mass media institutions.

13.2 distinguish between values, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors, and explain how those distinctions influence persuasion. Values are people’s deeply held judgments about the worth or importance of various aspects of their lives; attitudes are the relatively enduring organization of beliefs around an object or situation predisposing one to respond in some preferential manner; beliefs are propositions about something; and behaviors are concrete, observable actions. In- fluence occurs with varying ease with each, given the importance of each to the individual.

13.3 Explain balance theory and cognitive dissonance theory. Balance theory argues that people want to be cogni- tively balanced; they want the things and people in their lives to be in harmony. Because we prefer bal- anced over unbalanced states, we are motivated to change either our attitudes or our behaviors to create balance. Dissonance theory argues that information that is inconsistent with a person’s already held attitudes and beliefs creates a psycho- logical discomfort that must be relieved. This can happen in a variety of ways, especially through se- lective exposure, retention, and perception.

13.4 describe the influence that source, message, and receiver characteristics have on persuadability. Persuasion can be enhanced or diminished depending on a number of factors present in the

communi cation situation. Among the more important source characteristics are source cred- ibility (expertise and trustworthiness), personal similarity, and physical attractiveness. Among important message characteristics are rational versus emotional appeals, message sidedness, and fear appeals. Involvement and gender are important receiver characteristics.

13.5 Explain the workings of the elaboration likelihood model of persuasion. ELM is based on the assumption that people tend to be cognitive misers and that, for various rea- sons, they are motivated to hold “correct” atti- tudes. As a result, the amount and nature of cognitive effort they are willing or able to exert in order to evaluate messages will vary with individ- uals and situational factors. People often take the more automatic route to attitude formation, the peripheral route, because it is easier—it depends less on elaboration (analysis or scrutiny) of the message as it does on cues unrelated to the infor- mation. But there are situations when people are involved in the message and are motivated and able to actively work through the argument or issue. In these instances people will use the cen- tral route to process information.

13.6 distinguish between different processes of attitude change. There are three processes of attitude change. Compliance is acceptance of influence in order to gain a favorable reaction from a persuader, but there is no change in original attitudes. This, in fact, is not attitude change. Identification is ac- ceptance of influence in order to establish or maintain a satisfying self-defining relationship to another person or a group. Internalization is acceptance of influence because the resulting be- haviors or attitudes are intrinsically rewarding, congruent with existing value systems, useful for the solution of a problem, or useful to one’s needs.

Review of Learning Objectives

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Key Terms speech acts theory 286 persuasion 286 value 289 attitude 290 belief 290 behavior 290 balance theory 291 cognitive consistency 292 dissonance theory 292 selective processes 293 selective exposure 293 selective retention 294 selective perception 294 source credibility 296 expertise 296 trustworthiness 296 perceived similarity 296 membership similarity 297 attitudinal similarity 298 social reinforcement 298 heuristics 299 halo effect 299 rational arguments 299 message sidedness 299 one-sided messages 299 two-sided messages 299 fear appeal 300 involvement 301 elaboration likelihood model (ELM) 302 cognitive miser 302 peripheral route 304 central route 304 compliance 305 identification 306 internalization 306

Questions for Review 1. What is speech acts theory? What does it say

about communication and persuasion?

2. What are persuasion, response shaping, re- sponse reinforcing, and response changing?

3. What are values, attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors?

4. What are balance theory and cognitive disso- nance theory? How are they related?

5. What are the three selective processes? How do they operate?

6. What source characteristics influence persua- sion? How?

7. What message characteristics influence per- suasion? How?

8. What receiver characteristics influence persua- sion? How?

9. Explain the elaboration likelihood model of in- formation processing.

10. What are the three processes of attitude change? How do they differ?

Questions for Discussion 1. How susceptible are you to persuasion? Ex-

plain your answer in terms of some of this chapter’s important concepts. For example, are there aspects of your personality and identity (receiver characteristics) that make you more or less susceptible? Do you have a low tolerance for imbalance or dissonance? What cognitive strengths do you bring to dealing with efforts to persuade you?

2. Are you typically a central or peripheral proces- sor of persuasive communication? What factors in a message or message situation might move you from central to peripheral processing, or from peripheral to central processing? Have you ever surprised yourself at the amount (a great deal or very little) of scrutiny that you’ve brought to some piece of persuasive communi- cation? What were the circumstances?

3. Have you ever engaged in coercion? What were the circumstances? Did you get the outcome you wanted? Were you OK with what you did and its results? Can you explain your coercion so that it is consistent with the TARES Test?

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Chapter Outline

Communication and a Long and Healthy Life 312

Health Communication in Provider-Client Settings 315

Health Communication Contexts 323

Health Communication and the Internet 330

Health Communication Campaigns 332

Health Communication

14

“A 61 on the mid-semester exam?” your instructor begins. “From

you, a good student. How did this ever happen?”

You came to the instructor’s office at his request; he obviously is

concerned and wants to help, but what you have to say sounds so

silly. You can hardly bring yourself to talk about it. “There’s stuff

going on. I’m having a little health thing.”

“What kind of health thing?”

“I have wind turbine syndrome. There’s this big, new wind tur-

bine near my place and it’s making me sick. The noise and the flick-

ering shadows from the blades are making me lose sleep and give

me headaches, nausea, dizziness, sometimes ringing in my ears,

and just before the test, I suffered memory loss.”

“How do you know that’s what you have?” he asks.

“When the symptoms first started I looked them up online, and

that’s when I found that a lot of people are getting it.”

Your professor then offers his diagnosis. You are not suffering

from a communicable disease; you are suffering from a communi-

cated disease, he tells you, an imaginary disease you think you

caught because people are talking about it. Scientists all around the

world have studied complaints of wind turbine syndrome—a term,

he tells you, that was coined in 2006 by a pediatrician who

happened to be an anti-wind activist. Those big turbines annoy

some people, but they don’t make anyone sick (Valentine, 2015).

His suggested remedy: more media literacy and less time online.

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Communication and a Long and Healthy Life Assuming that you are not suffering from wind turbine syndrome and have been able to retain what you have read so far in this text, the importance of the link between communication and good health should be obvious. You make meaning of yourself, your world, and your place in the world through communication, and health is a major part of your sense of self and your willingness and ability to interact with the world. You may think of health and sickness as physical experiences, but they shape your social world as well. Does your health or physical condition limit what activities are available to you and thus also limit your social circle? How are your relationships shaped by an illness, long-term or short-term, yours or a family member’s? How well or poorly does your health allow you to perform in school or work, and what life opportunities does this ability open or close? If you smoke, what does that cost you in money, mobility, and friends? There is also a very practical reason for better understanding the relationship between communication and health—it will help you and those around you live longer, healthier lives.

For example, even though the United States spends more on healthcare than any other nation in the world—more than $3.2 trillion a year (Munro,

14.1 Identify the barriers to successful provider-client communication and evaluate possible remedies.

14.2 Describe the importance of family, friends, and support groups as agents of health communication.

14.3 explain how the hospital culture itself can impede good health communication and evaluate possible remedies.

14.4 Judge the contribution of entertainment media to good and harmful health communication.

14.5 Judge the benefits and drawbacks of the Internet and social network sites as sources of health communication.

14.6 Describe the elements of an effective health communication campaign.

Learning Objectives

In this chapter, we focus on the use of interpersonal and mediated communica- tion to influence our individual decisions related to health. We will look at provider-client communication; the many interpersonal contexts in which health is discussed; how to improve use of the Internet and other digital communication technologies for finding, storing, and sharing health information; and health campaigns designed to promote good health and increase awareness of disease.

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2015)—Americans die sooner and experience higher rates of disease and injury than people living in any other high-income country (Rugani, 2013). This poor performance holds across all ages and socioeconomic groups and even for non- smokers. That’s a pretty bad report card for a country that spends so much on health, leading to calls “for a comprehensive outreach campaign to alert the American public about the U.S. health disadvantage and to stimulate a national discus- sion about its implications” (Rugani, 2013). Such an outreach campaign and national discussion, naturally, involve communication.

Not only are Americans sicker and dying younger than their foreign counterparts, the United States also has a higher rate of amenable mortality—deaths that could potentially have been prevented by timely access to appropriate healthcare—than many other wealthy nations like France, Germany, and Great Britain (Buchanan, Fairfield, and Yourish, 2014). Researchers argue that unhealthy behaviors can be modified through effec- tive interpersonal communication and larger, mass-mediated public health efforts (Colditz, Wolin, and Gehlert, 2012).

Effective interpersonal communication—between healthcare providers and their clients and among healthcare professionals themselves—is also important in preserving well-being. Many adults have trouble following healthcare providers’ routine medical advice, usually because it is not presented in terms that most people understand. When providers’ instruc- tions include too much scientific jargon and too many complex medical phrases, patients are more likely to skip necessary medical tests or improperly use their medications. In fact, the National Institutes of Health report that more than half the American population has deficient health literacy—the ability to obtain, process, and understand basic health information and ser- vices needed to make appropriate health decisions (Koren, 2015). These defi- ciencies drive up healthcare costs and damage patients’ well-being. Communication problems among healthcare professionals can also produce problems for them and patients alike. There is evidence that “communication breakdowns” between medical staff members when patients are “handed off” (passed on from one professional to the next) are the single largest cause of medical error. “In almost all serious avoidable episodes of patient harm, com- munication failures play a central role,” explains physician Michael Leonard. “By teaching caregivers new models of ‘structured communication’ we can make sure that we are all in the same movie” (in Landro, 2006, p. D1).

And then there are effects related to the Internet and social networking sites; both have become primary sources of healthcare information, not all of which is reliable (Hamblin, 2014). Seventy-two percent of patients go online for health information, 20 percent while sitting in a physician’s waiting room.

amenable mortality Deaths that could potentially have been prevented by timely access to appropriate healthcare.

health literacy ability to obtain, process, and under- stand basic health informa- tion and services needed to make appropriate health decisions.

many local and national efforts focus on improving the quality of doctor-patient communication.

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They report feeling more confident and better prepared to talk with the doctor in their upcom- ing session (Koren, 2015).

The involvement of technology in good health runs even deeper than that. For example, smartphone apps that track or manage users’ health, exercise, diet, and weight regimes are quite common. There’s an iPhone app for diabet- ics that receives data every five minutes from a glucose monitor implanted in the owner’s body. It analyzes that information and transmits instructions to pumps, also implanted in the user’s body, that dispense insulin (to lower blood sugar) or glucagon (to raise it) as necessary (“There’s an App,” 2014). Another app, the iTBra, monitors shifts in the wearer’s body temperature

that might indicate the presence of a growing breast cancer tumor, analyzes the data, and sends the results to the user’s smartphone (Davies, 2015).

But recall our discussion of technology’s double-edged sword from Chapter 12: technology’s benefits may have corresponding drawbacks. For example, tech- nology writer J. D. Sartain (2014) warns, “As companies collect vast amounts of user-generated data [from e-implants], there will be multiple opportunities to monetize that data by, say, targeting shoe advertisements for a fanatic runner or backpacks for a devoted hiker. [Insurance companies] and pharmaceutical firms will be keenly interested in this data, too.” A second problem is that while many Internet users may now be more knowledgeable about their health and health- care options, they are also more likely to find misinformation (as our opening vignette suggests). “Dr. Internet is always very dangerous,” explains science jour- nalist Charles Seife, “You can get great information out there, but at the same time, fringe ideas—things that are believed by only a couple dozen or a couple hundred people—are there on the Internet and they can sometimes be just as prominent as the stuff in the mainstream” (in Scribner, 2014). Healthcare experts, for example, point to Internet misinformation linking children’s inocu- lations to autism as a, if not the, prime driver of the re-emergence of measles, once judged eradicated in the United States, as thousands of parents declined to have their children given protective shots (Bruni, 2015). A third potential issue is that while the Internet may produce better-informed patients and potentially improve the face-to-face interaction between people and their healthcare profes- sionals, it can also cause problems, as traditional notions of power and meaning making in those crucial relationships are challenged.

Recognizing the poor state of Americans’ health and well-being and the many advantages and challenges posed by communication to that state of affairs, the US Department of Health and Human Services (2010) proposed a 10-year program for improved health promotion and disease prevention called Healthy People 2020. Central to this ambitious plan to set and monitor national health objectives is a series of 13 health communication objectives. You can read them in

“there’s an app for that” is an increasingly common response to many personal health questions.

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Table 14.1, and when you do, you’ll see that taken together, they are a call for (a) improved provider-client communication; (b) improved communication between friends, family, and others involved in the many social, organizational, and cultural contexts in which health is discussed; (c) improved use of the Internet and other digital communication technologies for finding, storing, and sharing health information; and (d) improved performance of health campaigns designed to promote good health and increase awareness of disease. These, then, are the four broad areas that will shape this chapter’s discussion of health communication—the study and use of interpersonal and mediated communi- cation to inform and influence individual decisions that enhance health.

Health Communication in Provider-Client Settings The Healthy People 2020 initiative specified that achieving its objectives will require better listening by healthcare providers, better and more understand- able explanations, greater demonstration of respect for clients, spending more time with them, and more involvement and interaction (Table 14.1). Why

health communication Study and use of interper- sonal and mediated commu- nication to inform and influence individual deci- sions that enhance health.

Table 14.1 Healthy People 2020 Communication Objectives Objective 1 Improve the health literacy of the population.

Objective 2 Increase the proportion of persons who report that their healthcare providers have satisfactory communication skills.

Objective 3 Increase the proportion of persons who report that their healthcare providers always involved them in decisions about their healthcare as much as they wanted.

Objective 4 Increase the proportion of patients whose doctor recommends personalized health information resources to help them manage their health.

Objective 5 Increase the proportion of persons who use electronic personal health management tools.

Objective 6 Increase individuals’ access to the Internet.

Objective 7 Increase the proportion of adults who report having friends or family members with whom they talk about their health.

Objective 8 Increase the proportion of quality health-related websites.

Objective 9 Increase the proportion of online health information seekers who report easily accessing health information.

Objective 10 Increase the proportion of medical practices that use electronic health records.

Objective 11 Increase the proportion of meaningful users of health information technology.

Objective 12 Increase the proportion of crisis and emergency risk messages intended to protect the public’s health that demonstrate the use of best practices.

Objective 13 Increase social marketing in health promotion and disease prevention. (Source: uS Department of Health and Human Services, 2010).

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identify these specific communication issues for improvement? Because these are the aspects of provider-patient interaction that most people find wanting. Consider this scenario:

You arrive 15 minutes early for your annual visit to the doctor. Your appointment time arrives. You wait another 30 minutes. A nurse finally calls your name and takes you to an examination room. He tells you, “Someone will be right with you.” You wait another 15 minutes and a technician enters the room to take your blood pressure, temperature, and other vitals. You’re told, “The doctor will be right in.” You wait another 15 minutes. The doctor arrives, obviously in a hurry, grunts, hums, and makes a variety of other sounds as she reviews your medical history file and the data the technician just col- lected. She tells you to take a deep breath; listens to your lungs through her stetho- scope; asks if there are any particular concerns you might have; and says all seems well and she’ll see you next time.

How closely does this match your experience? How satisfied are you typi- cally with your interactions with your healthcare providers? Now imagine that the reason for your visit is not routine; you’re sick or hurt or have a serious ill- ness. The pressure on your doctor to get as much good information from you as possible is matched only by your need to provide it; the doctor’s need to under- stand what you are experiencing is matched only by your need to understand what she is telling you. Good meaning making is essential; miscommunication is damaging. It is no surprise, then, that as Jock Hoffman, a medical risk man- ager, explains, “effective and safe health care rides on the rails of effective com- munication” (2012). How valuable is good interpersonal provider-client communication? A review of the scientific literature conducted by Stanford University’s Center for Compassion and Altruism Research and Education (Dean and Doty, 2014) revealed that warm, interpersonal inter action between health- care providers and their patients holds significant healing power. For example:

• When physicians are good communicators, patients are twice as likely to heed their advice.

• When anesthesiologists encourage surgical patients during the immedi- ate postoperative period, they heal faster, are discharged from the hospi- tal sooner, and require 50 percent fewer narcotics.

• Patients who experience warm interpersonal care are more likely to divulge important information to their healthcare providers, making diagnosis more accurate.

• Emergency room patients who have warm interpersonal interaction with their healthcare providers are less likely to return to the emergency room for the same medical issue.

But why do provider-patient failures to communicate occur more often than they should? One reason is that for all their fine medical and technical education, lessons in interpersonal communication are not a major part of health- care providers’ training. This deficiency exists despite evidence that such

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instruction can improve interpersonal communication competence (Kaufman, Laidlaw, and Macleod, 2000) and the recognition that better communication between providers and patients can increase patient activation, that is, their involvement in their own health improvement and adherence to recom- mended treatments (Alexander et al., 2012). Even something as simple as pro- viders maintaining eye contact can lead patients to better health outcomes, greater adherence to medical advice, and an improved likelihood to seek treat- ment for later problems (Murphy, 2014).

A second reason for miscommunication is that medical professionals are trained in the technical jargon of their profession; their patients are not. This highly specific, highly context-based language is a necessity for precise meaning making between professionals. Doctors, nurses, surgeons, and anesthesiolo- gists have to be talking the same language when dealing with life-altering or life-threatening situations. “A little bit of a squooshie feeling in the patient’s tummy,” probably will not produce a meaningful or useful response from those involved in someone’s care. Providers’ use of highly technical jargon is rein- forced through interaction with other healthcare professionals and becomes their natural language. But it is not the public’s natural language. (Quick: What’s a myocardial infarction? You don’t want one—it’s a heart attack.) “The special- ized language of the medical profession is inappropriate for dialogue with the average person,” explains health literacy expert Rima Rudd. She suggests that patients should insist that their providers speak in everyday terms, ask ques- tions if they don’t understand something, and seek out healthcare facilities with patient libraries and librarians who can offer assistance (in Landro, 2003, p. D2). You can test your own knowledge of medical language using Table 14.2.

In recognition of this problem, most states’ Medicaid offices prepare their healthcare material at between a fourth- and sixth-grade reading level. Many healthcare professionals now use drawings, multimedia presentations, and diagrams to clarify/illustrate providers’ verbal messages. Others employ

patient activation Involve- ment in one’s own health improvement and adherence to recommended treatments.

Table 14.2 Test Your Knowledge of Medical Terms medical writer Laura Landro prepared a short list of common medical terms that she thought were unnecessarily complex (2010, p. D1). She divided them into two groups, Not as Scary as They Sound and Even Scarier Than They Sound. for how many did you know the meaning?

NOT AS SCARY AS THEY SOUND

Bronchodilator—drug to help people breathe easier Cutaneous—related to the skin Dyspepsia—indigestion Petechiae—skin rash Viral shedding—coughing or sneezing

EVEN SCARIER THAN THEY SOUND

Contraindication—when a drug or procedure may be dangerous Encephalopathy—brain dysfunction Recrudescence—a relapse into illness Teratogenic—something that can hurt an unborn baby Anaphylaxis—sudden and severe allergic reaction

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specialized software that scans documents looking for difficult- to-understand words and phrases and replaces them with everyday English. There are also several online resources available that provide help with “translation.” The Medical Library Association has several free, downloadable online brochures called Medspeak in Plain Language. There are Medspeaks for breast cancer, dia- betes, eye disease, heart disease, HIV-AIDS, and stroke. Some are available in Spanish. The federal government offers a medical term tutorial and a transla- tor at its National Library of Medicine website. Finally, the National Patient Safety Foundation (2015), explaining that “studies show that people who un- derstand health instructions make fewer mistakes when they take their med- icine or prepare for a medical procedure,” instructs patients to always ask these three questions of their healthcare providers until they are satisfied that they understand the answer:

1. What is my main problem? 2. What do I need to do? 3. Why is it important for me to do this?

The third and fourth reasons that provider - client communication is often problematic are closely related. The power distance (Chapter 9) between providers and clients, especially between doctors and their patients, produces a reluctance on the part of clients to speak up. Not only are physicians much respected in our culture for their level of education, skill, and devotion to helping, but when we are ill or oth- erwise in need, that elevated status is magni- fied because we are, indeed, reliant on their power. Consider points from two letters to the editor sent to the Wall Street Journal in a discus- sion of doctor-patient trust. The first, from a physician, explains why the power distance nec- essarily exists: “The patient trusts the doctor to possess knowledge of the patient’s illness and to apply this knowledge in the patient’s particular best interests,” wrote Dr. John Bettinger. “The essence of this trust lies in the fact that the pa- tient cannot hope to achieve the same knowl- edge through a cram study on the Internet or elsewhere.” The second, from 78-year-old Dwain Hanson, describes what many believe to be the product of that distance: “Doctors are harried dictators who are too busy or frustrated to engage in democratic dialogue of 60 to 180 seconds” (“Seeking,” 2004, p. A17).

the ask me 3 program is one way of helping clients cut through health- care providers’ jargon.

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In fact, the “magisterial physician” stereotype is alive and well in American culture, producing either a machine-and-mechanics relationship or a child-parent relationship. In machine-and-mechanics interactions, physicians are ex- perts who diagnose and fix the problem. In these interactions it is easy for doctors to forget about the human element because the patients before them are broken, in need of repair, and passive. “We focus on the body as a machine, and here are the things we do to fix it,” explains emergency room doctor Lynn Sweeney, “We become so focused on the process we forget about the human element that’s so integral to it” (in Freyer, 2012, p. A1). In child-parent inter- actions, the doctor is dominant and all-knowing, and the patient is submis- sive and reliant (duPré, 2005). Both situations are counterproductive. Doctors do not get the information they need for proper diagnosis and treatment, and patients do not get the full benefit of the doctors’ expertise, do not under- stand the information they do receive, and do not ask for clarification or addi- tional information.

The great power of a doctor’s words is evident in the nocebo effect, in which patients experience a treatment effect based solely on a provider’s words. For example, when doctors preface an injection with words like sting, burn, hurt, bad, or pain, patients will feel greater discomfort than when more benign or neutral words are used (Stromberg, 2012). Researchers Paul Enck and Winfried Häuser offer this example:

A team of American anesthesiologists studied women about to give birth who were given an injection of local anesthetic before being administered an epidural. For some women, the injection was prefaced by the statement, “We are going to give you a local anesthetic that will numb the area so that you will be comfortable during the proce- dure.” For others, the statement was, “You are going to feel a big bee sting; this is the worst part of the procedure.” The perceived pain was significantly greater after the latter statement, which emphasized the downside of the injection. (2012, p. SR4)

This, however, creates a dilemma. Healthcare providers must be honest with their clients about all possible outcomes of treatment, but if mentioning a negative side effect increases the likelihood that it will occur, what should they do? “Better communication is the answer,” write researchers Enck and Häuser, “When talking with patients, doctors and nurses often say things with unin- tended negative suggestions, like ‘it’s just going to bleed a bit’ or ‘you must avoid lifting heavy objects—you don’t want to end up paralyzed.’ We recom- mend more extensive training in communication for doctors and nurses to help them use the power of their words appropriately. As the great cardiologist Ber- nard Lown once said, ‘Words are the most powerful tool a doctor possesses, but words, like a two-edged sword, can maim as well as heal’” (2012, p. SR4).

There is a growing sense that traditional levels of provider-client power distance are waning, especially in the era of the Internet and social network- ing. Healthcare consumers are increasingly empowered. Patients frequently see themselves not only as consumers, but as partners. They are supported in this shift by several national and local efforts. For example, although the free,

machine-and-mechanics relationship In provider- client interactions, physicians are experts who diagnose and fix the problem.

child-parent relationship In provider-client interactions, the doctor is dominant, all-knowing; the patient is submissive and reliant.

nocebo effect experiencing a treatment effect based solely on a provider’s words.

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downloadable iPhone app Touch Surgery is designed to improve physicians’ surgical skills, many doctors make it available to their patients in order to inform them about what is to take place and to calm any apprehensions. As Touch Surgery developer Jean Nehme explained, “We’ve found that it really improves patient comprehension and reduces anxiety.” Science writer Zach Sokol added, “So even if Touch Surgery is arguably one of the most sobering games imaginable, it sure beats having a surgeon drone on about just how, ex- actly, he’ll be inserting that scalpel into your leg. The app literally shows you, the patient, what’s you’re about to undergo, physically, in an accurate repre- sentation, thus tranquilizing fear of the unknown” (2013). In an even more ambitious effort, the Joint Commission, a nonprofit organization that accred- its and certifies more than 19,000 healthcare organizations across the coun- try, created with Medicare and Medicaid the Speak Up program. Speak Up employs free videos and other instructional materials to remind patients to speak up because they are the “center of the healthcare team.” You can read more about this effort in the box “Speak Up.”

The need for meaningful provider-client communication is greatest when it is most difficult, for example when end-of-life decisions must be made, or when a child is dying. Very few doctors have the training or the time to coach patients and their families through end-of-life conversations. Moreover, end- of-life counseling is controversial, as some people see it as the medical sys- tem’s way of hastening death and saving time and money. However, providers, their patients, and patients’ families can, and frequently do, employ a Physi- cian Orders for Life-Sustaining Treatment, sometimes called a Polst. Unlike a living will or advanced directive, a Polst spells out specific treatment instruc- tions and becomes a formal part of a patient’s medical record. Providers can also take advantage of programs like Respecting Choices, created by the Gun- derson Lutheran Health System in Wisconsin, that train nurses, social work- ers, chaplains, and others as advance-care planning counselors to help patients and their families document end-of-life wishes.

