Survey of Rap and Hip Hop Music - final paper

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Davis_JacksonInterview.pdf

Hutchins Center for African and African American Research at Harvard University

Nappy Happy Author(s): Ice Cube and Angela Y. Davis Source: Transition, No. 58 (1992), pp. 174-192 Published by: Indiana University Press on behalf of the Hutchins Center for African and African American Research at Harvard University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2934976 Accessed: 04-05-2017 18:36 UTC

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T R A N S I T I ON Conversation

NAPPY HAPPY

A Conversation with Ice Cube and Angela Y. Davis.

You may love him or loathe him, but you have to take him seriously. O'Shea

Jackson-better known by his nom de mi-

crophone, Ice Cube-may be the most successful "hardcore" rap artist in the re-

cording industry. And his influence as a

trendsetter in black youth culture is un-

rivaled. According to some academic analysts, Ice Cube qualifies as an "or- ganic intellectual" (in Antonio Gramsci's

famous phrase): someone organically connected to the community he would

uplift.

He is, at the same time, an American

success story. It was as a member of the

Compton-based rap group NWA that he

first came to prominence in 1988 at the

age of 18. Less than two years later, he

left the group over a dispute about money, and went solo. Amerikkka's Most

Wanted, his gritty debut album, went

platinum-and the rest is recording his-

tory.

Ice Cube is also a multimedia phe- nomenon. Artless, powerful perfor- mances in films by John Singleton and Walter Hill have established him as a

commanding screen presence. That, combined with his streetwise credibility,

has been a boon for St. Ides malt liquor,

which has paid generously for his ongo-

ing "celebrity endorsement." Naturally,

it's a relationship that has aroused some

skepticism. While Public Enemy's Chuck D, for example, has inveighed against an industry that exacts a tragic

toll in America's inner cities, even suing

a malt liquor company that used one of

his cuts to promote its product, Ice Cube

defends his role in touting booze in the

'hood-even though, having joined the Nation of Islam, he says he's now a tee-

totaller. "I do what I want to do," he says

of his malt liquor ads.

Some of his other celebrity endorse-

ments have raised eyebrows as well. For

example, at the end of a press conference

last year, Ice Cube held up a copy of a book entitled The Secret Relationship Be-

tween Blacks and Jews, which purports to reveal the "massive" and "inordinate"

role of the Jews in a genocidal campaign

against blacks. "Try to find this book,"

he exhorted, "everybody."

But then Ice Cube is no stranger to

controversy, and his second album Death

Certificate has certainly not been without

its critics. The album, which has sold

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over a million copies, delivers a strong

message of uplift and affirmation . . .

unless you happen to be female, Asian,

Jewish, gay, white, black, whatever.

So, for instance, in the song "No Va- seline," Ice Cube calls for the death of

Jerry Heller, his former manager, and

imagines torching NWA rapper Eazy-E

for having "let a Jew break up your crew." In "Horny Lil' Devil," Cube speaks of castrating white men who go out with black women. ("True Niggers

ain't gay," he advises in the course of this

cut.) In "Black Korea," he warns Korean

grocers to "pay respect to the black fist,

or we'll burn your store down to a crisp." You get the picture. Not exactly "It's a Small World After All."

Still, Ice Cube's champions-and stalwart defenders-are legion. "I have

seen the future of American culture and

he's wearing a Raiders hat," proclaimed the music criticJames Bernard. "Cube's

album isn't about racial hatred," opined Dane L. Webb, then executive editor of

Larry Flynt's Rappages. "It's about have-

nots pointing fingers at those who have.

And the reality for most Black people is that the few that have in our communities

are mostly Asian or Jewish. And when a Black man tells the truth about their

oppressive brand of democracy in our community, they 'Shut 'Em Down.'" "When Ice Cube says that NWA is con-

trolled by a Jew," Chuck D protested, "how is that anti-Semitism, when Heller

is a Jew?" The journalist Scott Poulson-

Bryant pointedly observed that most of Cube's critics are unconcerned when he

advocates hatred and violence toward

NAPPY HAPPY 175

Angela Y. Davis

and Ice Cube

(O'Shea Jackson)

Courtesy Set To Run

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other blacks. "All the cries of Ice Cube's

racism, then, seem dreadfully racist themselves," he argued. "Dismissing the

context of Death Certificate's name- calling and venom, critics assume a police-like stance and fire away from be- hind the smoke screen."

Not all black intellectuals have been as

charitable. Thus Manning Marable, the

radical scholar and commentator, ques-

tions the rap artist's "political maturity

and insight" and insists that "people of color must transcend the terrible ten-

dency to blame each other, to empha- size their differences, to trash one

another. ... A truly multicultural de-

mocracy which empowers people of color will never be won if we tolerate

bigotry with our own ranks, and turn

our energies to undermine each other."

And what of the legendary Angela Y.

Davis? In some ways, hers, too, was an

American success story, but with a twist.

Raised in Birmingham, Alabama, Davis

went on to graduate magna cum laude from Brandeis University and work on her doctorate under Herbert Marcuse at

the University of California, San Diego,

and teach philosophy at the University of

California, Los Angeles. In a few short

years, however, her political commit- ments made her a casualty of the gov-

ernment's war against black radicalism:

the philosopher was turned into a fugi-

tive from justice. In 1970, by the age of

twenty-six, she had made the FBI's Ten

Most Wanted List (which described her

as "armed and dangerous") and appeared on the cover of Newsweek-in chains.

Now a professor in the History of Consciousness program at the Univer- sity of California, Santa Cruz, Davis has made her mark as a social theorist, elab-

orating her views on the need for a trans-

racial politics of alliance and transfor-

mation in two widely cited collections of essays, Women, Race, & Class and Women, Culture, & Politics. Cautioning

against the narrow-gauged black nation-

alism of the street, Davis is wont to decry

anti-Semitism and homophobia in the same breath as racism. "We do not draw

the color line," she writes in her latest

book. "The only line we draw is one based