Well-meaning but hurtful communication with doctors only heightens people’s pain. The In- stitute of Medicine reported that “too often, chil- dren die and their families fail to receive competent, compassionate, and consistent care that meets their physical, emotional, and spiritual needs” (2002). Doctors are justifiably reluctant to use words like dying and dead, but euphemisms like terminal and critical often confuse family members. As a result, many hospitals across the country are instituting “relational care skills” training for their staff. In both of these difficult cases, end-of-life decision-making and interaction surrounding child deaths, hospitals are also increasingly relying on onsite medical ethics teams to sit with physicians and their clients to facilitate communication.

Originally designed to train surgeons, touch Surgery is increasingly being used by those same doctors to acquaint patients with the proce- dures they are about to undergo.

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A fifth reason for poor provider-client communication is the most mundane—time. Although physicians actually spend more face-to-face time with their patients than they did just a few years ago, they increasingly feel that it is still insufficient. “As the practice of medicine grows more complex, physicians may be frustrated because they have too much to discuss with their patients in too little time,” explained Paul B. Ginsburg, president of the Center for Studying Health System Change. In other words, there’s just too much to talk about. For example, scientific advances have created a larger number of diagnostic and treatment options in need of discussion, and people are living longer with chronic illnesses that require more complex care and coordination among different caregivers (in Cassil, 2003).

Speak Up

the Joint Commission is a nonprofit health organization and program-accrediting body whose mission is to “continuously improve health care for the public, in col- laboration with other stakeholders, by evaluating health care organizations and inspiring them to excel in pro- viding safe and effective care of the highest quality and value” (“facts about,” 2015). to that end, it coupled in 2002 with federal health programs medicare and medic- aid to undertake what has become a remarkably suc- cessful example of socially responsible communication, Speak up.

In an effort to reduce healthcare errors, this national campaign urges patients to become more active in their interactions with medical professionals by turning themselves into involved and informed members of the healthcare team. to help people do this, Speak up offers free brochures, posters, buttons, coloring books, and videos (it has its own youtube channel; search youtube for “the Joint Commission”) on a wide variety of patient safety topics that encourage patients to

• Speak up if you have questions or concerns. If you still don’t understand, ask again. It’s your body and you have a right to know.

• Pay attention to the care you get. always make sure you’re getting the right treatments and medicines by the right healthcare professionals. Don’t assume anything.

• Educate yourself about your illness. Learn about the medical tests you get and your treatment plan.

• Ask a trusted family member or friend to be your advocate (advisor or supporter).

• Know what medicines you take and why you take them. medicine errors are the most common health- care mistakes.

• Use a hospital, clinic, surgery center, or other type of healthcare organization that has been carefully checked out.

• Participate in all decisions about your treatment. you are the center of the healthcare team.

examples of the many active Speak up campaigns include Help Prevent errors in your Care, Help avoid mistakes in your Surgery, Planning your follow-up Care, Help Prevent medical test mistakes, Know your rights, and understanding your Doctors and Other Caregivers. and while individuals can access any of the Speak up materials, thousands of hospitals and clinics participate, knowing that better-informed patients produce better health outcomes. these providers print Speak up mate- rials for placement in patients’ rooms; sponsor local public service announcements; include Speak up con- tent in patient information packets, websites, and news- letters; distribute material at wellness fairs; share it on hospitals’ closed circuit television systems; and use it for staff education and orientation.

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

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Healthcare facilities are increasingly dealing with this time crunch through communication training, specifically in the “art of the interview.” Among the most successful efforts is health provider Kaiser Permanente’s Four Habits model (Table 14.3). It teaches four fundamental communication behaviors: (1) invest in the beginning of the visit and build rapport; (2) elicit the patient’s perspective; (3) demonstrate empathy; and (4) involve patients at the end of the visit in designing a treatment plan. Physician Terry Stein, the program’s creator, explained that the habits remind “clinicians of the impor- tance to talk to patients in their own terms, not in our medical jargon. The result is the quality of diagnosis goes up, which impacts first-time right treat- ment, which impacts health outcomes, and also helps to deepen the trust be- tween patient and physician” (in Greenberg, 2010).

There is a sixth reason for failures to communicate in the healthcare set- ting: fear of malpractice lawsuits, and it is not completely misplaced. Each year, one out of every 14 American doctors will be sued for malpractice. And although the large majority of those claims—80 percent—are dropped or dismissed, they are still quite costly to those physicians in money, emotional well-being, and future willingness to interact openly with patients (Daily Briefing, 2013). Nonetheless, there is evidence that good provider-client com- munication reduces the likelihood of legal action, while at the same time there is evidence that poor provider-client communication can increase the proba- bility of a lawsuit (Hoffman, 2012).

If evidence indicates that better communication can reduce physicians’ risk of malpractice claims, why are some still reluctant to be more open with their patients? “Many doctors really want to be open and apologize to pa- tients, but are led to believe it can end up in financial disaster, when the truth is quite the opposite,” explains Richard Boothman, a hospital risk officer (in Landro, 2007, p. D5). The truth is quite the opposite because hospitals are increasingly adopting a disclosure-and-apology strategy over the past’s more common defend-and-deny approach. Many states have passed laws saying that doctors’ apologies cannot be used against them in any subsequent legal action, and a growing number of hospitals have instituted policies

disclosure-and-apology strategy requires healthcare providers to promptly dis- close errors, and when appro- priate, apologize to patients and families.

defend-and-deny approach When errors occur, healthcare providers remain silent or deny responsibility.

Table 14.3 Four Habits Model HABIT SKILLS

Invest in the beginning Create rapport quickly; elicit patient’s concerns; plan the visit with the patient

elicit the patient’s perspective ask for patient’s ideas; elicit specific requests; explore the impact on the patient’s life

Demonstrate empathy Be open to patient’s emotions; make at least one empathic statement; convey empathy nonverbally; be aware of your own actions

Invest in the end Deliver diagnostic information; provide education; involve patient in making decisions; complete the visit

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requiring doctors and nurses to promptly disclose errors, and when appropriate, to apologize to patients and families. There is a national movement, the Sorry Works Coalition (sorryworks.net) that enlists states, insurance companies, and providers in an effort to promote full disclosure and apologies as an alter- native to lawsuits. Its protocol calls for an apology if an analysis of a given situation indicates that an error occurred or standard care was not provided, followed by admitting guilt, providing an explanation, indicating how the problem will be addressed and eliminated in the future, and an offer of compensation.

Recognition of the importance of good provider-client interpersonal com- munication found its way into the 2010 federal overhaul of the US medical system, the Affordable Care Act, often called Obamacare. Beginning in 2012, the national health plan, Medicare, began withholding payment to hospitals unless they met quality standards of medical care. But one-third of the with- holdings, totaling hundreds of millions of dollars, are tied to patients’ satis- faction with their providers’ performance as measured on HCAHPS (Hospital Consumer Assessment of Healthcare Providers and Services). Every year, one-quarter of the 36 million people admitted to a hospital receive a question- naire covering issues such as how well their doctors and nurses communicated and the facilities’ cleanliness and quiet. “Even when the care is technically perfect,” wrote medical reporter Felice Freyer, “patients can still feel disgrun- tled over things such as long waits, bad food, cranky staff, or anything that feels like a lack of concern—such as a simple failure to make eye contact” (2012, p. A8). Patient satisfaction scores are posted nationally at www.Hospi- talCompare.hhs.gov. In response, hospitals have appointed personnel with titles such as “chief experience officer” to monitor staff performance and have instituted communication-based staff-patient interaction programs such as the Cleveland Clinic’s HEART—Hear the concern, Empathize, Apologize, Re- spond, and Thank.

Health Communication Contexts Obviously, communication about health and well-being quite often takes place away from the individual provider-client interaction. We will look at four distinct contexts—family and friends, health and illness support groups, the hospital culture itself, and entertainment mass media.

Friends and Family One of Healthy People 2020’s communication objectives is increasing the number of people who have friends or family with whom they talk about their health (Table 14.1). This goal recognizes the value of significant others in maintaining good health and in times of need brought on by illness or acci- dent. Athena duPré has identified two types of health-related communication support provided by family and, of course, friends (2005). In fact, the American

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Academy of Family Physicians (2009) defines “family” as “a group of individuals with a con- tinuing legal, genetic and/or emotional relation- ship” and insists that in instances of treatment (for example, hospital stays, emergency room visits, and consultations with providers), it is pa- tients who define their “family” and how they wish them to be involved in care, care planning, and decision-making. By this definition, friends can indeed be family.

Friends and family offer action- facilitating support when they give information, for exam- ple, looking up and passing on online treatment information, and when they physically assist someone in need, for example providing trans- portation, helping with medicines, or doing the

chores. Nurturing support involves helping others feel better about them- selves and their situation. A woman might take her wheelchair-bound broth- er-in-law on an outing in the park, or a friend might simply provide a soft shoulder and open ear to someone in despair. These greater levels of family and friend support not only help people through difficult health problems, but in addition,

research has demonstrated that the presence and participation of family members and friends—as partners in care—provides cost savings, enhances the patient and family experience of care, improves management of chronic and acute illnesses, enhances continuity of care, and prevents hospital readmissions . . . The research is also clear that isolating patients at their most vulnerable times from the people who know them best places them at risk for medical error, emotional harm, inconsistencies in care, and costly unnecessary care . . . In addition, research indicates that for many older patients, hospitalization for acute or critical illness is associated with reduced cognitive function. Families and other “partners in care” are much more keenly aware of any change in cog- nitive function than hospital staff and therefore are a valuable resource during hospi- talization. (Institute for Patient- and Family-Centered Care, 2010, p. 3)

Recognizing the demonstrated value of family and friend support, some hospitals now convene “family councils” designed to offer input on their needs; others are designing therapeutic gardens and play areas where families and friends can interact. Although private rooms have been standard for all new hospital construction since 2006 in order to reduce the spread of infection and provide a quieter environment, many hospitals have taken the idea one step further, making those rooms even more spacious and providing space for sup- port-friendly furniture like convertible sofa beds. These activities, explains medical writer Laura Landro, are “inspired by a growing movement known as family-centered care. In addition to offering a safe and soothing environment, it calls for allowing families to be present and involved, including during inva- sive procedures and doctors’ morning teaching rounds” (2013, p. D1). The

action-facilitating sup- port giving information or physically assisting someone in need.

nurturing suppor Helping others feel better about themselves and their situation.

the medical profession is expanding its definition of family for the benefit of providers as well as for patients.

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research further demonstrates that facilitating family interaction, among other comforting room-design factors, can lead to a 30 percent re- duction in patients’ requests for pain medication, quicker recovery and rehabilitation, and shorter stays, all of which diminish not just costs but also the chances for accidents and infections (Kim- melman, 2014).

Support Groups Health and illness support groups are also an im- portant social context for health communica- tion, and there is research indicating that participants in health-oriented groups find face- to-face support groups slightly more satisfying than groups found online (Van Uden-Kraan et al., 2011). The advantages of face-to-face support groups are that they provide participants with an opportunity to see others like themselves in person and hear them talk, access to touching or other nonverbal support, opportunities for informal social time, and finding others to connect with socially or for extra support. The disadvantages are that participants may want more contact than the typical once-a-month or once-a-week group meeting; they may dis- like the leader’s leadership style; they may feel uncomfortable talking about their health with people from the same locale or community; meeting sched- ules may be inconvenient or difficult to meet; and the group may have one or more members who impede the work of the whole.

Even with their occasional disadvantages, support groups are valuable contexts for supportive communication. For example, a recent survey of people participating in one of WomenHeart’s many hospital-based support groups across the country found that 93 percent felt that their quality of life was enhanced; 85.3 percent had improved their ability to com municate with their healthcare provider; 93 percent increased their understanding of heart disease; 85.6 percent believed that attending meetings helped them cope with challenges in maintaining their treatment/medication regimen; 86.2 percent believed that attending meetings helped them better communicate and ex- plain their heart disease with family members, friends, and coworkers; and 85 percent reported improved treatment compliance and adherence (Women- Heart, 2012). In addition, there is evidence that the simple act of helping others in a support group benefits the helpers as much as it does the recipients of their help. It increases their sense of self-worth and value, while reducing their feelings of powerlessness, helping them “gain a sense of personal control when discussing their illness” (Wright, Sparks, and O’Hair, 2008, p. 94).

Hospital Culture One organizational context in which quality health communication can be a matter of life or death is the hospital itself. There is considerable evidence that

In person or online, support groups have proven themselves valuable for patients and their loved ones.

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poor communication among hospital staff is a leading cause of avoidable sur- gical errors, with “communication breakdown” during hand-off (when a pa- tient is moved from one unit to another or turned over to new staff during a shift change) the single largest source of error. In fact, “adverse events (AEs) in hospitals are now widely agreed to be a serious problem, annually killing more people than breast cancer or AIDS. An AE is usually defined as an unin- tended injury or complication . . . caused by healthcare management rather than by the patient’s underlying disease process” (de Vries et al., 2008, p. 216). As a result, the approximately 440,000 people who die every year from pre- ventable hospital error constitute the third-leading cause of death in America—behind heart disease and cancer—and account for one-sixth of all the nation’s annual deaths (Allen, 2013).

There are two major aspects to the problem of poor hospital staff commu- nication. One is embedded in the culture of the hospital itself—the deference that nurses and other staff typically pay to surgeons (the captains of the ship). The other is a product of the complexity of many routine hospital activities. “Consider the seemingly simple task of dispensing a drug at a hospital,” ex- plains physician Kevin Pho, “It’s actually a complex process that requires five interdependent steps: ordering, transcribing, dispensing, delivering, and ad- ministering. A poorly designed system can lead to an error in any of those steps, with a potentially deadly outcome” (2012).

Many hospitals have instituted programs intended to change hospitals’ typically hierarchical culture to the point that nurses and other staff feel com- fortable speaking up. For example, “Changing the culture of the operating room is an essential aspect” of Transforming the Operating Room, a communication-improvement program instituted by VHA, an alliance of more than 2,400 not-for-profit hospitals. “Historically, the operating room is run in an isolated fashion with the surgeon at the helm, but with very little additional structure. Research has shown that this environment is no longer working and no longer is safe for patients. The Transforming the Operating Room program will help realign the power structure in the surgical suite so that physicians and hospital staff can work as an inter-dependent team” (“VHA,” 2005). It calls for improvements such as safety pauses and time-outs to allow people in the operating room to speak up if they have a concern and for pre- and post-surgical briefings with all involved staffers. Another innova- tion adopted by many hospitals is the Preoperative Safety Briefing, developed by the Kaiser Permanente health group, in which “members of the surgical team meet briefly before every surgical procedure to identify and manage po- tential threats to patient safety; using a checklist adapted from the aviation industry, the team strives to enhance patient safety through better communi- cation, teamwork, and situational awareness among health care providers. The program has virtually eliminated wrong-site surgeries, enhanced operat- ing room staff satisfaction and perceptions of safety, and reduced nurse turn- over” (DeFontes and Leonard, 2008).

Borrowing effective communication tools from other contexts has also helped reduce errors attributed to carrying out complex procedures, especially

adverse event unintended injury or complication caused by healthcare management.

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during hand-overs. Another Kaiser Permanente program, SBAR—Situation, Background, Assessment, and Recommendation—is an adaptation of the procedures used on nuclear submarines to quickly brief officers during a change of command (“SBAR,” 2011). Admitting that it is “often criticized for poor communication,” Great Britain’s National Health Service has adopted SBAR to improve communication during hand-over.

Entertainment Mass Media Sometimes for better, sometimes for worse, entertainment mass media can be an important source of health information. We’ve already seen in Chapter 10 that media can influence our views of ourselves and our realities, so it should be no surprise that they can influence how and what we think about health, ours and others. Of course, mass media cannot mirror reality because reality is simply too big. So what we see reflected is a “fun house mirror” version of reality. Some things appear bigger than they really are; some things appear smaller; and some things disappear altogether. And this is certainly the case for movie and television portrayals of health and medicine. As long ago as 1984, researchers were able to show that although the medical world is the source of a huge amount of media content, the media “reality” of health and healthcare is largely hospital-based, with technology and medical experts fea- tured at the expense of primary care (family doctors or general practitioners). Family care, preventive care, and community health rarely appear. Doctors are always present; nurses not so much (Garland, 1984). How much has entertain- ment media’s representation of health and medical issues changed? Think of House, ER, and Grey’s Anatomy as you answer.

But entertainment media’s contribution to health knowledge and behav- ior stretches far beyond perceptions of doctors and hospitals. There is a mas- sive body of contemporary science demonstrating that entertainment media can encourage unhealthy be- havior. For example:

• Studying young people 11 to 22 years old, Marina Krcmar and Kathryn Greene found “a link between exposure to violent televi- sion in the form of violent drama, realistic crime shows, and contact sports and participation in various forms of risk taking: problem drinking, drinking and driving, delinquency (vandalizing, tres- passing, truancy), reckless driving, and drug use” (2000, p. 195).

• Albert C. Gunther and his col- leagues found a “robust

much of what we believe we know about doctors, hospitals, and the practice of health- care is shaped by popular mass media representations, like those in Grey’s Anatomy.

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connection” between “protobacco exposure” (seeing cigarette ads as well as media characters smoking on-screen) and adolescents’ belief that their friends smoked which, in turn, increased the likelihood that they themselves would smoke (Gunther et al., 2006).

• Jerry Grenard and his team of researchers demonstrated that adoles- cents are susceptible to televised alcohol commercial persuasion, and their positive response to those ads influences “some youth to drink more and experience drinking-related problems later in adolescence” (Grenard, Dent, and Stacy, 2013, p. e369).

• After reviewing scores of studies demonstrating that “exposure to TDP (thinness depicting and promoting) media leads to distorted body- image perceptions in school-age females and college women,” Kimberly L. Bissell and Peiqin Zhou went a step further and examined the specific contribution of two types of media—entertainment and sports media—for possible associations with body-image distortion and eating disorders. They found that overall exposure to entertainment media in general was not related to eating disorders in college-age females, but those “who were exposed to ‘thin-ideal’ television scored fairly highly on the eating-disorder subscales [anorexia, bulimia, body dissatisfaction, drive for thinness]” (2004, p. 16). In addition, they demonstrated that the television programs these women watched most frequently featured “conspicuously thin” female characters and that those who consumed the greatest amount of this fare were “more likely to be dissatisfied with the way they looked and may even have taken dangerous steps to modify their body shape” (p. 17).

• As for little children, evidence of the negative impact of early television consumption to lifelong physical health problems is just as persuasive. Early television viewing has been linked to sedentary behavior, leading to obesity, diabetes, and poor dietary habits, not to mention mental

health issues such as poor school performance, lack of imagination, and an inability to focus (Boyse, 2010).

There are, however, efforts to use entertain- ment media to promote healthy attitudes and be- haviors. After conducting research showing that most people believe the medical information they see on television dramas and soap operas, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) developed a program called Hollywood, Health & Society. This program works to ensure the accuracy of the health information that ap- pears on television, and it assists program pro- ducers in creating health-focused plots. As a result, meaningful AIDS awareness and preven- tion storylines have found their way into soap

TDP (thinness depicting and promoting) media media that feature conspicuously thin female characters.

the Hollywood, Health & Society program links television producers and health experts to bring medically accurate information to the screen. millions of viewers learned effective exercise and weight-loss skills from The Biggest Loser.

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operas such as The Bold and the Beautiful and prime-time shows like Law and Order: SVU. If you were watching, you might have learned about Alzheimer's disease and post-traumatic stress disorder from Grey’s Anatomy, autism from Parenthood, and weight loss and exercise from The Biggest Loser. Going even further, So You Think You Can Dance spawned a congressionally endorsed Na- tional Dance Day to promote active lifestyles.

Direct-to-Consumer Prescription Drug Advertising

Direct-to-consumer prescription drug advertising (DTCA) is advertising prescription drugs to the public using popular commercial media. It is illegal in every country other than the united States and new Zealand. you know these drugs—viagra, Cialis, Celebrex, vioxx, Lipi- tor, and many others. the practice became legal in the united States in the mid-1980s and has grown to be a $5 billion-a-year business. the typical american televi- sion viewer sees as many as nine prescription drug ads a day, totaling 16 hours per year, far exceeding the amount of time spent with a primary care physician. moreover, every dollar spent on DtCa increases sales of the advertised drug by an estimated $2.20 to $4.20 (ventola, 2011).

nonetheless, DtCa is quite controversial. efforts to lift restrictions in Canada and europe arise quite regu- larly, and proposals to ban, or at least more tightly regu- late, the practice in the united States are also common. While even DtCa’s harshest critics admit that the prac- tice does have a few benefits, they argue that its draw- backs outweigh them. Here are the arguments typically offered by proponents and opponents, and there is re- search to support each contention (see ventola, 2011):

Benefits of DTCA • Informs, educates, and empowers patients • encourages patients to contact a clinician • Promotes patient dialogue with healthcare providers • Strengthens a patient’s relationship with a clinician • encourages patient compliance • reduces underdiagnosis and undertreatment of

conditions • removes the stigma associated with certain diseases • encourages product competition and lower prices.

Drawbacks of DTCA • Does not adequately inform patients • Overemphasizes drug benefits • Promotes new drugs before safety profiles are fully

known • manufactures disease and encourages drug

over-utilization • Leads to inappropriate prescribing • Strains relationships with healthcare providers • Wastes appointment time • Is not rigorously regulated • Increases costs.

However, none of these arguments (for or against) addresses the ethical issues surrounding DtCa. among the moral questions often raised about the practice are

• Is it ethical that DtCa usually offers visual effects that emphasize benefits and very fast speech to down- play risks?

• Is it ethical to persuade people who are not in a knowledgeable position to judge the complexity of the medical issues alluded to in the ad?

• Is it ethical to manufacture disease, for example, rLS, restless leg syndrome?

• Is it ethical to “medicalize” routine aspects of ordi- nary life, such as the thinning hair and weight gain that come with age?

• Is it ethical to direct attention away from personal and societal solutions to health issues and toward expen- sive drug-based remedies in the pursuit of profit?

Where do you stand on the ethics of DtCa? Who bene- fits from DtCa? Who loses?

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION

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Do these efforts work? Susan Morgan and her colleagues measured the influence of organ donation storylines in four television dramas, CSI: NY, Numb3ers, House, and Grey’s Anatomy, and discovered that “viewers who were not organ donors prior to exposure to the dramas were more likely to decide to donate organs if the drama explicitly encouraged donation, portrayed characters revealing how they had become donors, and discussed the merits of donating” (Morgan, Movius, and Cody, 2009, p. 135). Shelia Murphy and her colleagues showed similar effects for a lymphoma storyline on the television drama Desperate Housewives (Murphy e. al., 2011). They demonstrated that involvement with the show’s characters improved not only knowledge of cancer, but produced healthy behavioral change as well. The influence of another aspect of entertainment media on people’s health literacy, however, raises some important ethical questions. The issue is the propriety of a nearly unprecedented American commercial practice, and you can read about it in the box “ Direct-to-Consumer Prescription Drug Advertising.”

Health Communication and the Internet Several Healthy People 2020 objectives have to do with making more effec- tive use of the Internet for health communication (Table 14.1), and there is little wonder why. Fifty-nine percent of US adults—72 percent of all Inter- net users—search online for health information, and as we’ve already seen, one-third of Americans go to the Web to diagnose medical conditions. Eight in 10 of those efforts begin at a search engine like Google, Bing, or Yahoo rather than at a health-specific site, giving rise to the concern that the Inter- net helps create communicated diseases (imagined diseases that spread because people communicate about them, like wind-turbine syndrome). Another concern is that it has become a haven for cyberchondriacs, people who compulsively search online for information about real or imagined symptoms of illness. “On the Internet, every headache becomes a brain tumor in four clicks or less,” jokes Ron Gutman, founder of medical website HealthTap (in Heussner, 2013). But in fact, more than 40 percent of people’s e-diagnoses are eventually confirmed by a clinician (only 18 percent had their e-diagnoses disconfirmed), suggesting that people are actually making good use of the technology (Fox and Duggan, 2013). Not only do they make good use of the new technology, they embrace it. Eighteen percent of Amer- icans say they would like to insert a microchip inside their body to continu- ally monitor their health, sending them and their doctors constant electronic updates, and more than one in five believe that technology will someday eradicate altogether the need for doctors (Simpson, 2013). For now, though, we’ll look at several of the most common applications of the Internet to health communication.

communicated disease an imaginary disease that spreads because people communicate about it.

cyberchondriac Person who compulsively searches online for information about real or imagined symptoms of illness.

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One obvious health communication use of the Internet is as a substitute for a visit to a health professional. More people visit “Dr. Google” every day than visit actual health professionals, and many healthcare providers are taking advantage of that fact to deliver even better care. Many hospitals, clin- ics, and physicians maintain blogs to help people navigate, evaluate, and in- terpret online health information, often in advance of a visit. HealthTap, with 10 million monthly visitors and a network of 71,000 physicians, allows its members to ask doctors questions directly from their mobile devices or the Web ( Kokalitcheva, 2015). Ringadoc provides real-time Internet videoconfer- ence consultations with physicians, and the app Doctor on Demand connects users “face to face” with a physician anytime and anywhere. Physicians at the University of Texas Medical Branch read ultrasounds, X-rays, and echocardio- grams of their patients, as do thousands of other doctors. But they do it for the men and women at the scientific research station in Antarctica via Inter- net telemedicine, the delivery of health services by Internet video. Numer- ous doctors offer—and most health plans now pay for—e-visits, in which physicians and patients interact virtually instead of face to face. Used primar- ily to eliminate office visits for routine illnesses, patients simply enter their symptoms into an online system, and doctors, typically with the patients’ health records electronically accessible, use that information to send a diag- nosis and, when necessary, a prescription. Evaluation of e-visits undertaken by the American Medical Association suggests that the resulting diagnoses are accurate and far less costly to render (Mehrotra et al., 2013). Not only are e-visits effective and cost-efficient, they facilitate health communication in other ways as well. Doctors can attach to their replies information such as patient-education materials, lab results, prescriptions, referrals, and links to well-vetted Web sites.

Other new technology health communication advances abound. There are literally thousands of online support groups for people and families dealing with illness. They may lack the personal touch of a face-to-face group, but they provide 24/7 availability and sometimes much-wanted anonymity. Quite often their members collaborate with scientists and drug companies in medi- cal and public health research. The CDC not only makes hundreds of diagnos- tic and information videos available on YouTube, it even holds health fairs in virtual worlds like Second Life. The American Cancer Society maintains an office there. Several government agencies and public health groups provide safety information sites, many of them interactive. For example, the National Library of Medicine runs a Household Products Database that offers user-friendly information on the possible toxicity of thousands of household products. The Environmental Protection Agency does the same for pesticides and other environmental hazards.

Social networking is also becoming an important site for health commu- nication. As you’ll soon read, it has proven most valuable in the promotion of health campaigns, but health officials also study information shared among social networking friends in the service of promoting good health. For

telemedicine Delivery of health services by Internet video.

e-visit When a physician and patient interact virtually rather than face to face.

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example, health officials have developed an app that searches for keywords in users’ newsfeeds to alert them to their increased risk of catching the flu (Christakis and Fowler, 2010). If three of your friends report that they missed class and two others say they’re kind of achy, you’re likely to receive the mes- sage, “You have a chance of getting the flu today.” Other researchers apply the same approach to sexually transmitted infections (STI). “Real-world social networks—in other words, a person’s circle of friends and sexual partners— have already proved to be strong predictors of STI risk. It follows that sites like Facebook, which convene all of those real-world connections in one vir- tual setting, have huge potential in this arena.” Again, the idea is that if key- words in people’s posts suggest sexually risky behavior or social contact with an infected individual, they might get a message to exercise extra care. Alter- natively, in states where sexual-partner notification is the law, people diag- nosed with an STI can be asked for a list of sexual partners and friends whom they think might benefit from testing. Those people can then be contacted using Facebook with an alert that someone they know has been diagnosed with an STI, they might be at risk, and they should be tested (Clark-Flory, 2012). There’s also an app, Hula, that allows people using their smartphones for location-based online dating (I’m here and looking for a date, are you interested?) to share time-stamped and verified STI lab results with poten- tial partners.

Despite the impressive evidence that health professionals and people are making heavy and varied use of the Internet for health communication, there is for many users the lingering question of personal privacy. Their quite rea- sonable feeling is that anything on the Internet can be hacked. Nonetheless, a large majority of Americans, 72 percent, report that they trust healthcare pro- viders with their personal data, trusting the healthcare industry even more than they do advertisers, social networking sites, the government, and even banks (GfK, 2014). Maintaining that trust, encrypted and password-protected secure message systems are now virtually universal in electronic provider/ client exchanges.

Health Communication Campaigns In 2012 Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg, recognizing that his site’s mem- bers want to present themselves as good, likable, giving individuals—people whom others would want to “friend”—offered them a simple way to indicate their status as an organ donor on their Facebook page’s Timeline, under Life Event. “We believe that by simply telling people that you’re an organ donor, the power of sharing and connection can play an important role,” Zuckerberg explained (in Jacobs, 2012). Facebook is also at the heart of an effort to pro- mote safe sex among high school and college students. Sheana Bull and her colleagues devised an experiment in which they sent different messages to different recipients. Those who received News Feed messages about sexual

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health—items about “condom negoti- ation,” HIV testing, and healthy sexual relationships in a weekly fea- ture called Just/Us—showed better rates of condom use. The researchers chose to use News Feed rather than information from more formal safe- sex advocates because “there is little evidence to suggest a majority of youth actively seek out and engage with organizations on Facebook. Thus, approaches like that of Just/Us to ‘push’ messages out through RSS feed offer one way to get messages in front of a large number of youth” (Bull et al., 2012, pp. 472–473).

Successful public health cam- paigns have existed long before the coming of social networking sites, and Healthy People 2020 specifically called for even greater use of those methods and greater recognition of their best practices (Table 14.1). You are probably familiar with past national campaigns such as “This Is Your Brain on Drugs,” “Milk . . . It Does a Body Good!,” the anti-smoking “I Learned It by Watch- ing You!,” “Buckle Up with the Crash Test Dummies,” and “Friends Don’t Let Friends Drive Drunk.” If con- ducted expertly, these campaigns can be quite effective, accounting for valu- able alterations in target audiences’ behavior (see Snyder, 2007).

These campaigns typically pursue one of two goals, either to raise awareness of important health issues or to change individuals’ health behav- iors and attitudes. In either case, effective implementation should follow some variation of these steps, as described by the CDC’s (2011a) CDCynergy program for planning, managing, and evaluating public health communica- tion programs:

• Review background information to define the problem (determine what’s al- ready out there).

• Set communication objectives (decide what you want to accomplish).

this public service health campaign, and scores of others like it, may have saved millions of lives.

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• Analyze and segment target audiences (decide whom you want to reach).

• Develop and pretest message concepts (decide what you want to say).

• Select communication channels (decide where you want to say it).

• Select, create, and pretest messages and products (plan how you want to say it).

• Develop promotion plan/production (determine how you will get your message and product used).

• Implement communication strategies and conduct process evaluation (get it out there).

• Conduct outcome and impact evaluation (assess how well you did).

The CDC even offers suggestions on how to bring a successful health cam- paign to the workplace, as you can see in the box “Getting Health Messages to Employees.” Nonetheless, even the best, most creative, most effective health campaigns inevitably fail to change the behaviors of everyone in their target group. You can read why in the box “The Health Belief Model.”

The Health Belief Model

Public health campaigns have been with us for a long time, and so has the question of why some people fail to respond to them. In the 1950s, perplexed as to why people would refuse to take advantage of free chest x-rays to screen for tuberculosis, psychologists came to the conclusion that people’s beliefs about how suscepti- ble they were to a disease, coupled with their percep- tions of the benefits associated with trying to avoid it, influenced their willingness to act (Becker, 1974). the re- sulting Health Belief model (rimer and glanz, 2005, p. 13) argued that “six main constructs influence people’s deci- sions about whether to take action to prevent, screen for, and control illness . . . [P]eople are ready to act if they

• Believe they are susceptible to the condition (per- ceived susceptibility)

• Believe the condition has serious consequences (per- ceived severity)

• Believe taking action would reduce their susceptibil- ity to the condition or its severity (perceived benefits)

• Believe costs of taking action (perceived barriers) are outweighed by the benefits

• are exposed to factors that prompt action (e.g., a television ad or a reminder from one’s physician to get a mammogram) (cue to action)

• are confident in their ability to successfully perform an action (self-efficacy).”

using the Health Belief model, take a free program offered by your campus health service that might apply to you but that you do not use and explain why you don’t take advantage of it. Some programs typically of- fered by campus health services include (for men) geni- tal and testicular exams; discussions on food and vitamin supplements; programs on steroid use and its effects; (for women) annual pap smear and breast exams; contraceptive counseling; (for all) testing, treat- ment, and counseling for sexually transmitted infec- tions; HIv testing and counseling; nutrition and diet counseling; blood pressure checks; and diet and weight loss programs. now, perform the same analysis on a program that you have used. Did you learn anything from this exercise about your health literacy? If yes, what did you learn? If not, can you explain why not?

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

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14.1 Identify the barriers to successful provider-client communication and evaluate possible remedies. There are six primary barriers to successful pro- vider-client communication: providers are not trained in interpersonal communication; they rely on technical jargon; there exists a power dis- tance between providers and their clients; clients are reluctant to speak up; providers have little time; and providers fear malpractice suits. In each instance there have been successful efforts at improvement.

14.2 Describe the importance of family, friends, and support groups as agents of health communication. Friends and family provide action-facilitating support and nurturing support. Contemporary practices call for the patient to be the definer of “family.” Face-to-face support groups offer a vari- ety of benefits, including an opportunity to see and hear others like themselves in person, touching or other nonverbal support, opportunities for in- formal social time, and finding people to connect with socially or for extra support. Additionally,

Review of Learning Objectives

Getting Health Messages to Employees

american companies and other large organizations are increasingly bringing health campaigns to the work- place. Obviously, not only do employees who take ad- vantage of them gain the benefit of better health, employers, too, benefit because of increased worker productivity. after all, sick employees, even if they choose to come to work, aren’t productive employees.

But as the CDC cautions, “If employees are unaware of the health promotion opportunities available to them, they are unlikely to participate; and without suffi- cient participation, program success cannot be achieved” (2011b). therefore, the CDC offers four strate- gies designed to gain greater on-the-job health cam- paign effectiveness:

1. Brand the health strategy, including a logo— Brand the campaign; give it a name (for example, “20 Days to a Healthier you” or “Walk that tension away”); create a logo; and use both on all materials.

2. Define the target audience(s)—Identify the em- ployee group or groups to whom the campaign will be directed; tailor messages to those groups, keep- ing in mind demographic factors like age and nature

of their jobs; interact with employees to learn about their knowledge, attitudes, and beliefs related to health promotion; identify their needs and interests and the opportunities and barriers to access health information.

3. Use a variety of message channels—use multiple communication channels to ensure that employees receive the information they need to make informed decisions. Consider e-mail, bulletin boards, newslet- ters, the intranet, presentations, social networking, direct communication from management, represen- tatives of a company “wellness council,” and cowork- ers. Pay attention to the best timing and frequency of message delivery for intended groups of employees. Be willing to pretest messages with targeted workers and make the necessary changes.

4. Recognize and celebrate success—Highlight em- ployee success stories; share and celebrate them to motivate others to participate. Consider incentives— time off, company clothing, gift cards, and so on—as rewards for employees who meet their individual health behavior goals.

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the simple act of helping others in a support group benefits the helpers as much as it does the recipients of their help.

14.3 explain how the hospital culture itself impedes good health communication and evaluate possible remedies. The complexity of even routine hospital proce- dures, coupled with the traditional hierarchical structure of doctor-staff interactions, can com- bine to create potentially dangerous communica- tion errors. Effective communication strategies from other industries have proven successful in remedying many problems.

14.4 Judge the contribution of entertainment media to good and harmful health communication. There is considerable scientific evidence not only that entertainment media present an unrealistic image of medicine and its practice, but also that they can encourage unhealthy activities such as aggression, smoking, drinking, body dissatisfac- tion, and a sedentary lifestyle. But there is also evidence that these same media are effective at encouraging good health practice.

14.5 Judge the benefits and drawbacks of the Internet and social network sites as sources of health communication. Despite some concern that the ready availability of health information on the Internet can encour- age cyberchondria and communicated diseases, many people make good use of the technology as a means of self-diagnosis, as a substitute or comple- ment for visits to health professionals, for access to online support groups, and as a clearinghouse for a wide variety of health and safety communi- cation. Social networking, too, has proven valu- able in health information campaigns and for personal contact with at-risk individuals.

14.6 Describe the elements of an effective health communication campaign. There are nine steps to a successful health com- munication campaign: review background infor- mation to define the problem; set communication objectives; analyze and segment target audiences; develop and pretest message concepts; select communication channels; select, create, and pre- test messages and products; develop promotion plan/production; implement communication strategies and conduct process evaluation; and conduct outcome and impact evaluation.

Key Terms amenable mortality 313 health literacy 313 health communication 315 patient activation 317 machine-and-mechanic relationship 319 child-parent relationship 319 nocebo effect 319 disclosure-and-apology strategy 322 defend-and-deny approach 322 action-facilitating support 324 nurturing support 324 adverse events 326

TDP (thinness depicting and promoting) media 328

communicated disease 330 cyberchondriac 330 telemedicine 331 e-visit 331

Questions for Review 1. What are communicated diseases and cyber -

chondria?

2. What are health literacy and health commu- nication?

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3. What are the six reasons for poor provider-client communication?

4. Distinguish between the machine-and- mechanics and the child-parent provider- client relationship?

5. What is the nocebo effect?

6. Distinguish between the disclosure-and- apology strategy and the defend-and-deny approach? What provider-client problem is each designed to confront?

7. Distinguish between action-facilitating sup- port and nurturing support.

8. What are some of the benefits and drawbacks of face-to-face support groups?

9. How can entertainment media promote good health?

10. What is the Health Belief Model?

Questions for Discussion 1. Have you ever gone to the Internet for health

information? What was your goal? Was it for diagnosis or for some other matter? Where did you begin your search? What was your experi- ence, that is, were you satisfied with the outcome?

2. How would you rate your own health literacy? If you give yourself high marks, what factors did you consider in making that evaluation? If you gave yourself low marks, why did you do so, and what might you do to improve your health literacy grade?

3. How well did this chapter’s scenario of a typical visit to the doctor match your experience? What similarities and differences have you ex- perienced and why do you think they exist?

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Chapter Outline

The Importance of Public Speaking 340

Types of Speeches 344

A Crash Course in Public Speaking 346

Identifying the Steps of Speech Preparation 352

Overcoming Public Speaking Anxiety 355

Public Speaking: An Overview

15

You wake up. It’s 5:00 a.m. You toss and turn but have no luck get-

ting back to sleep. And then you remember: it’s your turn to deliver

an informative speech in today’s public speaking class. Your stom-

ach begins to do flips, and you know if you don’t fall back to sleep,

you’ll be a zombie for class. But why the nerves? You’ve prepared

thoroughly for your presentation, “The Life of Samuel Langhorne

Clemens.” You know your topic well, and you start to go over the

speech in your head—Clemens was born in 1835 and died in 1910.

His pen name was Mark Twain. He was the author of classic books

like The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn, Life on the Mississippi, The

Prince and the Pauper, and a Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur’s Court.

You’re definitely ready. And yet—your head hurts, your stomach’s a

bit queasy, and you are exhausted from sleeping so poorly all night.

You have a good, old-fashioned case of public speaking anxiety.

Class begins at 1:00 p.m. sharp and the professor calls you to the

front. The room starts to spin. You think, everyone is judging me. As

you attempt to recall all the constructive criticism provided by your

instructor over the past few weeks, your mind goes blank and you

struggle to breathe. And then something unexpected happens.

Mark Twain walks into the room! It’s your English professor dressed

in a white suit, wearing a white wig and moustache, and smoking a

pipe. The class loves it. Your live visual aid has arrived, and the ten-

sion and awkwardness of the pre-speech silence is broken. You

begin to relax as your visual aid takes his place next to you at the

podium. A deep breath, and you begin, “Thank you for joining us,

Mr. Twain.” The class erupts with laughter and you feel a calm come

over you just before delivering a flawless speech.

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Wouldn’t it be nice if every speech moment happened just like in this opening story? It can, and this chapter is designed to help you become more comfort- able with public presentation by stressing the idea that speaking, in all forms, is a natural part of who we are as humans.

The Importance of Public Speaking In the opening monologue of an episode of his hit television series, Seinfeld, comedian Jerry Seinfeld (1993) jokes, “According to most studies, people’s number-one fear is public speaking. Number two is death. Death is number two! Now this means to the average person, if you have to go to a funeral, you’re better off in the casket than doing the eulogy.” Funny, yes; but the co- median also fairly accurately identified the fear many people have of public speaking. Karen Dwyer and Marlina Davidson empirically tested the claim, surveying college students. “So, is public speaking the number one fear? The answer is ‘yes,’” they concluded, “it is the most common fear, selected by stu- dents more often than other fears” (2012, p. 107). Incidentally, death was not the second most common fear; it was third, just behind financial problems and ahead of loneliness.

But why should this be the case? After all, we all talk, and usually quite publicly. Why is it different when we have to stand up and speak in front of an audience? Could it be that we simply hate being judged? Perhaps it’s because we have insecurities about our speaking skills. Maybe we want to live up to the impressions others have of us and we are afraid we’ll fail to do so. The answer could be all of the above, and then some. But speaking is as natural to most humans as eating. Still, we’ve never heard anyone say they were afraid of eating, so what’s going on here? Eating is a pleasure often tied to our emo- tions. We all know people who claim to be “emotional eaters.” Eating calms us and makes us happy. Delivering a speech, however, is unnerving for many people, offering (they think) little more than stress, judgment, and the opportunity to be embarrassed.

15.1 explain the importance of public speaking.

15.2 Identify the different types of speeches.

15.3 Identify the basics of good public speaking.

15.4 Describe the steps of speech preparation.

15.5 Identify ways to overcome public speaking anxiety.

Learning Objectives

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T h e I m P O r TA n C e O f P u b l I C S P e A k I n g

Rest assured, public speaking has gotten a bad rap. Like eating, there are so many more benefits than costs if we do it right—including good health. Speaking is a productive contri- bution to our mental well-being, helping us with memory, focus, critical thinking, and other cognitive processes. In fact, verbal communica- tion in all forms is directly tied to our ability to make meaning and develop understanding about ourselves, others, and our culture. Public speaking experts Ray Ross and Diana Leonard explain, “We process information in order to think about it the same way we process infor- mation to share with others. When we speak to others (formally or informally) we help them to understand our thinking processes by providing connections between our ideas” (2012, p. 6). In other words, as we become better speakers, we also become more reflective thinkers, and as we become more reflective think- ers, we become better thinkers.

But the advantages of being an effective speaker are not limited to cognitive improvement. Relationship development, professional success, identity forma- tion, and the encouragement of public discourse are all products of effective talk. In Chapter 3 we addressed the role of verbal communication in identity formation and maintenance, and in Chapter 6 we looked at talk in relationships. So here we will concentrate on professional success and public discourse.

Public speaking is when a speaker addresses an audience in a more struc- tured and formal way than in a regular conversation. Many of the formally prepared presentations we deliver happen in the workplace. In fact, communi- cation skills (speaking, writing, and critical thinking) are among the top crite- ria in determining job attainment and retention. Surveys routinely demonstrate that the two characteristics employers want most in their new hires are good communication skills and critical thinking (a byproduct of solid communication skills; Sternberg, 2013). Specifically regarding the issue of public speaking, research by Hart Research Associates shows that 89 percent of employers want more emphasis placed on oral communication in colleges (2010). Simply put, if you can present yourself and your ideas in an intelligible and professional manner, you are more likely than those who cannot to expe- rience continued career growth. It doesn’t matter what you have in your head or heart, if you can’t communicate it, it does you little good. And as you read in Chapter 12, with Internet and smartphone technology continuing to be the communication media of choice for most students, those future job-seekers inevitably place less emphasis on presenting themselves verbally. As a result, when employers find job candidates who are adept at speaking, they rush to hire them (Weins, 2012). You can read more about the importance of public speaking to career success in the box “On-the-Job Public Speaking.”

public speaking Addressing an audience in a structured and formal way.

Jerry Seinfeld says people would rather die than deliver a speech.

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Encouraging public discourse, societal sharing of ideas through con- versation, is also an important reason to develop good speaking skills. As we’ve discussed in previous chapters, communicating our ideas is critical to democracy. The efficiency and accuracy with which messages are deliv- ered helps determine the competency of the response, for example, in voting on civic issues or in managing crises like natural disasters and health epidemics. Consider the types of professionals who speak publicly on a regular basis and as a result mold public opinion—politicians, celebri- ties, marketers, teachers, public relations professionals, news anchors, and local officials, to name a few. These people must possess some level of public speaking skill if they are to be successful at eliciting their desired

public discourse Societal sharing of ideas through conversation.

On-the-Job Public Speaking

As you’ve seen throughout this text, context is crucial to meaning making. So, while the principles of good public speaking remain the same regardless of the setting, dif- ferent settings suggest somewhat different approaches. As speech coach Audra bianca (2015) explains, “for example, you would prepare a different speech for a fund-raising dinner than you would for a parent-teacher conference. Over time, you learn to think on your feet, taking information from the social environment and changing your communication patterns to suit the occa- sion.” Communication consultant Courtney meyer (2013) adds, “whether you need to present to a government agency or parent company, speak in the boardroom or even talk to a group of coworkers or new employees, being in the spotlight isn’t easy. effective public speak- ing in or out of the workplace is a skill that you should hone—for very few people does this come naturally. Of course, the good news is that public speaking is a skill that can be learned and practiced.” what are some of the on-the-job skills that can be learned and practiced?

1. Emphasize the point. make sure to state the con- cern or issue that has put you in front of your listeners and why they need to listen.

2. Tell your listeners how they benefit. Your time is valuable. Their time is valuable. So explain how they’ll benefit from listening to you.

3. Identify with your audience. This is one public speaking rule—in fact one communication-in- general rule—that never varies. let your listeners know that you understand them, their needs, and interests as soon as you start talking. Communication is a transaction.

4. Summarize how you developed the solution or information you are offering. This gives your listen- ers a story to follow and will keep them from dismiss- ing you or interrupting.

5. Pass out an outline of your proposal or report. Your listeners can make notes or questions directly next to your points and take the outline away from the talk.

6. Anticipate criticism. If you were in your audience, what questions, objections, and critiques would you offer? Address these issues throughout your talk. have an answer prepared for every criticism you can think of, and, if questioned, offer your responses calmly and confidently.

Over the course of our lives we typically spend 90,117 hours at work (manger and mcPhee, 2015); as a result, much of our communication happens in a professional environment. It only makes sense, then, that improving our on-the-job public speaking skills will produce a more successful and fulfilling career.

COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE

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T h e I m P O r TA n C e O f P u b l I C S P e A k I n g

Political Satire in Contemporary Culture

Several polls conducted over the last few years (e.g., kelley, 2014) have revealed that viewers who get their news primarily from satire programs like The Daily Show are more informed about current events and issues than viewers who watch more traditional news programs. we can debate whether this is a pos- itive development, but given the role that these political satire programs now seem to serve, the question becomes whether such satirists feel a sense  of social responsibility to the audience that supports them.

most of what personalities such as Jon Stewart say pokes fun at those in power, including big-time media personalities. Ironically, despite, or maybe because of, this satirical approach to highlighting chaos and corruption, he and those like him (John Oliver and larry wilmore, for example) have become among the most trusted journalists in America (meyers, 2015). Yet in numerous interviews, Stewart has made it clear that he’s a comedian and does not claim to be or want to be a journalist (for example, in moyers, 2007).

Cultural researcher Amber Day, author of Satire and Dissent: Intervention in Contemporary Political Debate, commented on the issue of social responsibility, “while I don’t think they [performers like Stewart] have an automatic responsibility as political satirists, I do think they have become popular because they do such

a good job of pointing to the flaws of mainstream news and political discussion. In drawing our attention to the sensationalism, manipulativeness, and dishon- esty of much of our political debate, they frequently provide more context and analysis of the issues than the outlets they critique” (2015). what do you think? Do respected public figures automatically have a social responsibility when constructing and delivering their messages, regardless of the format or genre through which they speak? And, although Jon Stewart says he’s only a comedian, how do you think he would answer this question?

public reaction. Certainly, you could name a few speakers who have been particularly influential in your life. Think of the many individuals, past and present, who have had tremendous impact through their presenta- tional abilities—Winston Churchill, Gloria Steinem, Walter Cronkite, Shir- ley Chisholm, Martin Luther King, Jr., and even Jon Stewart, to name a few. These speakers and the many others who have informed us, persuaded us, guided us, motivated us, and entertained us, even if we have never heard them speak (or even if we have never even heard of them!) have en- riched our lives. Consider what Martin Luther King, Jr., achieved in the 1960s, not only for the Civil Rights Movement, but for all Americans, in- forming us of cultural, legal, social, and economic inequality and

SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

As a public speaker, does political satirist Jon Stewart have a social responsibility to his viewers?

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persuading us to take action. For nearly two decades, co- median Jon Stewart entertained us on Comedy Central, but he also informed an entire generation of young adults about political issues affecting their country and very often persuaded them into action (Day, 2011). You can read more about the value of speakers like Mr. Stewart in the box “Political Satire in Contemporary Culture.” Good speakers can deliver many types of speeches and styles effectively.

Types of Speeches Public speaking experts typically differentiate four variet- ies of speeches: informative, persuasive, special occasion, and small group speeches. Informative speeches are speeches designed to transmit knowledge and understand- ing. Speeches about objects, events, concepts, or processes are all considered informative. Here are a few sample topics for each:

informative speech Speech designed to convey knowl- edge and understanding.

Dr. martin luther king used words to change the world. • Objects: The human heart, the US Congress, the space shuttle, the Swiss Alps

• Events: Mardi Gras, the Great Depression, the presiden- tial election, the Super Bowl

• Concepts: Honesty, civil rights, trust, education, poli- tics, philosophy

• Processes: How to administer CPR, how to make chicken parmesan, writing a business letter, how to prepare a speech

Because informative speeches are designed to relay knowledge, it is im- portant that sources used in the speech are credible and current. Part of being a good informative speaker is being accountable for what you present and making sure the facts and data are comprehensible to your audience.

Another type of speech is the persuasive speech. The goal of a persuasive speech is either to move the audience toward your opinion on a specific subject or to reinforce existing opinions. Like informative speeches, they require research and the presentation of material based on credible findings. Unlike the informative speech however, the persuasive presenta- tion is not necessarily neutral or objective, and often contains statements of opinion backed by outside sources. Here are some examples of persuasive topics:

• The existence of global warming

• Be an organ donor

• The dangers of smoking

persuasive speech Speech designed to persuade an audience to a new opinion or reinforce an existing opinion.

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• The importance of a mandatory finance class in high school

• Vote for Brynn McNamee

• Eat gluten free for a healthier lifestyle

Strategically, persuasive speeches are much like debates. In order to argue your side of the issue, you need to fully understand the presumed points of the opposition. Even though the audience typically doesn’t verbally counter or challenge your arguments (as each side does in a debate), there are certainly some audience members who will mentally disagree with your position; that is, they will be thinking about all the counterpoints they would make if they could. When preparing a persuasive speech, you must consider these counterarguments in order to successfully address (and hopefully deflate) the concerns of those who do not share your opinions.

A very important component of persuasion is ethics (Chapter 13 offers a detailed discussion of ethics and persuasion). In our current political climate of accusations, name-calling, and high-stakes campaigning, we often see can- didates resort to lying about the facts or, at the very least, engaging in puffery (slight exaggerations) to win votes. We tend to see the same tactics in partisan news reporting and most certainly in advertising (Jay, 2010). It’s often ex- tremely difficult not only to separate fact from fiction but also to determine ethical from unethical commentary.

Two other kinds of speeches are small group (presenting for only a few people, for example at a business meeting or before a church group) and special occasion (presenting at an event like a roast, wedding, or funeral). As you can imagine, very few people find themselves speaking before an audience of hundreds, but most of us will at some point experience delivering a speech before a small group or at a special event. There can also be crossover in the type of speech, for example, a small group speech can also be persuasive, like a sales talk or elevator pitch (a short, speech, typically prepared in advance rather than on the spot, delivered in the presumed time span of an elevator ride, or 30 seconds to 2 minutes).

A special occasion speech such as a eulogy can also be informative, for in- stance if the speaker presents a biographical perspective of the deceased. And consider speeches given by political candidates. Naturally, politicians wish to persuade people to vote for them, but in doing so they also need to be informa- tive about their policies, positions, and plans. Whatever the platform, style, or genre of speech, most effective speakers share a number of skills and characteristics.

small group speech Speech delivered before a few people.

special occasion speech Speech at an event like a roast, wedding, or funeral.

elevator pitch A short, often fully prepared speech deliv- ered in the presumed time span of an elevator ride.

Persuasive speeches require an understanding of all sides of the issue.

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A Crash Course in Public Speaking There are 20 basic rules that should receive the lion’s share of your attention as you work to master public speaking, so we want to highlight these points for you in this “crash course” section. It is important to note that these basic rules assume that you have thoroughly researched your topic and have written a thoughtful speech. These rules should be more than sufficient to get you up on your feet and deliver- ing quite competent public speeches:

1. Know your audience: Doing audience analysis as you begin to prepare your speech is a key part of a successful presentation. Basic knowledge of your listeners’ demo- graphics and characteristics will help you better under- stand their needs and also allow you to tailor your speech accordingly. In fact, knowing the general atti- tudes of the audience “will enable you to choose a topic that affects your audience’s position without alienating them” (Verderber and Verderber, 2008, p. 284).

2. Watch your posture: Standing up straight with your shoulders pulled back instead of hunching over is a way to present yourself as someone in command. People in

audience analysis In prepa- ration for a speech, gathering information about audience characteristics.

command of their bodies come across as more confident, more serious, and more credible. Slouching can signify fear and uncertainty, while standing erect tells an audience that you courageously preside over your message. Think about it symbolically: the higher up you are, the more pow- erful you appear.

3. Make eye contact: In Chapter 4 we discussed oculesics, the study of eye behav- iors in communication. As you might remember, an important part of this research centers on making eye contact. Eye contact ignites interest and even a heightened level of attraction between communicators. So, when de- livering a speech, the best strategy for nonverbally connecting with the people in your audience is simply to look at them. One way to understand the impact of eye contact is to imagine that you are a speaker gazing out into the audience and what you see is people sitting there, heads down and star- ing at their shoe tops. Wouldn’t you interpret this as a sign that they are uninterested in what you have to say? Or simply not listening? Wouldn’t you find this feeling of disconnection uncomfortable? When you make eye con- tact with your audience, you are offering them membership in the process.

4. Maintain a good appearance: Looking professional while giving a speech is common sense. Consider other situations in which you hope for positive feedback—a job interview, a business presentation, or maybe

A wedding toast is a special occasion speech.

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appearing before a judge in traffic court. In each of these instances you would dress professionally because the judgments of the others you meet in these settings are important to you. The same is true in the delivery of a speech. The more “put together” you appear, the more attention and credibility you will command from those around you.

5. Avoid mall speak: Every generation has its own particular language. Many members of today’s generation of high school and college students engage in mall speak; their talk is embedded with far too many “likes” and “you knows” as well as more traditional verbal or vocal fillers like “ums” and “uhs.” And while unique speech patterns may be considered identity markers for each new generation, speech-making requires a more plural- istic language representative of a diverse audience. In fact, many people feel this so-called generational talk debases the intelligence of a speaker, and whether you agree or not, the bottom line is that some of those crit- ics could be members of your next audience.

6. Believe in your topic: Perhaps the most important factor in motivating and exciting an audience has to do with the level of passion you invest in your topics. When presenters are passionate about their speeches, they are naturally more enthusiastic in their delivery and, conse- quently, come off as more knowledgeable about the information they are relaying. If you truly believe in what you’re saying, you don’t have to work so hard emotionally; therefore, the energy you would other- wise use to find that enthusiasm could be better employed focusing on delivery technique. If you believe in your topic, the audience is more likely to do so as well.

mall speak embedding speech with nontraditional fillers such as “like” and “you know.”

vocal filler unnecessary transition words/sounds like um, uh, ah.

In your opinion, which speaker has more credibility?

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7. Don’t barrage the audience with facts and statistics: We’ve all heard the ex- pression “death by detail,” and it easily applies to speech giving. Too many statistics and numbers in a speech can detract from the residual message—the larger point you want everyone to remember long after the speech is over. If audience members are forced to focus on a giant mass of details, not only will they feel overwhelmed and perhaps become bored, they may also miss your larger point. For example, if you’re giving a speech on Halloween safety in your town you might say, “There were 2,456 trick-or-treaters this past year here in Springfield and each child received an average of 122 pieces of candy. Therefore, the number of candy pieces totaled 299,632, of which 12% were ques- tionable and had to be checked for safety reasons.” WOW! That’s a lot of data for the audience to remember! You would have been just as ef- fective saying, “Nearly 40,000 pieces of candy this year were examined for possible tampering.” You’ll also notice the actual number was rounded up. Twelve percent of 299,632 is about 35,956, but nobody is likely to remember such a specific number, so you’re much better off with “nearly 40,000.” Statistics can often highlight a serious problem, serving as important evidence in support of a call for a solution, but if overused, they can also bombard and exhaust the audience into a state of indifference.

8. Speak ethically: Later in the chapter we look at the ethics of public speak- ing. Speaking ethically isn’t only about not plagiarizing (stealing some- one else’s work); it’s also about making an honest effort to refrain from offending people and from engaging in ethnocentric bias—acting like your culture, ethnicity, or values are better than everyone else’s (Chap- ter 9). Speaking ethically and speaking with integrity are closely aligned, so an audience is likely to judge a speaker’s character as di- rectly linked to not only what’s being said, but also to the overall stan- dards of authenticity, credibility, and sensitivity that the presenter sets for him or herself.

9. Begin and end powerfully: The introduction and conclusion of any speech are its most important parts. The introduction is the audience’s first impression of the speaker, the speaker’s skills, and the nature of the speech. When meeting others for the first time, we tend to engage in rapid impression formation, making immediate judgments that shape the remainder of the encounter, as you read in Chapter 6. The same is true when an audience meets a speaker, so it is critical that the beginning of any speech be particularly strong at grabbing listeners’ attention. The conclusion must also be strong because it contains the speaker’s final comments, which tend to be the most-remembered ideas. The closing often reinforces the residual message, and if done well, will have the au- dience thinking about the speech long after it is over.

10. Practice, don’t rehearse: What’s the difference? Someone who rehearses performs the speech so many times it begins to sound mechanical, as if

residual message In a speech, the larger point to be remembered.

rapid impression formation making immediate judgments of others after initial encounters.

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it’s being read rather than delivered. Think about actors. They rehearse their lines, and in doing so, memorize them. Great speakers, on the other hand, practice their speeches, acquainting themselves with the material without necessarily reciting it verbatim. Practicing requires speakers to review their speech a few times, and then put it aside before returning to it later. Rehearsing can result in being too prepared, risking the very real possibility that the speech becomes so familiar to the speaker that the monotony and lack of emotional involvement he or she feels is trans- ferred to the audience.

11. Articulate, enunciate, and use proper pronunciations: Articulation refers to adjustments of speech organs (jaw, tongue, and so on) to allow for the proper pronunciation of sounds, while pronunciation is “the act of expressing the sounds and accents of words so that they conform to accepted standards” (Ross and Leonard, 2012, p. 256). Enunciation is pronouncing words clearly. In order to correctly pronounce and enun- ciate words we need to articulate, that is, move our vocal apparatus in such a way that it allows us to utter the sounds we wish to make. There are many reasons that public speakers’ quality of articulation, enunci- ation, and pronunciation are important, but arguably the two biggest include wanting to be fully understood by the audience and wanting to sound intelligent. In being aware of pronunciations, we also must con- sider dialects—variations in a language’s vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation. Individual audience members may not share the speak- er’s dialect; for example, a Bostonian delivering a speech to Southern- ers may confuse her listeners when informing them about the best place to “pahk” their “cahrs.” According to public speaking expert Stephen Lucas, in situations like this, “The dialect may cause listeners to make negative judgments about the speaker’s personality, intelli- gence, and competence. This is why professional speakers have been known to invest large amounts of time (and money) to master the Gen- eral American dialect used by most television broadcasters” (2015, p. 247). No one dialect is inherently better or worse than another; how- ever, in some circumstances, adjusting to a dialect common to your listeners might enhance the effectiveness of your speech.

12. Always have water on hand: This is an obvious point that requires little ex- planation. We’ve all experienced dry mouth, “frog in the throat,” chronic coughing, or sore throats when speaking. Having a water bottle next to you throughout the speech and being able to take an occasional sip in the event that you are victimized by one of these afflictions allows you to de- liver your presentation without having to stop for a long period of time or struggle uncomfortably throughout.

13. Don’t worry about nervousness: Later in the chapter we will deal with public speaking anxiety. For now, though, keep in mind three basic tips: (1) ev- eryone gets nervous, even professional speakers; (2) much, if not most, of your nervousness goes undetected by the audience; and (3) nervousness

articulation Adjustments of speech organs to allow for the proper pronunciation of sounds.

pronunciation expressing the sounds and accents of words to accepted standards.

enunciation Pronouncing words clearly.

dialect variations in a language’s vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation.

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is a good thing because it is an in- dication that you care about deliv- ering a quality speech, and you can turn those nerves into posi- tive energy.

14. Don’t be afraid to use your hands: Most people talk with their hands in everyday conversations. It’s natural. When you use your hands and arms during speeches you are, in fact, providing nonverbal emphasis to verbal statements. You are nonverbally communicat- ing to the audience that you are emphatic about your points, and at the same time welcoming your listeners into your speech. Also, think in terms of open arms rather than closed arms. The first is

never be afraid to use your hands. even the most polished speakers—for example, facebook Chief Operating Officer Sheryl Sandberg—let their hands do the talking.

inviting (like asking for a big hug), while the second shuts people out as if you’re protecting yourself from a threatening audience. In other words, your gestures should be inviting and open.

15. Avoid distracting body language: Some body language can be distracting to an audience. Habits such as hair twirling, pacing, rocking, swaying, fist clenching, leaning, leg shaking, or foot tapping can prove fatal to a speech if the audience is focused on what your body is doing instead of what your words are saying. Taking control of your body enables you to employ more productive movements, which will, in turn, enhance your speech.

16. Try to use notecards or outlines rather than scripted speeches: There are cir- cumstances when scripted speeches, word-for-word manuscripts, are appropriate, for example when the presentation is particularly lengthy. Examples would include the president’s State of the Union Address or a television anchor’s news broadcast. In these cases, a fully prepared speech may be required. However, as you practice becoming a solid public speaker, it is important that you gain the ability to work from notecards and outlines, that is, from a minimal text. In doing so, you become better at transitions (moving smoothly from one thought to another); you remain more aware of what you’re saying; you sound less mechanical; and you don’t risk losing your place amidst all the words, sentences, and paragraphs of an entire manuscript. People who develop their speech-giving skills using fewer notes tend to be better at extemporaneous (lightly prepared) and impromptu (“off-the-cuff”) speeches, and they are also better able to continue their speeches in the  event of technological malfunctions or other interruptions. Yes, it happens!

scripted speech Speech read word-for-word from a manuscript.

extemporaneous speech lightly prepared speech.

impromptu speech Off-the- cuff speech.

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17. Practice using visual aids: In a world of visual learners and tech-savvy students, it’s tough to resist the urge to incorporate media into speeches. Presentation programs like Power- Point and Prezi are popular with novice public speakers looking to make an impression. Still, many students incorrectly use these aids, and the result is often a presentation that consists of little more than a speaker reading slides, bombarding the audience with too much visual information, or performing a choppy speech as she or he negotiates the technology. If you do opt to use these technologies, it’s important to practice with them before the speech. This will ensure a smoother flow of thought as you tran- sition from one slide to the next. It is also critical that only the main points, as opposed to every statistic, quote, or piece of data, be included on the slides. You should simplify your visual aids to maintain audience concentration and to keep yourself from reading the slides rather than delivering a presenta- tion. In sum, be judicious! Corporate trainer Steven Smith warns, “Power- Point slides with just bullet points seem to me as crutches for the speaker . . . I know that a speaker can connect with his or her audience better with stories, whiteboard drawings, and experiential exercises. That connection requires joining the energy of the participants and spontaneity on my part. My presen- tation plan must change to fit the energy in the room . . . The technology gets in the way of the connection between the leader and the participants” (2010).

18. Learn proper breathing techniques: Diaphragmatic breathing is simply abdominal breathing—deep breaths that allow the stomach muscles to expand. This type of breathing should occur while standing up straight to allow for clear air passages from your lungs to your head. Engaging in dia- phragmatic breathing will be an essential part of your success as a speaker for the following reasons: (1) it relaxes the body, making you less nervous as you deliver the speech; (2) it allows you to project your sounds further and present a stronger voice; (3) it helps to develop lung capacity, which can prove especially beneficial when delivering lengthy and/or energetic sentences; and (4) deep breaths mean more oxygen to the brain, allowing you to more clearly focus on what you’re about to say.

19. Emulate speakers you respect: Most of us can point to someone we consider a great speaker. We can also identify the characteristics in that individual bringing us to that judgment. The old adage “Imitation is the sincerest form of flattery” is a good rule to remember when thinking about public speaking. We all learn certain lessons from copying the approach of others; for example, a young girl may learn to be a good parent from watching her mother, father, or grandparents. There’s nothing wrong and everything right with emulating the skills of those you admire, as long as you work

diaphragmatic breathing Abdominal breathing allow- ing the stomach muscles to expand.

Proper use of visual aids is critical to delivering a successful speech.

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simultaneously to craft your own personal style. Find people you respect as speakers and adopt some of their techniques. Believe it or not, it’s an excellent way to discover your own identity as a speaker.

20. Instill confidence by knowing that you are a great speaker: This is another piece of common wisdom that many students fail to understand. Believing you are a good speaker will yield much better results than convincing yourself you are not. The more confidence you have in yourself, the better you per- form. One way to ensure your own confidence is to routinely evaluate your performances in an effort to continually improve your speech skills. The box entitled “Public Speaking Self-Assessment” can help you do just that.

Identifying the Steps of Speech Preparation Now that you have taken a crash course in public speaking and have a broad knowledge of this valuable skill, you are ready to begin the process of writing and delivering your own speech. Where do you begin? First, you need to

Public Speaking Self-Assessment

now that your speech has been delivered, you’re feeling a sense of relief and even pride. You think to yourself, it’s time to “back burner” the whole experi- ence and move on to other things. unfortunately (or fortunately, depending on how you look at it), there is still one more step in the process: self-assessment. You engaged in a pre-self-assessment before del- ivering the speech when you asked yourself questions like

• how will I deal with my nervousness? • what’s the best approach for me to take on topic? • Am I aware of my strengths and weaknesses going

into the presentation?

now, with the speech finally delivered, you must complete a post-self-assessment by asking questions such as these:

• Did I get my point across? • was the audience interested?

• what seemed to be the most effective aspects of my speech?

• were my goals met? how were my inflection, volume, and eye contact?

• how were my transitions? • what were the best and worst parts of my speech?

Your self-assessment requires that you ask yourself a series of questions with the intent of becoming a better speaker, continually improving your skills. This step is a critical part of delivering a presentation because it in- volves taking responsibility for your speech and the messages you relay to your audience. being accountable for what and how you communicate to others, by defini- tion, makes you a better speaker because it is a responsi- ble choice. Self-assessment or self-critique allows us to evaluate our values, consider our motives, be honest with ourselves, and perhaps take constructive criticism from others. In fact, self-assessment is often viewed as integral to self-improvement—and we all have a per- sonal responsibility to put our best foot forward.

PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION

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identify the type of speech you intend to deliver—informative, persuasive, special occasion, or something else. Then you need to decide on a topic. This is sometimes a grueling experience for many students because they often simply don’t know where to look or how to find inspiration in a specific topic. The first suggestion is that you engage in brainstorming, generating ideas for your speech topic through the free association of words and ideas. You can do this simply by self-inquiry, asking questions of yourself in search of a possible topic, for example

• What are my hobbies?

• What people inspire me?

• What things interest me?

• Are there concepts I’ve always wanted to explore?

• Where have I traveled?

Ask questions of any and all of your areas of interest that might spark an idea. Engaging in this sort of mental inventory will ignite your imagination as you navigate the sea of potential topics. Another type of mental inventory is called clustering, making lists according to themes and word association and seeing what topics jump out at you.

Also consider utilizing Internet sites such as Google, Yahoo, AOL, and other search engines to expose yourself to possible topics you might otherwise not have considered. Keep in mind, however, that while the Internet is a valuable tool in determining your speech topic, you must be very careful in choosing which web sources you use in the researching and writing of your speech. Recall our Internet ethics discussion in Chapter 10 and make sure, if you intend to cite a website or blog, you consider questions of authorship, sponsorship, credibility, and timeliness of source. Plagiarism (stealing someone else’s material) is an- other important ethical issue when searching for topics and supporting infor- mation, and you can read more about it in the box entitled, “Plagiarism and Public Speaking.”

Once you’ve determined your speech type and topic, you can begin re- searching the idea and constructing an outline. Every thorough speech begins with an outline—a brief, well-organized construction of main points and subtopics for the speech. The outline is your guide, allowing you to systemati- cally identify the movement and chronology of your speech, that is, what will be discussed and in what order. Your outline begins with a general purpose (the overall goal of the speech), your introduction, body (main points to be ad- dressed), and conclusion. Figure 15.1 provides an example of a broad working outline for a persuasive speech.

A speech outline can be detailed or broad, depending on the use the pre- senter hopes to make of it. Some speakers use a broader outline for the pur- pose of organizing their thoughts and research (as in Figure 15.1), while others use a more extensive speaking outline containing a slew of addi- tional subtopics and details (like quotes, full sentences, and statistics) for

brainstorming generating ideas for speech topics through free association of words and ideas.

self-inquiry Asking ques- tions of yourself in search of a possible topic.

clustering generating ideas for speech topics by making lists of items from areas of interest in your life.

plagiarism Stealing someone else’s material.

outline A brief, well- organized construction of main points and subtopics of a speech.

speaking outline Speech outline for use during the delivery of a speech.

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Plagiarism and Public Speaking

Plagiarism is the attempt to claim as your own some- one else’s words, images, or ideas. It is among the most serious ethical issues in public speaking. when you think about what public speaking is, the relaying of messages and ideas to an audience that will be in- fluenced by those messages, it is, at the very least, dishonest to suggest you are credible or worthy of that influence when you steal from someone else. Additionally, in our high-tech world of easy informa- tion access, fact-checking, and search engines, the likelihood of being exposed as a plagiarizer has in- creased considerably, so it’s critical as you develop your skill as a speaker that you understand the vari- ous types of plagiarism and what’s at stake should you plagiarize.

Stephen lucas discusses three major forms of pla- giarism: global, patchwork, and incremental (2015, pp. 37–38). Global plagiarism is when a speaker steals a speech in its entirety, claiming it as his or her own. Patchwork plagiarism means the speaker has plagia- rized from more than one source, possibly multiple sources, puts the material together as if it is unique, and attempts to credit it as her or his own. when speakers borrow from others for specific, even rela- tively brief parts of their speeches and fail to give

credit to those from whom they borrowed the ideas, they are engaging in incremental plagiarism.

A speaker who steals language from others often ex- periences a loss of pride, dignity, and is likely to face em- barrassment. for students, the consequences of plagiarism may involve receiving a failing grade for the course or being expelled from school. It’s also important to look beyond the classroom to what plagiarism does to the culture as a whole. violation of intellectual property rights and copyright infringement are only two of the im- portant issues that can stem from plagiarism, not only hurting the plagiarist, but also undermining the values we all share. In a society that prides itself on innovation and the pursuit of knowledge, sending and receiving that knowledge under false pretense has serious conse- quences for everyone.

now, imagine this scenario. You have procrastinated on preparing your three-minute persuasive speech and it’s due tomorrow. furthermore, you need at least a b on the speech to pass the class. Your friend had this very assignment three semesters ago and offers you his speech with the condition that if you get caught, he had nothing to do with it. what do you do? After all, it’s still you giving the speech! Again, what do you do? Defend your answer.

ETHICAL COMMUNICATION

use during the delivery of the speech. Whether or not speakers use speaking outlines, note cards, or the script of an entire speech ultimately depends on what they find most comfortable and most effective. Most public speaking instructors and coaches discourage the use of the entire manuscript primar- ily because they don’t want to encourage a reliance on the full speech. Re- gardless of the preferred format, speakers should always incorporate directly on the speech pages delivery cues (notes to self) such as slow down, articulate this sentence, get louder here, and so on. Students should also make the font size large enough and be sure to spell difficult words phonetically (the way they’re pronounced, for example prō-nown-sd) to avoid tripping up. Another useful tip is to use highlighting markers to emphasize places in the speech that require a change in tone or inflection. One thing is certain, thorough preparation and review of notes serves a speaker well in looking smart and negating nervousness.

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Overcoming Public Speaking Anxiety Public speaking anxiety, the fear of public speaking, is usually the most difficult obstacle to overcome for aspiring speakers as they work to master this skill. Sometimes people refer to public speaking anxiety as communication apprehension, speech phobia, or stage fright, and these terms are often used in- terchangeably. It’s important to note, however, that scholars in the field often make distinctions between these conditions. For the purpose of this discus- sion, we will refer to public speaking anxiety as “a situation-specific social anxi- ety that arises from the real or anticipated enactment of an oral presentation” (Bodie, 2010, p. 72). Regardless of how experts define certain speech anxiety conditions, those afflicted define it the same way—they hate it. As we men- tioned at the chapter’s outset, there are many reasons that people dread the idea of delivering presentations—they feel they’re being judged; they’re afraid of saying something stupid; or perhaps they are self-conscious about a speech defect like a lisp, stutter, or stammer (vocal spasms that create involuntary pausing and repetition of syllables and sounds). Whatever the case, we all feel nervous when we’re about to address a crowd, and this nervousness can man- ifest itself in three distinct ways: (1) physiologically (for example, increased heart rate, sweating, and dry mouth), (2) cognitively (for example, self- doubt, feeling unprepared, and forgetting), and (3) behaviorally (for example, long,

public speaking anxiety fear of public speaking.

General Purpose: To persuade an audience of students to take a public speaking class. Specific Purpose: Public speaking is considered a “soft skill” required for success in both the personal and pro- fessional areas of our lives. Our ability to effectively com- municate with those around us helps develop not only our own identities, but also the identities of those we affect. given the importance of speaking in our everyday lives, it is important that we all possess the basic skills needed to become effective speakers. Taking a public speaking class is the first step to making that a reality.

I. Introduction A. begin with Jerry Seinfeld eulogy quote B. Talk about the successful, well-known people who

had instruction in public speaking

II. Body A. The qualities of a good speaker B. The importance of public speaking C. The personal benefits to becoming a good speaker D. The professional benefits to becoming a good

speaker

III. Conclusion A. Tell success story of someone we all know and

respect B. Invite students to learn about public speaking

through various information sources and by regis- tering for a public speaking class before graduating

C. end with public speaking quote by winston Churchill.

FIGURE 15.1 Sample Speech Outline (for a Persuasive Speech). here is a sample of what a basic speech outline should look like. naturally, its content will vary given the type of speech and its goal. See if you can craft similar outlines for an informative, special occasion, and small group speech. how might they differ? be similar?

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unnatural pausing, twirling hair, and leg shifting). The first trick to avoiding these problems and reducing nervousness is to understand that when it comes to public speaking, most people are in the same situation. Second is to recog- nize that much of a speaker’s nervousness goes undetected by the audience. Finally, it’s important to note that most audience members don’t judge as much as they empathize; they relate to what the speaker is experiencing, and as a result feel sympathetic. Keeping these ideas in mind can often provide enough comfort to get you through a speech without too many anxiety-in- duced problems. However, if this isn’t enough to calm those nerves, here are a few tips that may provide additional comfort:

1. Be prepared—The best way to ensure you won’t look ridiculous because you said the wrong thing is to not say the wrong thing! Make sure you have researched your topic well and have practiced the speech ahead of time. This involves allowing yourself plenty of preparation time in ad- vance of delivering the speech. There is a strong correlation between pro- crastination and public speaking anxiety. In anticipation of the stress they think they’ll feel come presentation time, students will often delay preparing or practicing their speech, leaving themselves with little time to sufficiently complete the task, resulting in low performance evalua- tions and reinforcing the apprehension they felt in the first place (Behnke and Sawyer, 1999). So, one way to avoid anxiety is to be prepared.

2. Engage in vocal warm-ups—There is always an uncomfortable pause before a speaker begins. Sometimes cracking a joke just before you start or en- gaging a few audience members in conversation (unrelated to your speech) is enough to loosen up those nerves and transition confidently into the presentation. In a classroom setting, another device is referring to the speaker before you: “Mike’s speech certainly covered a number of important issues, and I hope mine will provide some insight on yet an- other set of concerns . . .” There are many different ways to “warm up” as you prepare to deliver the speech, which will relax both you and your au- dience and won’t be counted as a graded part of your speech. It will also warm up your vocal cords before the speech actually begins.

3. Know perfection is unattainable—That’s right—nobody is perfect, not even your public speaking professor. Even the world’s best speakers make mis- takes, trip over words, and have to negotiate nervousness. Go easy on yourself when it comes to expectations of perfection. In fact, there is something to be said for appearing real or natural. To achieve this, imper- fection can sometimes be an asset. For example, when a speaker makes a mistake and then uses humor to recover, some audience members may notice the mistake, but not nearly as much as they’ll notice the speaker’s ability to identify or relate to his or her own humanness.

4. Convert that nervous energy—Nervousness is a good thing. In addition to keeping speakers on their toes, nervous energy means there’s a lot of reserve oomph that can be converted into positive energy. For example, if you’re

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nervous and fidgety, walk around while delivering the speech. “Work the room.” Use your hands and arms to nonverbally emphasize your words. If your body is physically occupied, that’s less energy devoted to nervousness.

5. Determine your self-fulfilling prophecy—If you imagine your speech going badly, it will. On the other hand, if you imagine yourself an excellent speaker about to embark on an extraordinary performance, you will in- stead make that your reality. The more positively we feel about ourselves and our abilities, the better we perform for others. Research has shown that how we view ourselves as speakers directly impacts our communica- tion competencies (Ellis, 1995).

6. Engage in visualization—This may well be the oldest trick for overcoming public speaking anxiety. Whether it’s visualizing audience members in their underwear (that old cliché) or visualizing a situation where you are an empowered leader whose words will most assuredly gain you the ad- miration and respect of those who receive you, visualization can be a powerful tool in combating your apprehension.

Even if you find that your anxiety cannot be completely eradicated, it can certainly be well managed. The most important thing to remember is that you are not alone! Many of history’s most notable speakers have had to deal with nervousness, and some have had to overcome severe obstacles to defeat their

remember, your audience wants you to succeed.

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public speaking anxiety—people like Winston Churchill, Sir Isaac Newton, Aristotle, and of course, King George VI, the subject of the popular award- winning movie The King’s Speech. You see, you’re in good company! You can find additional hints to overcoming public speaking anxiety in Table 15.1, and you can gauge for yourself just how much you do indeed suffer this natural but completely unnecessary affliction by taking the Personal Report of Public Speaking Anxiety in Figure 15.2.

Table 15.1 Top 10 Ways to Conquer Your Fear of Public Speaking In response to an institutional mandate to improve students’ level of public speaking, the Oral Communication Program at Stanford university created its Top 10 ways to overcome public speaking anxiety:

1. Identify what scares you about public speaking so you better conquer your fears.

2. breathe deeply for relaxation.

3. engage in physical activity before delivering your speech to warm up and calm your body.

4. employ plenty of practice.

5. visualize your success! If you can imagine it, you can make it happen.

6. get plenty of sleep and do not skip breakfast. A speaker needs energy!

7. visit the speech location ahead of time. what benefits and distractions might the venue hold?

8. Play the “worst Scenario game” to minimize anxiety: “what’s the worst thing that could happen to me because of delivering this speech?”

9. give yourself a break! Take the pressure off yourself; everyone makes mistakes.

10. Accept constructive criticism from those willing to provide it. (Source: hume Center for Speaking and writing, 2015)

Directions: below are 34 statements that people some- times make about themselves. Please indicate whether or not you believe each statement applies to you by marking whether you

Strongly Disagree = 1; Disagree = 2; Are Neutral = 3; Agree = 4; Strongly Agree = 5.

_____ 1. while preparing for giving a speech, I feel tense and nervous.

_____ 2. I feel tense when I see the words “speech” and “public speech” on a course outline when studying.

_____ 3. my thoughts become confused and jumbled when I am giving a speech.

_____ 4. right after giving a speech I feel that I have had a pleasant experience.

_____ 5. I get anxious when I think about an upcoming speech.

_____ 6. I have no fear of giving a speech. _____ 7. Although I am nervous just before starting a

speech, I soon settle down after starting and feel calm and comfortable.

_____ 8. I look forward to giving a speech. _____ 9. when the instructor announces a speaking as-

signment in class, I can feel myself getting tense. _____ 10. my hands tremble when I am giving a speech. _____ 11. I feel relaxed while giving a speech. _____ 12. I enjoy preparing for a speech. _____ 13. I am in constant fear of forgetting what I pre-

pared to say. _____ 14. I get anxious if someone asks me something

about my topic that I don’t know.

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FIGURE 15.2 The Personal Report of Public Speaking Anxiety. Communication scholar James mcCroskey (1970) developed what has become the most widely used public speaking anxiety self-measure, the Personal report of Public Speaking Anxiety (PrPSA). You can compute your own score by answering its 34 questions and undertaking the simple math at its conclusion.

_____ 15. I face the prospect of giving a speech with confidence.

_____ 16. I feel that I am in complete possession of myself while giving a speech.

_____ 17. my mind is clear when giving a speech. _____ 18. I do not dread giving a speech. _____ 19. I perspire just before starting a speech. _____ 20. my heart beats very fast just as I start a speech. _____ 21. I experience considerable anxiety while sitting

in the room just before my speech starts. _____ 22. Certain parts of my body feel very tense and

rigid while giving a speech. _____ 23. realizing that only a little time remains in a

speech makes me very tense and anxious. _____ 24. while giving a speech, I know I can control my

feelings of tension and stress. _____ 25. I breathe faster just before starting a speech. _____ 26. I feel comfortable and relaxed in the hour or so

just before giving a speech. _____ 27. I do poorer on speeches because I am anxious. _____ 28. I feel anxious when the teacher announces the

date of a speaking assignment. _____ 29. when I make a mistake while giving a speech,

I  find it hard to concentrate on the parts that follow.

_____ 30. During an important speech I experience a feeling of helplessness building up inside me.

_____ 31. I have trouble falling asleep the night before a speech.

_____ 32. my heart beats very fast while I present a speech.

_____ 33. I feel anxious while waiting to give my speech. _____ 34. while giving a speech, I get so nervous I forget

facts I really know. Scoring: To determine your score, complete the follow- ing steps:

• Step 1. Add scores for items 1, 2, 3, 5, 9, 10, 13, 14, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 25, 27, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 33, and 34.

• Step 2. Add the scores for items 4, 6, 7, 8, 11, 12, 15, 16, 17, 18, 24, and 26.

• Step 3. Do the following math:

Take the number 72, subtract from it the total from Step 2. Then add to that number the total from Step 1. If your PrPSA score is above 131, you suffer from high public speaking anx- iety. If it is between 98 and 131, you have a moderate case. If it is below 98, you have no or low public speaking anxiety.

(note: Your score should be between 34 and 170. If it isn’t, you’ve made a mistake in computing the score. Try again!)

15.1 explain the importance of public speaking. The advantages of being an effective speaker are improved cognition, better relationship develop- ment, greater professional success, more mean- ingful identity formation, and the encouragement of public discourse.

15.2 Identify the different types of speeches. There are four major varieties of speeches: infor- mative, persuasive, small group, and special

occasion speeches. Each makes special demands on the speaker.

15.3 Identify the basics of good public speaking. The 20 basic rules of public speaking are:

1. Know your audience.

2. Watch your posture.

3. Make eye contact.

4. Maintain a good appearance.

5. Avoid mall speak.

Review of Learning Objectives

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Key Terms public speaking 341 public discourse 342 informative speeches 344 persuasive speeches 344 small group speeches 345 special occasion speeches 345 elevator pitch 345 audience analysis 346 mall speak 347 vocal filler 347 residual message 348 rapid impression formation 348 articulation 349 pronunciation 349 enunciation 349 dialect 349 scripted speech 350 extemporaneous speeches 350

impromptu speeches 350 diaphragmatic breathing 351 brainstorming 353 self-inquiry 353 clustering 353 plagiarism 353 outline 353 speaking outline 353 public speaking anxiety 355

Questions for Review 1. What is the difference between public speaking

and public discourse?

2. What are the four major types of public speeches? Can you differentiate between them?

3. What is audience analysis? Why is it important in public speaking?

6. Believe in your topic.

7. Don’t barrage the audience with facts and statistics.

8. Speak ethically.

9. Begin and end powerfully.

10. Practice, don’t rehearse.

11. Articulate, enunciate, and use proper pronunciations.

12. Always have water on hand.

13. Don’t worry about nervousness.

14. Don’t be afraid to use your hands.

15. Avoid distracting body language.

16. Try to use notecards or outlines rather than scripted speeches.

17. Practice using visual aids.

18. Learn proper breathing techniques.

19. Emulate speakers you respect.

20. Know you are a great speaker.

15.4 Describe the steps of speech preparation. First, identify the type of speech to be delivered and use brainstorming, clustering, and/or the Internet to identify and settle on a topic. Second, construct an outline and then a speaking outline. Third, incorporate delivery cues directly onto the outline. Finally, thoroughly prepare and review the speech before delivery.

15.5 Identify ways to overcome public speaking anxiety. Public speaking anxiety is the fear of public speaking. As common as it may be, it can be over- come by being prepared, engaging in vocal warm- ups, knowing that perfection is unattainable, converting nervous energy into positive energy, determining a positive self-fulfilling prophesy, and engaging in visualization.

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4. What is mall speak? What is its likely effect on a speech?

5. What is a speech’s residual message?

6. Differentiate between articulation, pronuncia- tion, enunciation, and dialect.

7. What is diaphragmatic breathing?

8. What are brainstorming, clustering, and self-inquiry?

9. Differentiate between scripted, extemporane- ous, and impromptu speeches.

10. What is speech anxiety? What are some of its causes?

Questions for Discussion 1. Have you ever had to deliver a public speech?

What was the occasion? What preparations did you make for the speech? How closely did your experience and preparation match the sugges- tions from this chapter?

2. Have you ever had a case of public speaking anxiety? What was the situation? How severe was it, and how did you deal with it? Did you intuitively adopt any of the remedies discussed in this chapter? Apparently you survived the experience, so looking back, how bad could it have been?

3. Who is hurt by plagiarism? Certainly the person whose words and thoughts have been stolen, but can you make the case that the pla- giarizer is also damaged (beyond the likely punishment if caught)?

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abstract language Language signifying concepts, qualities, or ideas.

action-facilitating support Giving information or physically assisting someone in need.

adaptors Gestures used to fulfill a need. adjourning Stage when members depart from one

another and the task. adverse event Unintended injury or complication

caused by healthcare management. affect displays Emotional gestures. affective conflict When people acknowledge an

incompatibility of emotions and feelings. affective exchange Relational stage character-

ized by much self-disclosure. affiliations Relationships linking partners

through a sense of alliance. agency In critical theory, how humans behave and

interact in the social world. agenda-setting theory Idea that media may not

always tell us what to think, but they certainly tell us what to think about.

aggressiveness Speaking one’s mind without a professional filter.

aliteracy Loss of thoughtful reading. ambient advertising Ads in otherwise nontradi-

tional settings. amenable mortality Deaths that could poten-

tially have been prevented by timely access to appropriate healthcare.

anticipatory socialization stage Learning about work through a lifetime of communication.

app Short for application; program or software con- necting mobile devices to specific websites.

appreciative listening Listening for enjoyment or pleasure.

articulation Adjustments of speech organs to allow for the proper pronunciation of sounds.

artifacts Objects we use to identify ourselves. assertiveness Confidently presenting ideas and

contributing to organizational conversation and growth.

assignment-based cohesion Groups bound by a specific task.

assimilation Identification with or integration into a different culture.

assumptions Sets of information automatically interpreted as factual.

asynchronous communication Delay of some length between sending and receiving.

attachments Relationships linking partners through a sense of security.

attitude A relatively enduring organization of beliefs around an object or situation predispos- ing one to respond in a preferential manner.

attitudinal similarity Source-receiver similarity built on common values, beliefs, or attitudes.

audience analysis In preparation for a speech, gath- ering information about audience characteristics.

audience and authorship Questions about author- ship, purpose, economics, impact, and response.

audience fragmentation Splintering of media au- diences into increasingly smaller units.

authoritarian leader Does not accept input from members and maintains complete control of the group.

avoiding style Conflict resolution style showing low concern for the self and for another.

axiology Questions of the proper role of values in research and theory building.

backchannel cues Noncommittal responses to conversational partners’ talk.

behavior Concrete, observable action. belief A proposition about something; faith that

something is real or is true.

Glossary

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body adornments Tattoos, piercings, and accessories.

bounded culture (co-culture) Cultural identities existing within the larger culture.

brainstorming Generating ideas for speech topics through free association of words and ideas.

brand entertainment When content is developed around brands.

breakdown perception When senders believe no response is forthcoming and take action.

bureaucracy The norms, ranks, roles, and controls of an organization.

causality When one event precedes a second event and that second event is deemed to be a conse- quence of the first.

central route In information processing, employ- ing as much scrutiny and analysis as possible.

certainty-uncertainty Tension between the need for comfort and security and the need for novelty and excitement.

chauvinism Believing oneself to be superior to others.

child-parent relationship In provider-client interactions, the doctor is dominant, all-knowing; the patient is submissive and reliant.

chronemics How we use time to communicate. closed system A system whose components com-

municate solely with one another. clustering Generating ideas for speech topics by

making lists of items from areas of interest in your life.

clutter Commercial overload. cognitive conflict When people acknowledge

incompatibility in their perceptions about some- thing of importance.

cognitive consistency Tendency to maintain, or to return to, a state of attitudinal balance.

cognitive miser The idea that people rely on the simplest analysis possible when confronting information.

communicated disease An imaginary disease that spreads because people communicate about it.

communication The process of mutual creation of meaning.

communication traits Traits exhibited by mem- bers of an organization, such as assertiveness,

secrecy, superiority, motivation, empowerment, supportiveness, and intimidation.

comparison level (CL) Expectations of benefit from a specific relationship.

comparison level of alternatives (CLALT) Likely benefits from other relationships.

compliance When people accept influence in order to gain a favorable reaction from the persuader but do not change their original attitudes.

compromising style Conflict resolution style showing moderate concern for self-interest and for the interests of another.

computer-mediated communication People interacting via digital technology.

concentration of ownership Ownership of many different media companies by an increasingly small number of conglomerates.

conflict An expressed struggle between at least two interdependent parties who perceive incom- patible goals, scarce rewards, and interference from the other party.

conflict of interest When people acknowledge incompatible preferences for a course of action.

conflict style A general predisposition to deal with conflict in a particular manner.

connection-autonomy Tension between the need to remain connected and the need to be independent.

connotative meaning A word’s implicit, usually emotionally or evaluatively enriched meaning.

constitutive view The perspective that communi- cation creates something that did not previously exist.

contempt An attack on the self-worth of another. content analysis Quantitative textual analysis

that relies on objective categorization and accu- rate measurement.

controls Rewards, punishments, or behavioral consequences for group members.

conventional-unique Tension between being the couple others want and defining the relationship for yourselves.

convergence Erosion of traditional distinctions among media.

cookies Software involuntarily loaded onto computers to track online user activity.

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critical listening Listening for evaluation or analysis.

critical theory Theory that challenges existing ways of organizing the social world and the people and institutions exercising power in it.

criticism Complaints about another. cultural imperialism Influencing other countries

through non-local mass media. cultural meaning Meaning based in shared

experience. cultural participation Involving oneself in

another culture. cultural pluralism Maintaining the practices and

identities of one’s bounded culture within the larger culture.

cultural presupposition The assumption that those who share a culture share knowledge of a word’s meaning.

cultural relativism Belief that people vary in behaviors, feelings, traditions, and values depending on their culture.

cultural transformer Someone who shifts effort- lessly among and between multiple cultural mindsets and cultural identities.

cultural values A culture’s gauges for determining right from wrong.

culture The world made meaningful, socially con- structed and maintained through communication.

cyberchondriac Person who compulsively searches online for information about real or imagined symptoms of illness.

decoding Interpreting signs and symbols. de-escalation and negotiation Reduction of

conflict through communication between the parties.

defend-and-deny approach When errors occur, healthcare providers remain silent or deny responsibility.

defensiveness Denying responsibility for one’s behaviors.

democratic leader Encourages full and equal par- ticipation among group members.

denotative meaning A word’s explicit meaning when used by a specific speech community.

dependency-based cohesion Groups bound to each other by way of separate, related tasks.

depenetration The deterioration of a relationship. deviance Motivation to reduce uncertainty if an-

other acts in unexpected ways or violates expected rules and norms.

dialect Variations in a language’s vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation.

dialectic In critical theory, the ongoing struggle or debate between agency and structure.

dialectic Tension in need of resolution. dialogue Full, honest, meaningful exchange of

information and feelings. diaphragmatic breathing Abdominal breathing

allowing the stomach muscles to expand. disclosure-and-apology strategy Requires

healthcare providers to promptly disclose errors, and when appropriate, apologize to patients and families.

discourse What is said and its interpretation in ne- gotiating relational tensions.

discrimination Overtly excluding, avoiding, or distancing oneself from another.

discriminative listening Paying close attention to more than the simple denotative meaning of speakers’ words.

disengagement and exit stage Movement from one part of an organization to another, or leaving altogether.

disinhibition search Observing another in a par- ticularly comfortable situation.

dissolution The ending of a relationship. dominant culture (mainstream culture) The

collective cultural experience held and shared by the large majority of people.

dominating style Conflict resolution style show- ing a higher regard for one’s own interests than those of the other.

double-edged sword The same technology can be used for good or bad.

downshift In frame analysis, framing a situation as more serious, less open to expressions of personal identity.

downward message Messages that flow from higher to lower ranked employees.

dyad Two people communicating interpersonally. dynamics How a group structures itself to achieve

its goals.

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elevator pitch A short, often fully prepared speech delivered in the presumed time span of an eleva- tor ride.

emancipatory knowledge The epistemology of critical research and theory; knowledge is ad- vanced when it serves to free people and commu- nities from the influence of the powerful.

emblems Gestures that can be translated into word.

emergence When conflict becomes open. empowerment Granting authority to another

based on trust and confidence. encoding Transforming a message into an under-

standable sign and symbol system. enunciation Pronouncing words clearly. epistemology Questions of how to best create and

expand knowledge. escalation An increase in the intensity of a conflict

and the severity of tactics used in pursuing it. ethnocentrism Belief that one’s own culture is the

best. ethnography The study of human social interac-

tion from the inside. euphemism The substitution of vague or less emo-

tionally charged words for more direct options. e-visit When a physician and patient interact vir-

tually rather than face to face. experiment Research method involving the ma-

nipulation of one variable to measure its influ- ence on another variable.

expertise Judgments of source’s authoritativeness. exploratory affective exchange Relational stage

characterized by open and comfortable communication.

expressive function Using language to state per- sonal feelings, thoughts, and attitudes.

extemporaneous speech Lightly prepared speech. extended real-life hypothesis Tendency for

social networking site users to communicate their real personalities.

external distractions Information other than physical noise introduced into the communica- tion situation that is not part of the message itself.

face The public image people try to claim.

Facebook depression Depression that develops from overuse of social networking sites.

Facebook envy Users envying others’ happiness as represented on SNSs.

face-threatening acts Interactions or requests that might threaten listeners’ face-wants.

face-wants The need to feel appreciated and be protected.

facework Communication strategies designed to protect our and others’ face.

facial expressions The use of the face’s mobility in communication.

fear appeal Persuasive message that attempts to gain influence through the use of a relevant threat to the receiver.

fear of missing out (FOMO) Inability to disen- gage from social networking for fear of missing something .

feedback Response to a message. feedback loop Circular communication process in

which messages travel back and forth across a system, making possible ongoing mutual adjustment.

formal group communication Structured group communication heavily coded with specific rules.

forming Stage when members initially convene. formulaic When media messages hew closely to

proven formulas. frames In frame analysis, specific sets of expecta-

tions that people use to make sense of specific social situations.

framing Structuring the meaning of verbal com- munication through the use of nonverbal cues.

gesticulation Specific movement of hands and arms to communicate.

globalization Increasing worldwide operation of media companies.

globalization The process in which organizations extend their business to different parts of the world, becoming more globally integrated.

goal conflict When people acknowledge incompat- ibility in the individual outcomes they hold for a given plan or action.

grammar Rules describing the proper construc- tion of phrases and sentences.

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grapevine Informal chain of communication that spreads through an organization, often leading to message distortion.

green-flag words Hot-button words that cloud reason.

group breakdown Deterioration or dissolution of a group as a result of conflict.

group cohesion The willingness to participate in and perform required activities.

groupthink When voices in a group are suppressed by pressure from others.

halo effect Idea that what is beautiful must be good.

haptics Communicating through touch. hard news Stories that aid people in making intel-

ligent decisions about their everyday lives. health communication Study and use of interper-

sonal and mediated communication to inform and influence individual decisions that enhance health.

health literacy Ability to obtain, process, and un- derstand basic health information and services needed to make appropriate health decisions.

hearing The physical process of perceiving sounds. heuristics Simple decision-making rules that sub-

stitute for more careful analysis of persuasive messages.

hierarchal structure Levels of power within an organization.

hierarchical mum effect Self-imposed suppres- sion of dissent in upward messages.

high- and low-context cultures Measure of the degree of communication-shaping information present in communication settings.

horizontal message Messages exchanged between colleagues of similar rank.

hyper-commercialism The increasing amount of commercial content appearing in the media.

hyper-ritualized representations In frame analysis, media portrayals that cannot represent all the nuances of a phenomenon.

idealized virtual identity hypothesis Tendency for creators of social network site profiles to dis- play idealized characteristics not reflective of their actual personalities.

identification Copying of observed behavior, but in a more general manner.

identification When people accept influence because they want to establish or maintain a satisfying self-defining relationship to another person or a group.

illustrators Gestures emphasizing the verbal message.

imaginative function Using language to bring pleasure.

imitation Direct replication of observed behavior. impromptu speech Off-the-cuff speech. incentive Motivation to reduce uncertainty based

on likely reward. inclusion-seclusion Tension between doing things

together and engaging as a couple with others. individualistic versus collective cultures Mea-

sure of a culture’s commitment to the individual versus the group.

inferential feedback Indirect, often delayed feedback.

informal group communication Less rigid, more relaxed, often spontaneous group communication.

information-seeking strategy Method of reduc- ing uncertainty.

informative function Using language to provide and get information.

informative listening Listening, the primary goal of which is to understand the message.

informative speech Speech designed to convey knowledge and understanding.

in-group Those with whom one identifies. instrumental function Using language to get

what is wanted or needed. integrating style Conflict resolution style showing

high concern for others as well as for one’s self. intentionality Whether what we communicate

verbally and nonverbally is intended. intercultural communication Interaction

between people whose cultural perceptions and symbol systems differ enough to influence the communication event.

intercultural communication competence Degree of successful meaning making with com- municators from different backgrounds.

internalization When people accept influence because the resulting behavior or attitudes are intrinsically rewarding.

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Internet addiction Pathological dependence on digital technology.

interpersonal communication Communication between people in relationships.

interpretive research The study of understand- ing, especially through the systematic interpre- tation of social actions or texts.

intimate space 0–18 inches; distance zone that implies an extremely personal connection.

intimidation Belittling others to make them feel powerless.

involvement Motivation to process persuasive communication because it is relevant to some personal value, outcome, or impression.

kinesics The use of body motions in communication.

labeling Describing individuals using names we believe categorize them.

laissez-faire leader Provides little guidance and expects group members to make decisions.

language A communication system made up of formal units combined in systematic ways to cooperatively make meaning.

latent conflict When there is a problem, but the differences are not so great that one or both sides wants to act on them.

leadership When an individual influences group members to achieve a common goal.

libertarian thought A self-governing people re- quire access to responsibly created and dissemi- nated information.

linear model A representation of communication as a linear process, with messages traveling from a source, through a medium, to a receiver.

listening Actively making meaning from the spoken messages of others.

Looking Glass Self In symbolic interaction, the idea that the self is accomplished by seeing our- selves as others see us.

lying Delivering information believed to be untrue with the intention to deceive.

machine-and-mechanics relationship In provider- client interactions, physicians are experts who diag- nose and fix the problem.

macro-level effects Media effects at the cultural level.

majority-minority country When there is no single racial or ethnic majority among a country’s population.

mall speak Embedding speech with nontraditional fillers such as “like” and “you know.”

masculinity/femininity Measure of a culture’s commitment to gender roles and the characteris- tics that accompany them.

mass communication Communication occurring between mass media and their audiences.

Mean World Syndrome The more media people consume, the meaner they think the world to be.

media addiction Over-attachment to media. media literacy The ability to read, interpret, criti-

cally assess, and productively use media texts. media literacy interventions Attempts to build

specific media literacy skills. media multitasking Using more than one medium

simultaneously. media texts Content originating from communi-

cation technologies. medium (media, pl.) Vehicle conveying a message. medium In a linear communication model, the car-

rier of a message. melting pot Metaphorical image in which all cul-

tures blend together into one harmonious whole.

membership similarity Source-receiver similar- ity built on common demographics, group and or- ganizational memberships, and experiences.

message sidedness Degree to which a persuasive appeal works to recognize and refute differing opinions or viewpoints.

messages and meanings Questions about content, techniques, and interpretations.

metaphor Unstated comparisons between things or events that share some feature.

micro-level effects Media effects at the individual level.

mnemonics Memory devices based on patterns drawn from what’s heard.

modeling Learning through observation. monochronic In the use of time, focusing on one

task or activity at a time. motivation Drive, visible interest, and the incen-

tive to produce.

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mutual knowledge Information communicators share and know they share.

negotiated reading Audience members’ person- ally meaningful interpretation of a piece of media content.

Neo-Marxism Elites maintain influence over soci- ety by control of the superstructure.

nocebo effect Experiencing a treatment effect based solely on a provider’s words.

noise Anything that interferes with the process of communication.

nonverbal code systems Groups or clusters of behaviors that convey meaning.

nonverbal communication The process of relay- ing messages and meanings without the use of words.

nonverbal immediacy The use of nonverbal cues to indicate closeness.

norm of reciprocity The expectation that revela- tions about oneself will produce responses of similar information.

normative confusion When group rules and ex- pectations are not clearly defined or established.

norming Stage when members begin working to- gether toward a common goal.

norms Rules that govern a group. nurturing support Helping others feel better

about themselves and their situation. obliging style Conflict resolution style showing

little concern for self-interest and greater con- cern for the interests of others.

oculesics The use of pupil dilation, eye movement, and eye contact in meaning making.

one-sided message Presenting only the persuad- er’s position.

ontology Questions of the nature of reality and what is knowable.

open system A system whose components contin- uously interact not only with one another, but with the environment outside the system.

openness-closedness Tension between being able to say anything and the need for discretion.

organization A structured social collectivity that has overall and individual goals, coordinates the activity of its members, and is embedded within an environment of other organizations.

organizational assimilation Process by which individuals become integrated into the culture of an organization.

organizational climate The meaning employees attach to the policies, practices, and procedures they experience, and the behaviors they observe being rewarded, supported, and expected.

organizational communication Any communi- cation, verbal or nonverbal, that occurs within an organization.

organizational culture Pattern of shared basic assumptions or inferences that members learn from an organization’s stories, myths, traditions, everyday experiences, and observed behaviors.

organizational entry and assimilation stage Moving from being an organizational outsider to organizational insider.

orientation Relational stage characterized by in- teraction between people who do not know one another.

outcome Product of relational cost-benefit analyses.

out-group A group seen as other than one’s own. outline A brief, well-organized construction of

main points and subtopics of a speech. parental mediation theory Theory stressing im-

portance of parents actively managing and regu- lating children’s media use.

passive aggressiveness A deliberate and masked way of expressing disrespect.

patient activation Involvement in one’s own health improvement and adherence to recom- mended treatments.

perceived similarity Receiver’s sense of alikeness with source.

perception Being aware of and making meaning from the world around us.

performing Stage when the group begins to reach and complete its goals.

peripheral route Easier, more automatic route of information processing; relies on heuristics.

personal space 18 inches to 4 feet; distance zone that implies a close, but not intimate relationship.

persuasion Communication specifically intended to shape, reinforce, or change the responses of others.

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persuasive function Using language to change the attitudes or thinking of those around us.

persuasive speech Speech designed to persuade an audience to a new opinion or reinforce an ex- isting opinion.

phantom-vibration syndrome Feeling a phone vibration when none exists.

physical noise Barrier to listening external to the message itself.

physiological noise Barrier to listening intro- duced by listeners’ physical discomfort.

plagiarism Stealing someone else’s material. platform agnostic Neutrality in choice of

content-delivery technology. policy Statement that provides a blueprint of how

an organization operates, its goals, and expected outcomes.

polychronic In the use of time, multitasking. polysemic Legitimately open to different

interpretations. postpositivism Communication scholarship that

recognizes that humans living in a social world are not as constant or predictable as the measur- able elements of the physical world.

power The ability, capacity, or authority to move others to act as desired.

power distance How people of a given culture manage status and hierarchy.

praxis Choice of specific communication actions. preferred reading The producer-intended mean-

ing of a piece of media content. prejudice Negative attitude toward a group based

on little or no experience. presentational communication An individual

person’s version of facts or information. primary groups Groups offering members affec-

tion and belonging. product placement When ads are placed in and

become part of media content. pronunciation Expressing the sounds and accents

of words to accepted standards. prospect of future interaction Motivation to

reduce uncertainty based on the likelihood of future interaction.

protocol Detailed methods used in achieving goals and outcomes.

provisions of relationships What relationships offer or provide us.

proxemics Our use of space and distance to make meaning.

psychological noise Barrier to listening intro- duced by the listener’s mindset.

public discourse Societal sharing of ideas through conversation.

public space More than 12 feet apart; distance zone implying little intimacy and indicating a more formal language environment.

public speaking Addressing an audience in a structured and formal way.

public speaking anxiety Fear of public speaking. qualitative research Inquiry relying on the col-

lection and analysis of symbolic data such as lan- guage and other cultural products.

quantitative research Inquiry relying on the col- lection and analysis of numerical data.

rank ineffectiveness Group members question the legitimacy of messages transmitted by those in positions of authority.

ranks Hierarchal structure of the group. rapid impression formation Making immediate

judgments of others after initial encounters. rational argument Persuasive appeal containing

a claim, data, and a warrant. reactivity search Watching another react to

events in the environment. receiver In a linear communication model, the

recipient of a message. reconciliation Making up; putting the conflict in

the past. regulators Gestures to help the flow of speech. regulatory function Using language to control

the behavior of others. relational function Using language to establish,

define, and maintain relationships. relational listening Lending a sympathetic ear,

trying to identify with the speaker. relational satisfaction The enjoyment or plea-

sure people derive from their relationships. representational communication Describing or

conveying some fact or information. representations and reality Questions about

content and credibility.

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residual message In a speech, the larger point to be remembered.

response expectations Senders’ expectations about the timing of anticipated response.

revelation-concealment Tension between meet- ing others’ demands for information and the re- lational need for discretion.

reward-based cohesion Groups bound by anticipa- tion of reward for successful completion of the task.

ritual view The perspective that communication is directed not toward the extension of messages in space but toward the maintenance of society in time and the representation of shared beliefs.

ritualistic function Using language to meet an important social convention or expectation.

roles Specific tasks and responsibilities of group members.

role-taking Ability to put oneself in the position of others to better understand them.

schema A mental structure built from past experi- ences that we use to process new information and organize new experiences.

scientific inquiry The active, systematic process of discovery that leads scientists from observa- tion to knowledge and, eventually, theory.

scripted speech Speech read word-for-word from a manuscript.

secrecy Seclusion and concealment that causes others to wonder about a hidden agenda.

selective exposure Tendency to expose ourselves to or attend to messages that are consistent with already held values, beliefs, and attitudes.

selective perception Tendency to interpret mes- sages in ways that are consistent with already held values, beliefs.

selective processes Cognitive and behavioral strat- egies for dealing with dissonant information.

selective retention Tendency to most accurately remember information that is consistent with al- ready held values, beliefs, and attitudes.

self-disclosure Intentional revelation of informa- tion about oneself.

self-inquiry Asking questions of yourself in search of a possible topic.

semantic noise Barrier to listening introduced by linguistic influences on the message.

sender-receiver reciprocity Mutual and simulta- neous exchange of feedback, ensuring the effi- cient transaction of meaning making.

sentiment-based cohesion Groups bound by re- lational closeness.

serial distortion Alteration of messages as they move through stopping points between the origi- nal source and the intended receiver.

settlement/resolution Removing the underlying causes of the conflict.

sign Something that signals the presence of some- thing specific; relatively objective.

single-shooter game Video game in which players wield weapons and view the killing from their personal point of view.

situational meaning Meaning made through specific forms of language that occur or are excluded in various contexts.

small group speech Speech delivered before a few people.

small groups Collections of 3 to 15 people with a common purpose.

small talk Scripted and superficial conversations based on social convention.

social cue In frame analysis, information in an interaction, allowing the fine-tuning of presenta- tions of self.

social meaning Meaning made by our choice of word and sound alternatives when speaking with a specific group of people.

social objects In symbolic interaction, any objects to which people can refer.

social reinforcement Welcoming of influence be- cause we find the company of physically attrac- tive people socially rewarding.

social space 4 to 12 feet apart; distance zone sug- gesting little, if any, intimacy.

socialization How we learn to be members of a group through our early interaction with primary groups.

soft news Sensational stories that have little real connection to people’s everyday lives.

source In a linear communication model, the origi- nator of a message.

source credibility Receiver’s perception of source’s expertise and trustworthiness.

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source-dominated model A representation of communication efforts as primarily within a source’s control.

spare-brain time The difference between most people’s rate of speech and the rate at which the brain can process language.

speaking outline Speech outline for use during the delivery of a speech.

special occasion speech Speech at an event like a roast, wedding, or funeral.

specification of ignorance The idea that in sci- ence, every answer produces new questions.

speech community People who speak the same language and agree on the proper and improper use of language.

speech networks People who regularly interact and speak with one another.

stable exchange Relational stage characterized by rich, open, and free communication.

stalemate When neither side can prevail, but nei- ther is willing to back down or give in.

stereotype A generalization about people, places, or things.

stonewalling Withdrawing from dialogue to avoid conflict.

storming Stage when members experience conflict. strong culture An organization that effectively

socializes and assimilates its members. structure In critical theory, the social world’s

rules, norms, and beliefs. superiority Higher rank, more respect, and better

performance as a means of putting oneself above others.

supportiveness Providing others with encourage- ment, empathy, understanding, and help.

survey Research method relying on questionnaires and interviews to solicit self-reported data from respondents.

symbol Arbitrary indicator of something else; rela- tively subjective and abstract.

synchronous communication Immediate, real-time communication interaction.

synergy Promotion of a single media product across multiple real-world and media platforms.

syntactic ambiguity When a sentence can reason- ably be interpreted in more than one way.

syntax The occurrence and ordering of words and sounds to convey an intended meaning.

task-oriented groups Groups convened and con- structed to serve a purpose.

TDP (thinness depicting and promoting) media Media that feature conspicuously thin female characters.

telemedicine Delivery of health services by Inter- net video.

territory The space people consider theirs. text Any product of social interaction. textual analysis The deep reading of an individual

message or group of messages. theory A unified, coherent, and organized set of

explanations, concepts, and principles describing some aspect of the world.

transactional model A representation of the ele- ments of communication as interdependent and the process of communication as ongoing and dynamic.

transmissional view The perspective that commu- nication is the process of sending and receiving in- formation from one communicator to another.

trustworthiness Judgments of source’s character. two-sided message Bringing up and addressing

opposing arguments. uncertainty avoidance A culture’s comfort with

difference and ambiguity. upshift In frame analysis, framing a situation as

less serious, more open to personal expression. upward message Messages that flow from lower

to higher ranked employees. value Deeply held judgment about the worth or im-

portance of various aspects of people’s lives. value conflict When people acknowledge differ-

ences in their deeply held feelings about the worth or importance of significant aspects of their lives.

vocal filler Unnecessary transition words/sounds like um, uh, ah.

vocalics (also paralanguage) Sounds and rhythms other than actual words which come out of one’s mouth.

water cooler communication Informal chat within an organization.

work identity An individual’s persona (as pre- sented or perceived) in the workplace.

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CHAPTER 1

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CHAPTER 2

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CHAPTER 3

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CHAPTER 4

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Cervo/Shutterstock; 78: Susan Baran; 82: iStock/ klenger; 82: Susan Baran; 85: Susan Baran; 88: Barbara Smaller, The New Yorker Collection/The Cartoon Bank; 88: Minerva Studio/Shutterstock; 89: iStock/alfimimnill.

CHAPTER 5

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CHAPTER 6

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CHAPTER 7

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Administration, NARA-111-SC-209572; 157: bikeriderlondon/Shutterstock; 157: lightpoet/ Shutterstock; 157: Helga Esteb/Shutterstock; 161: Jacob Lund/Shutterstock.

CHAPTER 8

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CHAPTER 9

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CHAPTER 10

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CHAPTER 11

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CHAPTER 12

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CHAPTER 13

Page 284: iStock/Steve Debenport; 287: iStock/ schlol; 289: Courtesy of Adbusters Media Foun- dation; 295: Allport, G. W. and Postman, L. J. (1945), SECTION OF PSYCHOLOGY: The Basic Psychology of Rumor. Transactions of the New York Academy of Sciences, 8: 61–81; 296: Image used by permission of © Toyota Motor Sales, Inc.; 298: iStock/TommL; 298: iStock/Todor Tsvetkov; 300: Cranach/Shutterstock; 301: Listerine ad from the April 1956 issue of Photoplay. Source: AdFlip.com; 303: Petty, R. E., and J. T. Cacioppo. (1986). “The Elaboration Likelihood Model of Persuasion.” In L. Berkowitz, ed., Advances in Experimental Social Psychology, Volume 19. New York: Academic Press, Elsevier. Printed with permission.

CHAPTER 14

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CHAPTER 15

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Index

Aboujaoude, Elias, 270 abstract language, 56 accelerators of intercultural

communication, 194–197 action-facilitating support, 324 active listening, 65, 102, 110 adaptors, 83, 84t addiction, to Internet and social media,

267–268 adjourning stage, of group

development, 151 adverse events (AEs), in

hospitals, 326 affect displays, 84, 84t affective conflict, 131 affective exchange, 126 affiliations, 118 Affordable Care Act

(Obamacare), 323 Afifi, Walid, 119 agency, 38, 228, 229 agenda-setting theory, 242–243 aggressiveness, 176–177. See also

passive aggressiveness Alang, Navneet, 274 aliteracy, from media

multitasking, 220 Allport, Gordon, 295 Altman, Irwin, 122–126. See also Social

Penetration Theory Amazon, 219, 224 ambient advertising, 223–224 amenable mortality rate, U.S., 313 American Cancer Society, 331 American Psychological

Association, 237 Anderson, Peter, 119 animal language, 50–51 anorexia nervosa, 328 anticipatory socialization stage, in

organizations, 180 ape language, 50 applied ethics, 13

appreciative listening, 106 apps (applications), 263–265, 314, 320,

331–332 Aristotle, 358 ARMED media literacy program, 241 articulation, 84, 349 artifacts, 86–88, 89, 179, 301 assertiveness, 175, 176 assignment-based cohesion,

in groups, 152 assimilation

cultural pluralism and, 195 downward messages and, 170 in organizational culture,

179, 180, 181 asynchronous communication, 277 attachments, 117, 118 attention-span deficits, 211 attitudes

balance theory and, 291–292 behaviors and, 290–291 change processes, 305–307 defined, 290 dissonance theory and, 292–293 elaboration likelihood model and,

302–303, 304 fear appeals and, 300 impression-relevant involvement

and, 302 membership similarity and,

297–298 responsible changing of, 287 responsible reinforcing of, 287 selective exposure and, 293 selective retention and, 294 two-sided messages and, 300 value-relevant involvement

and, 301 attitudinal similarity, 298 audience analysis, 346 audience and authorship,

244–245, 244t audience fragmentation, 224

Austin, John, 286. See also speech acts theory

authoritarian leaders, 155, 156, 160 avoiding style, in conflict

management, 135 axiology

communication inquiry and, 35 of critical theory, 38 defined, 33 of interpretive theory, 37 of postpositivism, 36 research approaches, 45

Back, Mitja, 273 backchannel cues, 109 Bailey, Kenneth, 34–35 Baker, Sherry, 307 balance theory, 291–292, 302–303 Bandura, Albert, 36, 227. See also social

cognitive theory Barnlund, Dean, 6 bee language, 50–51 behavioral uncertainties, 121 beliefs, 290 Benoit, William, 44 Berger, Charles, 121, 260–261.

See also Uncertainty Reduction Theory

Bettinger, John, 318 Beyoncé, 253 Bianca, Audra, 342 biased listening, 103 Bing, search engine, 330 Bisel, Ryan, 160–170 Bissell, Kimberly L., 328 Blogger’s Code of Ethics

(Cyberjournalist.net), 250–251 body adornments, 86, 87, 122, 224 body-image distortion, 328 body-image media literacy

intervention, 241 body language

business leadership and, 59

Page numbers followed by t indicate a table. Italicized page numbers indicate a figure.

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body language (continued) dating and, 74 distracting, avoidance of, 350 kinesics and, 82–83 small talk and, 61

Bonvillain, Nancy, 89 bounded cultures (co-cultures),

11, 182, 188 Brady, Tom, 157 brain activity, disruption of, 261 brainstorming, 352 brand entertainment, 223 Brandtzaeg, Petter, 274 breakdown of groups, 152 Brownell, Judi, 100. See also HURIER

model of listening bulimia, 328 Bündchen, Gisele, 253 bureaucracy, in organizations,

174–175, 177 Burgoon, Judy, 75. See also nonverbal

coding systems

Cacioppo, John, 280, 302–304. See also elaboration likelihood model (ELM) of persuasion

Cain, Herman, 157 Calabrese, Richard, 121. See also

Uncertainty Reduction Theory Cantrill, Hadley, 294 Carey, James, 8 Carlsmith, Merrill, 292–293.

See also dissonance theory Carr, David, 222 Carter, Kevin, 222 Cassone, Vincent, 28 Catholic Whistleblowers, 169 causality, 41, 42 CDC. See Centers for Disease Control

and Prevention CDCynergy program, 333 cellphones. See also

smartphones addiction study, 220 global usage data, 263 mass medium classification,

212–213, 215 negative consequences of use,

80, 211 physical noise of, 102–103 sleep and, 83

Center for Compassion and Altruism Research and Education (Stanford University), 316

Center for Studying Health System Change, 321

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), 328, 331, 334, 335

central route, in information processing, 304

certainty-uncertainty dialectic, 129 Chaika, Elaine, 54 Charleston, South Carolina,

shooting, 247 Charren, Peggy, 146 chauvinism, 189, 191, 197 child-parent interactions, 319 Children’s Television Act (1990), 146 Chinese speakers, 54 Chisholm, Shirley, 343 Chomsky, Noam, 65 chronemics, 81–82, 83, 89, 276 Churchill, Winston, 343, 358 Civil Rights Movement, 343–344 Cleveland Clinic, HEART

program, 323 closed systems, 173 cluster grapevine

communication, 171 clustering, 352 clutter, 223 CMC. See computer-mediated

communication co-cultures (bounded cultures),

11, 182, 188 coercive power, 156 cognitive conflict, 132 cognitive consistency, 292 cognitive misers, 302 cognitive uncertainties, 121 cohesion and breakdown, in small

groups, 152–153 Colbert, Stephen, 192, 193 Columbine shooting, 247 communicated diseases, 330 communication

constitutive view of, 7–8 defined, 4, 6, 7 ethical, 13 identity and, 17–21 personally responsible, 17 power gained through, 22–23 presentational, 16, 20 representational, 16 ritual view of, 8 socially responsible, 22, 57 transmissional view of, 7

communication apprehension, 355

communication inquiry traditions critical theory, research, 37–38 interpretive theory, research, 37 need for discipline’s growth,

38, 39 postpositivist theory, research,

35–36 communication models

evolution of, 5–7 frame theory, 22f linear, 5, 7 source-dominated, 6 transactional, 7, 8

communication technologies. See also cellphones; Internet; radio; smartphones; social media; tablets; television; video games

addiction to, 267–268 cues-filtered-out theory, 275 dark side of, 266–271 depression from, 269 distraction from, 269–271 double-edged sword of, 260 Goldilocks effect, 279 health communication and, 315 impact of large-scale

changes in, 264 in organizations, 173 promise and peril of, 260–263 social information-processing

theory, 276 social isolation and, 280 types/growth of, 236

communication theory, 29 communication traits, in organizations,

175–176, 176 comparison level (CL), 127 comparison level of alternatives

(CL ALT), 127

compliance, 305, 306–307, 325 compromising style, in conflict

management, 135 computer-mediated communication

(CMC) defined, 260–261 digital friendships/relationships

and, 279 expectancy violation theory

and, 277 FtF comparison, 275–276, 278 social information-processing theory

and, 276 social withdrawal and, 280

concentration of ownership, 221–222

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conflict. See interpersonal conflict conflict communication studies, 3 Conger, Jay, 288 connectional power, 158–159 connection-autonomy dialectic, 128 connotative meaning, 52, 100 constitutive view of

communication, 7–8 contempt, 137–138 content analysis, 43–44 content environments, 215 control group, in experiments, 40 controls, in small groups, 146–147 conventional-unique dialectic, 129 convergence, 212, 214, 221, 225 cookies, tracking software, 264 Cooley, Charles, 19 Cooper, Bradley, 212 corporate social responsibility (CSR),

179, 180 Cramton, Catherine, 276 critical cultural theory, 228–229 critical listening, 107 critical thinking, 32 criticism

acceptance of, 18, 352 avoidance in relationship-building, 137 deflecting, 246 public speaking and, 342 social networking and, 256

Cronkite, Walter, 343 Crotty, Michael, 23 CSR. See corporate social responsibility cues-filtered-out theory, 275 cultivation theory, 226–227 cultural imperialism, 224–225 cultural meaning, 63 cultural participation, 194, 196 cultural pluralism, 194, 195 cultural presupposition, 64 cultural relativism, 194 cultural transformer, 194, 197 cultural values

as intercultural communication accelerator, 194–195

metaethics and, 13 in organizations, 182 role in shaping communication,

197–202 universality of politeness as, 66

culture bounded, 11, 182, 188 defined, 10 dominant culture, 11, 21, 87, 188

individualistic vs. collective, 198–200

language’s role in shaping, 54 listening differences, 103 mainstream culture, 11 metaphor and, 54–56 power of, 9–11

cyberbullying, 211, 261 cyberchondriacs, 330 Cyberjournalist.net, 250

The Daily Show, 344 Davidson, Marlina, 340 Davis, Keith, 171 Day, Amber, 344 Dead Poets Society, 241 Deal, Terrence, 181 decision-making groups, 145 decoding

defined, 6 distortion and, 170, 171 in frame theory model, 22 in transactional model, 8

de-escalation and negotiation, 133 defend-and-deny approach, by

hospitals, 322 defensiveness, 137, 138–139 DeFleur, Margaret, 152 democracy

mass media and, 222 media literacy and, 255

democratic leaders, 155–156 denotative meaning

defined, 52 discriminative listening and,

107–108 listening and, 99–100

dependency-based cohesion, in groups, 152

dependent listeners, 105, 106 dependent variable, 40 depenetration, 123 descriptive beliefs, 290 deviance, 121–122 DeWine, Sue, 149 diabetes

app for iPhone, 314 Medspeak brochure, 318

dialectics, 38, 128–129, 229. See also specific dialectics

dialects, 104, 188, 349 dialogue, in conflict resolution, 136 diaphragmatic breathing, 351 digital native, 263

direct-to-consumer prescription drug advertising (DTCA), 329

disclosure-and-apology strategy, of hospitals, 322

discourses, 128 discrimination

globalization organizations, and, 183

as intercultural communication obstacle, 190–191

discriminative listening, 107–109, 111

disengagement and exit stage, from organizations, 180–181

disinhibition search, 122, 123 dissolution, 123 dissonance theory, 292–293, 302–303 distance zones, 77, 78t. See also

intimate space; personal space; public space; social space

dog language, 50 dolphin language, 50, 51 dominant culture, 11, 21, 87, 188 dominating style, in conflict

management, 134–135 Don Quixote Effect, 242–243 double-edged sword, 260 downshift, in frame analysis, 20, 21 downward messages, 170 Doyle, Tom, 169 DTCA. See direct-to-consumer

prescription drug advertising Dwyer, Karen, 340 dyad, 118, 150 dynamics, of groups, 145–155

Eagly, Alice, 300 eating disorders, 328 80/20 rule, of workplace

communication, 96 Einstein, Albert, 28 Eisenberg, Eric, 179 elaboration likelihood model (ELM) of

persuasion, 302–305, 303 elevator pitch, 345 emancipatory knowledge, 38 emblems, 83, 84t emergence, of conflict, 133 employment. See workplace

communication empowerment, 175, 176, 213 Enck, Paul, 319 encoding

defined, 6

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encoding (continued) distortion and, 170, 171 in transactional model, 8

end-of-life counseling, 320 enterprise social network

programs, 266 entertainment mass media, health

communication, 327–330 enunciation, 349 environmental factors, 88–89 epistemology

of critical research, theory, 38 defined, 33 knowledge and, 33, 34 objectivist, 36 research approaches, 45

ER, TV series, 327 Erickson, Althea, 262 escalation, of conflict, 133 Eskimo Inuit speakers, 53 ethical communication

Blogger’s Code of Ethics, 250–251 description, 13 in direct-to-consumer prescription

drug advertising, 329 drawing the line, 45 freedom of expression vs.

professional appearance, 87 hidden hostility, 138 in intercultural

communication, 197 listening skills, 107 lying, 60 responsibilities in a group, 154 role of photojournalists, 222 TARES test, 307 whistleblowing, 169, 221

ethnocentric bias, 348 ethnocentrism, 191, 194, 197 ethnography, 44 Etsy, 262 euphemisms

confusion created by, 320 defined, 65–66

evaluative beliefs, 290 e-visits, 331 Expectation Violation Theory, 80 experiments

causality in, 41 defined, 40–41

expertise, 42, 158, 178, 288, 296 expert power, 158 exploratory affective exchange,

125–126

expressive function of language, 62 extemporaneous speech, 350 extended real-life hypothesis, 273 external distractions, 104–105, 110 eye contact. See also face-to-face

communication active listening and, 102 cultural variations, 188 by doctors, with patients, 78, 317 expectancy violations and, 80 by fakers, 105 in interviews, 165 kinesics and, 82 in nonverbal communication, 74 oculesics and, 84–85 in public speaking, 346, 352 in small talk, 61 in workplace communication,

10, 59, 81

face, 66 Facebook

content creation on, 213 “corporate vs. personal rights”

debate, 265 as double-edged sword, 260 dual-factor model of, 272 e-mail comparison, 266 friendship expectations, 279 getting fired from posts, 172 health communication potential,

332–333 history of, 264 identity creation on, 273–274 inappropriate times for using, 215 loneliness epidemic and, 280 media multitasking and,

219–220 multitasking and, 220 profile/page creation, 251 safe sex campaign, 332–333 social exchange theory and, 126 usage data, 264 user responsibilities, 251

Facebook depression, 269 Facebook envy, 281 face-threatening acts, 66–67 Facetime, 126 face-to-face communication (FtF).

See also eye contact CMC comparison, 275–276, 278 media richness theory and, 277–278 media’s impact on, 83 online friendships and, 281

in organizational environments, 167

six levels of, 22 value of relationships to, 116

face-wants, positive and negative, 66

facework, 67 facial expressions

description, 85 FtF communication and, 275 kinesics and, 82 meaning making and, 109 Mehrabian’s research on, 72 oculesics and, 84 in verbal/nonverbal

communication, 75 in work settings, 81

Fagothey, Austin, 307 fake listeners, 105, 106 Farsides, Tom, 241 fear appeals, 300 fear of missing out (FOMO), 269 feedback

active listening and, 99, 102 backchannel cues and, 109 CMC and, 273 defined, 5 inferential, 213 informal, in organizations, 172 mass communication and, 210 media richness theory and, 277–278 public speaking and, 346–347 sender-receiver

reciprocity and, 101 verbal/nonverbal, 94 in workplace communication,

59, 61t feedback loops, 153, 154, 155, 173 Ferrari, Bernard, 95, 96 Festinger, Leon, 292–293. See also

dissonance theory formal group communication, 148 forming stage, of group

development, 150–151 formulaic media messages, 214 Foss, Karen, 29, 193–194 Four Habits model, communication

training (Kaiser), 322, 322t frame analysis

description, 19 downshifts/upshifts in, 20, 21 frames in, 20 hyper-ritualized representations in, 21

frames, 20–21

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frame theory model of communication, 22f

framing, of verbal communication, 76

Frank, Loren, 270 Franklin, Benjamin, 15–16 Frederickson, Barbara, 116 French, John, 156 French speakers, 53 Freyer, Felice, 323 friends and family, health

communication, 323–325 Friendster, 264 FtF. See face-to-face communication

gazing, 85, 348 Gell-Mann, Murray, 36 Gerbner, George, 226–227. See also

cultivation theory German speakers, 53–54 gesticulations (hand/arm gestures), 75,

83, 84t Giddens, Anthony, 148–149. See also

structuration theory Gilmor, Dan, 212 Ginsburg, Paul B., 321 Givens, David, 28 Glee, TV series, 249 globalization

mass communication and, 225 of media industries, 221, 224 by organizations, 183

global plagiarism, 354 goal conflict, 132 Goffman, Erving, 19–20. See also frame

analysis Goldilocks effect, 279 Google

employees, 260 in-house “mindfulness

movement,” 267 search engine, 266, 270, 330,

331,353 gossip grapevine

communication, 171 grammar

construction and rule-breaking, 64

dialect and, 349 Linguistic Relativity

Hypothesis and, 53 social meaning connection to, 63 syntax comparison, 51 verbal communication and, 73

grapevine communication, 171 Great Seal of the United States, 15 Greene, Kathryn, 327 green-flag words, 103, 111 Grenard, Jerry, 328 Grey’s Anatomy, TV series,

249, 327 Griffin, Em, 30 Gross, David, 29 group breakdown

causes of, 150–151, 153 defined, 152 systems for avoiding, 155

group cohesion, 152–153, 161 groups. See also small groups

cultural influences in, 11, 74, 103

forms of power in, 156–159 leadership styles, 155–156 personal identity in, 22 social meaning and, 63 structural dynamics of, 59, 145–155 survey responses, 41 textual analysis experiments,

45, 46 groupthink, 152, 153 Guerrero, Laura, 119 Guffey, Mary Ellen, 99 Gunther, Albert C., 327–328 Gutman, Ron, 330

Hackman, J. Richard, 160 Hall, Edward, 9, 198 halo effect, 180, 299 haptics, 78–80, 89 hard news, 252 Hastorf, Albert, 294 Häuser, Winfried, 319 Hayakawa, S. I., 56 Hayek, Salma, 253 HCAHPS (Hospital Consumer

Assessment of Healthcare Providers and Services), 323

Health Belief Model, 334 health communication, 3, 311–335

amenable mortality rate, U.S., 313 Ask Me 3 program, 318 campaigns, 332–334 child-parent interactions, 319 defined, 315 end-of-life counseling, 320 in entertainment mass media,

327–330 friends and family, 323–325

in hospital culture, 322, 325–327 importance of, 312 on Internet, social networking,

313–314 Internet and, 330–332 iPhone, health-related apps,

314, 320 Kaiser programs, 322, 322t,

326, 327 machine-and-mechanics

interactions, 319 Medicaid materials, 317 nocebo effect, 319 patient activation, benefits, 317 professionals, prepared materials,

317–318 in provider-client settings,

315–323 smartphone apps, 314 source reliability concerns, 314 Speak Up program, 320, 321 in support groups, 325 Transforming the Operating Room

program, 326 via mass media, 289 in the workplace, 335

health literacy, 313, 330, 334 HealthTap, medical website, 330 Healthy People 2020 initiative, 314–315,

315t, 323, 330, 333 hearing

consequences of avoiding, 107 counterproductive listening

and, 105 intellectual listeners and, 106 listening vs., 93, 94, 96–97 physical noise and, 102 selective perception of, 295 in verbal/nonverbal communication,

74t, 75 Heider, Fritz, 291–292. See also balance

theory Henningsen, Mary Lynn, 124 heuristics, 299, 302, 304 hierarchical mum effect, 169–170 high- and low-context cultures,

201–202 Hoffman, Jock, 316 Hofstede, Geert, 198–202. See also

value dimensions Holbert, R. Lance, 44 Hollywood, Health and Society

program, 328–330 horizontal messages, 170–171

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Hornsey, Matthew, 192 hospital culture, health

communication, 325–327 hot-button words, 103, 111 House, TV series, 327 HURIER model of listening, 100–101,

100t, 102–106, 110 hyper-commercialism, 223 hyper-ritualized representations, in

frame analysis, 21

idealized virtual identity hypothesis, 273

identification, 227, 306 identity, 17–21

construction/maintenance, on social media, 271–274

development in interactions, 29–30 frame analysis, 19–21, 216 Looking Glass Self, 19, 67, 150 media literacy and, 253–254 role of nonverbal communication,

89–90 “selves,” types of, 19 symbolic interaction, 18–19 work identity, 176, 177

identity negotiation theory, 193–194 illustrators, 83, 84t imaginative function of language, 62 imitation, 227, 351 impression-relevant involvement, 302 impromptu speech, 350 incentives, 121 inclusion-seclusion dialectic, 128–129 incremental plagiarism, 354 independent variable, 40 individualistic vs. collective cultures,

198–200 inferential feedback, 213 informal group

communication, 148 informational power, 158 information-presentation

groups, 145 information-seeking strategies, 122 informative function of language, 59 informative listening, 106 informative speeches, 344 in-group, 153, 192–193 in-group favoritism, 194, 202 Instagram, 126, 264, 265 instrumental function of language, 58 integrating style, in conflict

management, 134

intellectual listeners, 106 intentionality

defined, 74 perception and, 11–12 persuasion and, 287

intercultural communication, 187–205 accelerators of, 194–197 assumptions made in, 30, 204 competence in, 204–205 cultural values, role in shaping,

197–202 defined, 188–189 diversity, tolerance, and,

202–205 identity negotiation theory and,

193–194 labeling as obstacle to, 190 methods of improving at work, 199 nonverbal communication in, 74 obstacles to, 189–191 in organizations/the workplace,

3, 183 role-taking and, 203–204 social identity theory and, 192–193 stereotyping and, 13–14, 189–190 value dimensions (of Hofstede),

198–202 internalization, 306–307 Internet. See also social media; social

networking; social networking sites addiction to, 260, 267–268 aliteracy and, 220 anonymity-related de-individuation,

272–273 communication guidelines, 172 content creation data, 250 depression research of users, 269 digital natives and, 263 gender sexualization on, 123 healthcare information availability,

313–314 health communication and, 330–332 hyper-commercialism on, 223 identity construction, 274 interpersonal communication and,

275–279 as mass communication medium,

210–212 media literacy and, 246 media texts on, 235 net neutrality concept, 262 online support groups, 325 parental mediation theory and,

239, 240–241

privacy/security issues, 265 related careers, 226 social isolation and, 279–280 as students’ communication choice, 341 transactive memory and, 270–271

Internet Addiction Disorder (IAD), 268

interpersonal communication conflict and, 129–139 Expectancy Violation Theory and, 80 healthcare and, 313, 315–323 in job hunting, 3 mass communication vs., 212–215 persuasion and, 287–288 Relational Dialectics Theory,

128–129 role of, in relationships, 118–120 Social Exchange Theory, 126–127 Social Penetration Theory, 122–126 Uncertainty Reduction Theory,

121–122 interpersonal conflict, 129–139

conditions leading to, 130–131 conflict of interest, 131 dance vs. war approach to, 55–56 defined, 129 disagreement vs., 130 dont’s in resolving, 137–139 do’s in resolving, 135–137 in families, 30 hugs, benefits of, 78–79 interpersonal communication and,

129–135 listening’s importance in, 94 management styles, 133–135 nonverbal communication

and, 76 on-the-job, 178 politeness theory and, 66 stages of, 132–133, 133 types of, 131–132 in the work environment, 3

interpersonal space, 76 interpretive theory and research, 37, 44 interrupters, 105 intimate space, 77 intimidation, 175, 176 invasion of privacy, 261 involvement, 300–301 inward information, 172 iPhone, health-related apps,

314, 320 iTBra, health-related app, 314 iTunes, 219

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Jackson, Samuel L., 157 Jaksa, James, 307 James, LeBron, 157 Janis, Irving, 153 Jeong, Se Hoon, 239 jobs. See workplace

communication Johnson, Jenna, 220–221 Johnson, Mark, 54–56 Jolie, Angelina, 253 Jones, Chris, 32

Kaiser Family Foundation, 83 Kaiser Permanente

Four Habits communication model, 322, 322t

Preoperative Safety Briefing, 326 SBAR program, 327

Kant, Immanuel, 60 Katikalapudi, Raghavendra, 269 Kay, Andrea, 32 Kelman, Herbert, 305–306 Keltner, Dacher, 273 Keltner, Daniel, 78 Kennedy, Allan, 181 Kerlinger, Fred, 34 kinderculture, 254 kinesics, 82–83, 89 King, Martin Luther, Jr.,

343–344, 344 The King’s Speech movie, 358 Kirby, Erika, 150 Krcmar, Marina, 327 Krone, Kathleen, 150 Kruger, Justin, 276 Kunis, Mila, 212

labeling, 189, 190, 191, 197 ladder of abstraction, 56–58 laissez-faire leaders, 156, 160 Lakoff, George, 54–56 Landgraf, John, 214 Landro, Laura, 324 Langer, Susanne, 15, 50 language functions, 58–62

expressive, 62 imaginative, 62 information, 59 instrumental, 58 persuasion, 60 regulatory, 58–59 relational, 61 ritualistic, 62

language structure, 50–52

Lankton-Rivas, Susan, 178 latent conflict, 132, 136, 137 leadership styles, in groups, 155–156 LeBrun-Green, Sue, 146 legitimate power, 157 Leonard, Diana, 341 Leonard, Michael, 313 libertarian thought, 229 Lightman, Alan, 35 linear model of communication, 5, 7 Linguistic Relativity Hypothesis, 53–54 LinkedIn, 264 listeners, types of, 105–106 listening (effective listening), 93–111

barriers to, 101–106 biased listening, 103 counterproductive styles of, 105–106 daily time devoted to, 95 decoding and, 6 defined, 94 ethics of, 107 external distractions to,

104–105, 110 hearing vs., 93, 94, 96–97 HURIER model of, 100–101,

102–106, 110 importance of, 95–96 misconceptions about, 96–97,

99–100 physical noise and, 102 physiological noise and, 104 psychological noise and, 102–103 self-evaluation, 98 semantic noise and, 104 strategies for, 109–111 types of, 65, 102, 106–109, 110 in the workplace, 59

Littlejohn, Stephen, 29, 193–194 Loneliness (Cacioppo and

Patrick), 280 Looking Glass Self, 19, 67, 150 Lopez, Jennifer, 157 Lown, Bernard, 319 Lucas, Stephen, 354 lying

dissonance theory and, 292–293 ethical communication and,

13, 60, 307 oculesics/head position and, 85 by political candidates, 345

machine-and-mechanics interactions, 319

macro-level effects, 247, 248

Madoff, Daniel, 149 magisterial physician

stereotype, 319 majority-minority country, 189 mall speak, 347 Mandarin speakers, 54 Manning, Peyton, 157 Marche, Stephen, 280 Mars, Bruno, 219 Martin, Judith, 136–137 Martinson, David, 307 masculinity/femininity, 201 mass communication, 209–230. See also

communication technologies content environments in, 215 convergence and, 212, 214, 221, 225 critical cultural theory and, 228–229 cultivation theory and, 226–227 defined, 210–211 interpersonal vs., 212–215 media literacy and, 237 reasons for studying, 211–212 scholarly criticism of, 38 social cognitive theory and, 227 social responsibility theory and,

229–230 mass media

consumers, characteristics of, 219–221

cultural imperialism through, 224–225

culture, communication, and, 215–219, 238

democracy and, 255 frame analysis and, 19, 21 frame theory model and, 22 industries, characteristics of,

221–225 meaning-making with

audiences of, 226 media literacy and, 238, 247, 249 membership similarity and,

298–299 persuasiveness of, 287, 289 public health efforts through, 313 public trust issues with, 229 “third-person effect,” 217 types of, 210

Masterman, Len, 236 Mazur, Tim, 60 McChesney, Robert, 218 McKinney, Bruce, 282 McLuhan, Marshall, 210, 261, 263 McQuail, Denis, 229–230

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Mead, George Herbert, 18, 19–20, 21, 29, 273. See also symbolic interaction

meaning making abstract language and, 56 barriers to, 170 cultural presupposition, 64 culture’s influence on, 10 euphemisms, 65–66 HURIER model of listening

and, 100t intercultural communication and,

201, 202, 204–205 kinesics and, 82–84 language and, 62–66 mass communication and, 226 media literacy and, 238, 250,

253–255 oculesics and, 84 process of creating, 4–10 psychological noise and, 103 Relational Dialectics Theory

and, 128 role of nonverbal communication,

89–90 sender-receiver reciprocity in, 99,

101, 109, 136 signs, symbols, and, 14 situational, 62–63 syntactic ambiguity, 64–65 syntax and, 100 textual analysis and, 43 third-person effect and, 217 in verbal communication,

62–66, 341 Mean World Syndrome, 227 media addiction, 220–221 media conduct, 229 media consumers

benefits of media literacy for, 237 characteristics of, 219–221 parental mediation theory and,

239–240 passive vs. proactive, 252 thoughtful messages of, 250

media industries, characteristics of, 221–225

media literacy, 235–255 ARMED program, 241 audience and authorship

questions, 244t benefits of, 4 careers in, 237 core concepts, 242–243, 244t

defined, 236–237 democracy and, 255 goal of, 236 identity and, 253–254 macro-/micro-level effects,

247, 248 meaning making and, 238, 250,

253–255 parental mediation theory and,

239–241 questions, 244–246, 244t scholarship/studies of, 238–239 Silverblatt’s elements necessary for,

246–250 skills required for, 251–253 video games and, 236, 240, 244–248

media literacy interventions benefits/outcomes of, 241–242 body-image intervention, 241 defined, 239

media multitaskers, 219–220 media richness theory, 277–278 media texts, 242, 253, 37236 media violence theories, 30 Medical Library Association, 318 Medium (pl., media)

as carrier of culture, 10–11, 198 defined, 5, 211 FtF communication superiority,

277–278 in mass communication, 210–213 media multitaskers and, 219–220 message carrying via, 5 platform agnostics and, 219

Medspeak in Plain Language (Medical Library Association), 318

Mehrabian, Albert, 72 melting pot, 195 membership similarity, 297–298 Mendes, Eva, 212 messages

characteristics, 299–300 meanings and, 244t, 245 sidedness, 299–300

messages in organizations, 167–174 downward, 170 horizontal, 170–173 upward, 168–170

metaethics, 13 metaphor

cultural pluralism’s use of, 195 defined, 54–56 meaning making and, 99–100 “melting pot” (example), 195

use in shaping public opinion, policy, 57

use in the workplace, 288 visual, 124 “war” (example), 57

metaphor theory, 55–56 Metaphysics of Morals (Kant), 60 Meyer, Pamela, 60 micro-blogging. See Twitter micro-level effects, 247, 248 Military Whistleblower Protection

Act, 169 Miller, Katherine, 37 Mind, Self, and Society (Mead), 18 mnemonics, 110 modeling, 227 Modern Family, TV series, 249 Mongeau, Paul, 124, 287 monochronic, 82 Morgan, Susan, 330 Mothers Against Drunk Driving

(MADD), 146 motivation

deviance and, 121–122 Facebook use and, 272 organizational communication and,

176, 177, 183, 198 as receiver characteristic, 301 small groups and, 153 Uncertainty Reduction Theory

and, 121 mutual knowledge, 275 MySpace, 264

Nakayama, Thomas, 135–136 National Association for Media Literacy

Education (NAMLE), 238, 244 National Institutes of Health, 313 National Library of Medicine website,

318, 331 National Patient Safety

Foundation, 318 Navaho language, 54 negative face-wants, 66 negotiated reading, 247 Nehme, Jean, 320 Neo-Marxist theory, 227 net neutrality, 262 Newton, Sir Isaac, 358 Newtown, Connecticut,

shooting, 247 Nichols, Michael, 95 Nichols, Ralph, 99 nocebo effect, 319

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noise physical, 5, 102 prejudice and, 11 psychological, 5, 102–103 semantic, 5, 104 in transactional model, 8

nonrandom sample, in surveys, 41 nonverbal coding systems, 75–89

artifacts, 86–88, 89, 179, 301 chronemics, 81–82, 83, 89, 276 environmental factors, 88–89 facial expressions, 72, 75, 81, 84, 85,

109, 111, 275 haptics, 78–80, 89 kinesics, 82–83, 89 oculesics, 84–85, 346 physical appearance,

86–88, 89 proxemics, 76–78 silence, 89 vocalics, 81, 84, 85

nonverbal communication, 3, 71–90

analysis for improving, 111 cultural influences in, 74 described, 72–74 intentionality in, 74 senses involved in, 75 verbal communication vs., 73–75,

73t, 80, 89–90 in the workplace, 81

nonverbal immediacy, 79 nonverbal messages, 111 normative confusion, in groups,

152–153 normative ethics, 13 normative theory, 229 norming stage, of group

development, 151 norm of reciprocity, 125 norms, of groups, 145–146 nurturing support, 324

objectivist epistemology, 36 obliging style, in conflict

management, 134 oculesics, 84–85, 346 Ogden, C. K., 15. See also triangle of

meaning O’Laughlin, Alex, 212 Oliner, Adam, 190 one-sided messages, 299 online communication. See Internet online support groups, 325

ontology communication inquiry and, 35 of critical theory, 38 defined, 33 of interpretive theory, 37 realist, 34 research approaches, 45 social-constructionist, 33

openness-closedness dialectic, 129 open systems, 173–174, 175 operationalization of variables, 40 Oral Communication Program

(Stanford University), 358t organizational assimilation, 179–181 organizational climate, 178–179 organizational culture

CSR benefits for, 180 dealing with diversity in, 182–183 defined, 179 strong culture, elements, 181–182 whistleblowing and, 169

organizational entry, assimilation stage, 180

organizations (organizational communication), 165–183

assimilation of individuals in, 179–181

bureaucracy in, 174–175, 177 defined, 166–167 dependency-based cohesion in, 152 globalization process of, 183 hierarchical power structure in, 167–

168, 168 leadership styles, 157 policies in, 174, 175, 178–179, 182 positive/negative communication

traits, 175–177 protocols in, 174–175, 182 strong cultures in, 181–182 structural dynamics in, 59 systems theory view of, 173–175 task-oriented groups, 145 upward messages in, 168

orientation, 125 Osgood, Charles E., 6. See also source-

dominated model of communication outcome-relevant involvement, 301–302 outcomes, 127 out-group, 192–193 outline, 342, 350, 352, 353 outward information, 172

Palmieri, Cynthia, 282 Pandora, 219

paralanguage. See vocalics parental mediation theory, 239–241 participant observer, in interpretive

research, 44 passive aggressiveness, 138 patchwork plagiarism, 354 patient activation, 317 Patrick, Danica, 157 perception

communication and, 11–14 defined, 11 intentionality and, 11–12 selective perception, 294, 295

performing stage, of group development, 151

peripheral route, in information processing, 304

Perry, Katy, 219 personally responsible

communication, 17 active listening, 102 creating rules, 150 cultural participation, 196 getting fired, 172 Health Belief Model, 334 Internet addiction

self-diagnosis, 268 proactive media

consumerism, 252 public speaking

self-assessment, 352 relationship satisfaction, 119 selective perception, 295 solving not-so-well-posed

problems, 35 speaking inclusively, 67 third-person effect, 217 touching in the workplace, 79

personal space, 77, 84 persuasion

attitudes and, 290 behavior and, 290–291 beliefs and, 290 defined, 286–287 democracy and, 288–289 elaboration likelihood model,

302–305 factors influencing, 294–302 as a function of language, 60 as a goal of communication, 23 intentionality and, 287 interpersonal communication and,

287–288 job searching and, 10

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persuasion (continued) Lincoln’s commentary on, 285 message characteristics, 299–300 physical/social attraction and, 158 receiver characteristics, 300–302 response changing and, 287 response reinforcing and, 287 response shaping and, 286–287 source characteristics, 295–299 techniques used in US news, 191 touch’s importance in, 78 use in marketing to children, 237 values and, 289–290 in the workplace, do’s and don’ts,

288, 289 persuasive speeches, 344–345 Petty, Richard, 302–304. See also

elaboration likelihood model (ELM) of persuasion

phantom-vibration syndrome, 267 Pho, Kevin, 326 photojournalists, role of, 222 physical appearance, 86, 89 physical noise, 5, 102 Physician Orders for Life-Sustaining

Treatment (POLST), 320 physiological noise, 5, 104 piercings, 86, 87, 122 Pillet-Shore, Danielle, 121 Pitt, Brad, 157 plagiarism

blogging and, 250 defined, 353 public speaking and, 354 social networking and, 265 types of, 354

platform agnostics, 219 Plato, 261 Polemic against Printing (Strata), 261 policies

in institutions, 150 in organizations, 174, 175,

178–179, 182 politeness theory, 66–67 political satire, 343–344 polychronic, 82 polysemic media content, 246–247 Popper, Karl, 30 positive face-wants, 66 Postman, Leo, 295 postpositivism axiology, 36 postpositivist theory and research,

35–36 Potter, James, 238–239

power, forms of, in groups, 156–157 power distance, 200–201 praxis, 129 preferred reading, 247 prejudice

defined, 190 as intercultural communication

obstacle, 190–191 interpretive theory and, 37 “naturalness” of, 192–194 psychological noise as, 5, 103 stereotyping and, 191

Preoperative Safety Briefing, hospital program, 326

prescriptive beliefs, 290 presentational communication, 16, 20 primary groups, 144–145 Pritchard, Michael, 307 probability grapevine

communication, 171 product placement, 223 pronunciation, 349 protocols, in organizations,

174–175, 182 provider-client settings, for healthcare,

315–323 proxemics, 76–78 psychological noise, 5, 102–103 public discourse, 108, 342–343 public space, 77–78 public speaking, 339–358

anxiety/fear, overcoming, 355–358, 358–359

audience analysis, 346 defined, 341 fear of, 340 importance of, 340–344 influential individuals,

examples, 343 plagiarism and, 353, 354 rules of/crash course in, 346–352 self-assessment, 352 skill-building groups, 145 speeches, preparation steps, 352–355 speeches, types of, 344–345 in the workplace, 342

Purdy, Michael, 107

qualitative research, 39, 44–45 quantitative research, 39, 42, 43–45

racial stereotyping, 235 radio

challenges to power elite, 261

comparative employment data, 226

concentrated station ownership, 221

format/content specialization, 224

as mass communication device, 210

media literacy and, 236, 246 media texts from, 236

Radway, Janice, 44–45 Rampur, Stephen, 117 Ramsey, Sheila, 74 random sample, in surveys, 41 rank ineffectiveness, in groups, 153 ranks, of group members, 146 rapid impression formation, 348 rational arguments, 299 Raven, Bertram, 156 reactivity search, 122, 123 reading, negotiated and

preferred, 247 realist ontology, 34 receiver (in linear

communication), 5 receiver characteristics, 300–302 reconciliation, post-conflict, 133 referent power, 157–158 regulators, 84, 84t regulatory function of language,

58–59 Relational Dialectics Theory, 127–129 relational function of language, 61 relational listening, 106 relational satisfaction, 119 relationships (relational

communication). See also interpersonal communication

attachments, affiliations in, 118 body language and, 59 developing and maintaining, 23,

120–129 language’s role in, 59, 61, 66, 72–73, 77 linguistic relativity hypothesis and, 53 listening in, 85, 106, 110 role of interpersonal communication,

118–120 scientific inquiry and, 31 six provisions of, 117–118 value of, 116–117

relativity theory, 28 representational communication, 16 representations and reality, 244t,

245–246

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research methods content analysis, 43–44 ethnography, 44 experiments, 40–41 mixing methods, traditions, 43–45 qualitative research, 39, 44–45 quantitative research, 39, 42, 43–45 surveys, 41–43, 45 textual analysis, 43–45

residual message, 348 Respecting Choices program, 320 response changing, 287 response reinforcing, 287 response shaping, 286–287 revelation-concealment

dialectic, 129 reward-based cohesion, in

groups, 152 reward power, 156–157 Richards, I. A., 15. See also triangle of

meaning ritualistic function of language, 62 ritual view of communication, 8 Robles, Marcel, 117 Rokeach, Milton, 290 roles, of group members, 146 role-taking, 203–204 Root, George, 32 Ross, Ray, 341 Rubenstein, Liba, 262 rumors, study of, 295

Sagan, Carl, 29 Sandberg, Sheryl, 350 Sartrain, J. D., 314 Satire and Dissent: Intervention in

Contemporary Political Debate (Day), 344

Scandal, TV series, 249 Scheier, Bruce, 265 schemas

defined, 13 ELM and, 304 frames compared with, 20 stereotype form of, 13–14

Scheufele, Dietram, 39 Schramm, Wilbur, 6, 27. See also source-

dominated model of communication

scientific inquiry. See also axiology; epistemology; ontology

defined, 31 developing answers step, 32 Einstein’s thoughts on, 29

philosophical questions shaping, 33–35

subjectivist position on, 34 systemic observation step, 31 testable question step, 31

scientific method, 34, 36 scripted conversations, 61, 125 scripted speeches, 350 Second Life virtual health fair, 331 secrecy, 175, 176, 177 Seife, Charles, 314 Seinfeld, Jerry, 340, 341 Seinfeld TV show, 340 selective exposure, 293 selective perception, 294, 295 selective processes, 293–294 selective retention, 294 self-conscious listeners, 105–106 self-disclosure, 124 self-identity, protecting, 66–67 self-inquiry, 352 selves, types of, 19 semantic noise, 5, 104 sender-receiver reciprocity, 101 sentiment-based cohesion, in

groups, 152 serial distortion, of messages, 170 settlement/resolution,

of conflict, 133 sexting, 211, 261 Sheer, Vivian, 278–279 shy and popular users (of social

networking), 280 signs and symbols

defined/types of, 14 social objects, 19, 273 triangle of meaning, 15–16

silence, 89 Silverblatt, Art, 237, 246–250 Sinatra, Frank, 118 single-shooter video game, 247–248 single-strand grapevine

communication, 171 situational meaning, 62–63 skill-building groups, 145 Skype, 126, 263 small groups, 143–161

cohesion and breakdown, 152–153, 161

common student complaints, 154t

controls in, 146–147 defined, 144 developmental stages, 149–151

forms of power in, 156–159 informal/formal

communication, 148 interdependence in, 155 leadership styles in, 155–156 listening skill exercise, 93 norms, 145–146 ranks of members, 146 roles of members, 146 skills, improvement strategies,

159–161 socialization, 147 structural dynamics, 145–155 systems theory and, 153–155 teamwork success strategies, 160

small group speeches, 345 small talk

in early stages of communication, 125–126

in group formation development stage, 149–150

rules for improving, 61 silence and, 89

smartphones addiction to, 87, 209, 267, 268 dark side of, 266–267 dating apps, 332 double-edged sword status, 260 as external distraction, 104–105 health-tracking apps, 314 mass communication capabilities,

212, 263–264 media literacy and, 246 media texts on, 236 platform agnostic attitude

and, 219 reading news on, 225 social isolation and, 279–280 as students’ communication choice, 341 time spent on, 236

social cognitive theory, 227 social-constructionist ontology, 33 social cues, 21, 275 Social Exchange Theory, 126–127 social identity theory, 192–193, 202 social isolation, 260, 279–280 socialization, 147, 180 socially responsible communication

countering the kinderculture, 254 doing well by doing good, 180 evaluation of attractiveness, 123 forming a group, 146 FTC and advertiser

credibility, 297

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socially responsible communication (continued)

media conduct, 230 need for bigger inquiry, 39 questioning cultural speakers, 108 social media, social connection, social

power, 262 stereotyping vs. generalizing, 190 time management, 83 using metaphors, 57

social meaning, of language, 63 social media. See also Facebook;

Friendster; Instagram; LinkedIn; MySpace; Twitter; YouTube

addiction to, 220 careers in, 32, 226 Facebook depression and, 269 human interaction preference vs.,

271–272 information posting choices, 172 phantom-vibration

syndrome and, 267 regrets about posting on, 260 social connection, social power,

and, 262 social isolation and, 260, 279–280

social networking activism via, 262 controlling the “you” on, 265,

271, 272 defined, 119 enterprise social network

programs, 266 fear of missing out (FOMO), 269 health communication, 313–314,

331–332 media multitasking and, 219–220 organizational

methods, 167, 173 participatory learning with, 240–241 privacy issues, 264, 265 profile construction, 253, 273 social costs/benefits

research, 275 social networking sites (SNSs)

cookies, tracking software, 264 e-mail vs., 266 extended real-life

hypothesis and, 273 Facebook depression from

overuse, 269 healthcare information, reliability

concerns, 313 history of, 264

idealized virtual identity hypothesis and, 273

identity construction, maintenance, and, 271–274

role of self-disclosure, uncertainty reduction, 281–282

self-esteem and, 272 shy/popular users, use of, 280 types of users, 274 unethical infringements on privacy

by, 264 social objects, 19, 273 social outcast, 190 Social Penetration Theory,

122–126, 124 social reinforcement, 298–299 social responsibility theory, 229–230 social space, 77 soft news, 252 soft skills of

communication, 117 Sokol, Zach, 320 Sorry Works Coalition, 323 source (in linear model), 5 source characteristics, 295–299 source credibility, 296, 297 source-dominated model of

communication, 6 Spanish speakers, 53–54 spare-brain time, 109–110 speaking outline, 353–354, 355 Speak Up programs (Medicare,

Medicaid), 320, 321 special occasion speeches, 345 specification of ignorance, 29, 30–31 speech acts theory, 286 speech community, 51–52 speeches, types of, 344–345 speech networks, 52 speech phobia, 355 Spotify, 219 stable exchange, 126 stage fright, 355 stalemate, in conflict, 133 staring, 80, 85, 346 Steinberg, Shirley, 254 Steinem, Gloria, 343 stereotypes (stereotyping)

appearance and, 87 defined, 13–14 examples, 189 generalizing vs., 190 as intercultural communication

barrier, 189

“magisterial physician,” 319 prejudice growth from, 191 racial stereotyping, 235 strategy for overcoming, 196

Stewart, Jon, 343–344, 343 Stiff, James, 287 stonewalling, 137, 139 storming stage, of group

development, 151 Strata, Filippo de, 261 stratified sample, in surveys, 41–42 Stratton, Romana, 199 Streisand, Barbra, 118 strong cultures, in organizations,

181–182 structuration theory, 148–149 structure, 38 subjectivist position on scientific

inquiry, 34 superiority

chauvinism/gender superiority, 191

organizational communication and, 175, 176, 177

support groups, health communication, 325

supportiveness, 119, 175, 176, 177 surveys, 41–43, 45

adult trust in mass media, 229 advantages of, 42 Annual Time Use, 83 business executives, 117 causality in, 42 college students on public

speaking, 340 cultural values, 198 samples, 41–42 US General Social Survey, 279 WomenHeart’s participants, 325

Swift, Taylor, 216 symbolic interaction, 18–19 symbols

in children’s advertising, 240 in CMC, 276 context and meaning, 99–100 cultural influences, 63,

74, 89, 189 decoding of, 6 defined, 14 Langer on, 15 language and, 50 in mass communication, 214–215 media, persuasion, and, 191 as social objects, 19

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in verbal/nonverbal communication, 73, 89–90

synchronous communication, 277 synergy, 223, 224 syntactic ambiguity, 64–65 syntax

defined, 50–51 grammar comparison, 51 language enrichment from, 65 Linguistic Relativity Hypothesis

and, 53 meaning making and, 100 verbal language and, 73

systems theory organizations and, 173–175 small groups and, 153–155

tablets, 219, 225, 236, 260, 263, 269 Tajfel, Henri, 192. See also social

identity theory Tannen, Deborah, 99 task-oriented groups, 145 tattoos, 86, 87, 224 Taylor, Dalmas, 122–126. See also Social

Penetration Theory TDP (thinness depicting and

promoting) media, 328 telemedicine, 331 television

advertising synergy and, 224 agenda-setting theory and, 242 “Annual Time Use Survey”

data, 83 Berger’s predictions about, 261–262 career data, 226 child-aimed advertising on, 240 Children’s Television Act, 146 cultivation theory and, 226–227 expressive function language and, 62 gender identification and, 123 hyper-commercialism on, 223 hyper-ritualized

representations on, 21 impact on children, 41 as mass communication device,

210–211 meaning making and, 253 Mean World Syndrome displays, 227 media convergence and, 212 media literacy and, 244, 246, 249–

251, 253 media texts from, 236 multitasking while watching,

219–221

social cues and, 21 third-person effect and, 217 values represented on, 34, 243

territory, 76–77 text, 37 texting while driving, 211 textual analysis, 43–45 theories. See also scientific inquiry

as abstractions, 30–31 agenda-setting theory, 242–243 balance theory, 291–292 borrowing of ideas from, 28 critical cultural theory, 228–229 critical theory, 37–38 cues-filtered-out theory, 275 cultivation theory, 226–227 definitions of, 28–29 development of, 30–31 dimensions of cultural

differentiation, 202 dissonance theory, 292–293 dynamic nature of, 30 Expectation Violation Theory, 80 frame analysis theory, 19 human constructions of, 30 HURIER model of listening, 100–101 identity negotiation theory, 193–194 interpretive theory, 37 ladder of abstraction, 56–58 media richness theory, 277–278 metaphor theory, 55–56 Neo-Marxist theory, 227 nonverbal coding systems, 75–76 parental mediation theory, 239–241 postpositivist theory, 35–36 Relational Dialectics Theory,

128–129 social cognitive theory, 227 Social Exchange Theory,

126–127 social identity theory,

192–193, 202 social information-processing

theory, 276 Social Penetration Theory, 122–126 social responsibility theory, 229–230 speech acts theory, 286 structuration theory, 148–149 symbolic interaction theory, 18 systems theory, 153–155, 173–175 transactive memory, 270–271 Uncertainty Reduction Theory,

121–122 usefulness of, 29–30

Theory of Bureaucracy (Weber), 174–175

Thorpe, Devin, 180 thought and language, 52–58

connotative meaning, 52, 100 denotative meaning, 52, 99–100,

107–108 ladder of abstraction, 56–58 Linguistic Relativity Hypothesis,

53–54 metaphor, 54–56

time rules, 82 Ting-Toomey, Stella, 193–194 Tohidian, Iman, 53, 54 touching. See also haptics

in support groups, 325 in the workplace, 79

Touch Surgery, iPhone app, 320 transactional model of

communication, 7, 8 transactive listening, 109 transactive memory theory, 270–271 Transforming the Operating Room

program, 326 transmissional view of

communication, 7 triangle of meaning, 15–16 trustworthiness, 43, 87, 107, 296 Tuckman, Bruce, 149 Turkle, Sherry, 269, 273 Turner, John, 192. See also social

identity theory Twitter

concerns about, 80 as double-edged sword, 260 multitasking and, 219–220 social exchange theory and, 126 usage data, 264

two-sided messages, 299–300

uncertainty avoidance, 201 Uncertainty Reduction Theory,

121–122 upshift, in frame analysis, 20, 21 upward messages, 169–170 Urban, Keith, 118 U.S. Department of Health and Human

Services, 314–315. See also Healthy People 2020 initiative

value conflict, 131–132 value dimensions (of Hofstede and Hall)

high- and low-context cultures, 201–202

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value dimensions (of Hofstede and Hall) (continued)

individualistic vs. collective cultures, 198–200

masculinity/femininity, 201 power distance, 200–201 uncertainty avoidance, 201

value-relevant involvement, 301 values, 289–290 variables, in experiments, 40 verbal communication, 3, 49–67

challenges of dealing with, 81 cultural influences in, 74 expectations of, 80 framing of, 76 functions of language, 58–62 intentionality in, 74 job search preparation and, 3 language and thought, 52–58 language structure, 50–52 meaning making, 62–66, 341 nonverbal communication vs.,

73–75, 73t politeness theory, 66–67 semantics and, 49 senses involved in, 75 syntax, 73 in the workplace, 59

video games, 236, 240, 244–248 Virginia Tech shooting, 247 vocal fillers, 347 vocalics, 81, 84, 85

water cooler communication, 171–172 Weber, Max, 174–175 Wegner, Daniel, 270–271. See also

transactive memory Weiss, Robert, 118 Whistleblower Office, IRS, 169 whistleblowing, 169, 221 Williams, Ray, 158 Williams, Robin, 241 Wilmot, Joyce, 130 Wilmot, William, 130 WomenHeart’s, hospital-based support

group, 325 work identity, 176, 177 workplace communication

benefits of critical thinking, 32 careers in media literacy, 237 careers in the media, 226 dealing with on-the-job

conflict, 178 do’s/dont’s of workplace persuasion, 288 80/20 rule, 96

e-mail vs. social networking sites, 266 health messages for employees, 335 improving on-the-job intercultural

communication, 199 landing the job, 10 mastering soft skills, 117 on-the-job nonverbal

communication, 81 on-the-job public speaking, 342 speaking well to do well, 59 12 Cs for successful

teamwork, 160

Yahoo, search engine, 330 YouTube

appreciative listening and, 106 CDC videos on, 331 CMC and, 278 as mass communication method, 213 platform agnostics and, 219 survey of commercials, 45

Zaremba, Alan, 168 Zhou, Peiqin, 328 Zuckerberg, Mark, 332

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  • Cover
  • Half Title Page
  • Title Page
  • Copyright
  • Dedication
  • Brief Contents
  • Contents
  • Preface
    • The Philosophy of This Text
    • Pedagogical Features
    • Organization
    • Ancillary Package
      • Online Learning
      • For Instructors
      • For Students
    • Acknowledgments
  • 1. The Communication Process: Perception, Meaning, and Identity
    • The Process of Creating Meaning
      • The Evolution of Communication Models
      • Transmissional, Constitutive, and Ritual Views of Communication
    • The Power of Culture
    • COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Communicating Well to Land the Job
    • Communication and Perception
    • ETHICAL COMMUNICATION
    • Signs and Symbols
    • PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION
    • Communication and Identity
      • Symbolic Interaction and the Looking Glass
      • Frame Analysis
    • SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION
    • What Does Communication Give You the Power to Do?
    • Review of Learning Objectives
    • Key Terms
    • Questions for Review
    • Questions for Discussion
  • 2. Communication Research and Inquiry
    • Theory and Scientific Inquiry
      • Defining Theory
      • Scientific Inquiry
    • COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: The Benefits of Critical Thinking
    • Three Philosophical Questions that Shape Scientific Inquiry
    • PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Solving Not-So-Well-Posed Problems
    • Traditions of Communication Inquiry
      • Postpositivist Theory and Research
      • Interpretive Theory and Research
      • Critical Theory and Research
    • SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Communication Inquiry Needs to Be Bigger!
    • Tools of Observation: Research Methods
      • Experiments
      • Surveys
      • Textual Analysis
      • Mixing Methods and Traditions
    • ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Where Do You Draw the Line?
    • Review of Learning Objectives
    • Key Terms
    • Questions for Review
    • Questions for Discussion
  • 3. Verbal Communication
    • The Structure of Language
    • Language and Thought
      • Linguistic Relativity Hypothesis
      • Metaphor
      • The Ladder of Abstraction
    • SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: War! What Is It Good For?
    • The Functions of Language
    • COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Speaking Well to Do Well
    • ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Lying
    • Language and Meaning Making
      • Situational, Social, and Cultural Meaning
      • Syntactic Ambiguity
      • Euphemisms
    • Language and Protecting Self-Identity: Politeness Theory
    • PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Speaking Inclusively
    • Review of Learning Objectives
    • Key Terms
    • Questions for Review
    • Questions for Discussion
  • 4. Nonverbal Communication
    • What Is Nonverbal Communication?
      • Similarities to Verbal Communication
      • Differences from Verbal Communication
    • Theory of Nonverbal Coding Systems
    • Types of Nonverbal Coding Systems
      • Proxemics
      • Haptics
    • PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Touching in the Workplace
    • COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: On-the-Job Nonverbal Communication
      • Chronemics
      • Kinesics
    • SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: How We Spend Our Time
      • Vocalics
      • Oculesics
      • Facial Expressions
      • Physical Appearance
      • Artifacts
    • ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Freedom of Expression versus Professional Appearance
      • Environmental Factors
      • Silence
    • The Role of Nonverbal Communication in Creating Meaning and Identity
    • Review of Learning Objectives
    • Key Terms
    • Questions for Review
    • Questions for Discussion
  • 5. Listening
    • What Is Listening?
    • COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: The 80/20 Rule
    • Misconceptions About Listening
    • The Components of Effective Listening
    • Barriers to Effective Listening
    • PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Being an Active Listener
      • Physical Noise
      • Psychological Noise
      • Physiological Noise
      • Semantic Noise
      • External Distractions
      • Counterproductive Listening Styles
    • Types of Listening
    • ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: The Ethics of Listening
    • SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Questioning Our Cultural Speakers
    • Becoming an Effective Listener
    • Review of Learning Objectives
    • Key Terms
    • Questions for Review
    • Questions for Discussion
  • 6. Relational and Conflict Communication
    • The Value of Relationships
    • COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Mastering the Soft Skills
    • The Role of Interpersonal Communication
    • PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: It Takes Two to Tango, but Someone Has to Lead
    • Developing and Maintaining Relationships
      • Uncertainty Reduction Theory
      • Social Penetration Theory
    • SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Beauty Is Only Screen Deep
      • Social Exchange Theory
      • Relational Dialectics Theory
    • Interpersonal Communication and Conflict
      • Types of Conflict
      • Stages of Interpersonal Conflict
      • Conflict Management Styles
    • Resolving Conflict: What to Do and What Not to Do
      • What to Do
      • What Not to Do
    • ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Sugar-Coated Hostility
    • Review of Learning Objectives
    • Key Terms
    • Questions for Review
    • Questions for Discussion
  • 7. Communicating in Small Groups
    • Types of Groups
    • Dynamics of Group Structure
    • SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Forming a Group
      • Informal and Formal Communication in Groups
      • Structuration Theory
      • The Five Stages of Group Development
    • PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: You Make the Rules
      • Group Cohesion and Breakdown
      • Systems Theory
    • Leadership and Power
    • ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Our Responsibility to the Group
      • Styles of Leadership
      • Forms of Power
    • Improving Your Group Communication Skills
    • COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: 12 Cs for Successful Teamwork
    • Review of Learning Objectives
    • Key Terms
    • Questions for Review
    • Questions for Discussion
  • 8. Organizational Communication
    • Defining Organizational Communication
    • Types and Movement of Organizational Messages
      • Upward Messages
    • ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Could You Blow the Whistle?
      • Downward Messages
      • Horizontal Messages
    • PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Status Update: I’ve Just Been Fired
    • The Organization as a System
    • Positive and Negative Organizational Communication Traits
    • Organizational Climate and Culture
    • COMMUNICATIONS IN THE WORKPLACE: Dealing with On-the-Job Conflict
    • SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Doing Well by Doing Good
      • Strong Organizational Cultures
      • Dealing with Diversity in an Organizational Culture
    • Review of Learning Objectives
    • Key Terms
    • Questions for Review
    • Questions for Discussion
  • 9. Intercultural Communication
    • What Is Intercultural Communication?
    • Obstacles to Intercultural Communication
    • SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Stereotyping versus Generalizing
    • The “Naturalness” of Prejudice: Two Theories of Culture and Identity
      • Social Identity Theory
      • Identity Negotiation Theory
    • Accelerators of Intercultural Communication
    • PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Cultural Participation
    • ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: What Would You Say?
    • How Cultural Values Shape Communication
    • COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Improving On-the-Job Intercultural Communication
    • Attitudes Toward Diversity and the Problem with Tolerance
    • Review of Learning Objectives
    • Key Terms
    • Questions for Review
    • Questions for Discussion
  • 10. Mass Communication
    • What Is Mass Communication?
      • Why Study Mass Communication?
      • Interpersonal Communication versus Mass Communication
    • Culture, Communication, and Mass Media
    • PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: The Third-Person Effect
    • Characteristics of Media Consumers
    • Characteristics of Media Industries
    • ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: The Role of the Photojournalist
    • COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Finding a Career in the Media
    • Theories of Mass Communication
    • SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Media Conduct
    • Review of Learning Objectives
    • Key Terms
    • Questions for Review
    • Questions for Discussion
  • 11. Media Literacy
    • What Is Media Literacy?
    • COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Careers in Media Literacy
      • Media Literacy Scholarship
    • ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Advertising to Children
      • Some Core Concepts of Media Literacy
    • Media Literacy Questions
    • What Does It Mean to Be Media Literate?
      • Characteristics of Media-Literate People
      • The Skill of Being Media Literate
    • PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Being a Proactive Media Consumer
    • Media Literacy and Meaning Making
      • Media Literacy and Identity
    • SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Countering the Kinderculture
      • Media Literacy and Democracy
    • Review of Learning Objectives
    • Key Terms
    • Questions for Review
    • Questions for Discussion
  • 12. Social Media and Communication Technologies
    • The Promise and Peril of New Communication Technologies
    • SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Social Media, Social Connection, and Social Power
    • A Connected World
    • ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Who Owns the Social Networking You?
    • COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: E-mail versus Social Networking Sites
    • The Dark Side of New Communication Technologies
      • Addiction
    • PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Internet Addiction Self-Diagnosis
      • Depression
      • Distraction
    • How Computer-Mediated Communication Affects Identity and Relationships
      • Social Network Sites and Identity Construction and Maintenance
      • The Internet and Interpersonal Communication
      • Social Isolation
      • Shy and Popular Users
      • Facebook Envy and Our Sense of Well-Being
      • Self-Disclosure and Relational Development
    • Review of Learning Objectives
    • Key Terms
    • Questions for Review
    • Questions for Discussion
  • 13. Persuasion and Social Influence
    • What Is Persuasion?
    • COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Four Dos and Four Don’ts of Workplace Persuasion
    • Values, Attitudes, Beliefs, and Behaviors
      • Balance Theory
      • Dissonance Theory
    • The Selective Processes
    • What Factors Infuence Persuasion?
    • PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Would the Razor Switch Hands Today?
      • Source Characteristics
    • SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: The Federal Trade Commission and Advertiser Credibility
      • Message Characteristics
      • Receiver Characteristics
    • The Elaboration Likelihood Model of Persuasion
    • Processes of Attitude Change
    • ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: The TARES Test
    • Review of Learning Objectives
    • Key Terms
    • Questions for Review
    • Questions for Discussion
  • 14. Health Communication
    • Communication and a Long and Healthy Life
    • Health Communication in Provider-Client Settings
    • SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Speak Up
    • Health Communication Contexts
      • Friends and Family
      • Support Groups
      • Hospital Culture
      • Entertainment Mass Media
    • ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Direct-to-Consumer Prescription Drug Advertising
    • Health Communication and the Internet
    • Health Communication Campaigns
    • PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: The Health Belief Model
    • COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: Getting Health Messages to Employees
    • Review of Learning Objectives
    • Key Terms
    • Questions for Review
    • Questions for Discussion
  • 15. Public Speaking: An Overview
    • The Importance of Public Speaking
    • COMMUNICATION IN THE WORKPLACE: On-the-Job Public Speaking
    • SOCIALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Political Satire in Contemporary Culture
    • Types of Speeches
    • A Crash Course in Public Speaking
    • PERSONALLY RESPONSIBLE COMMUNICATION: Public Speaking Self-Assessment
    • Identifying the Steps of Speech Preparation
    • ETHICAL COMMUNICATION: Plagiarism and Public Speaking
    • Overcoming Public Speaking Anxiety
    • Review of Learning Objectives
    • Key Terms
    • Questions for Review
    • Questions for Discussion
  • Glossary
  • References
  • Credits
  • Index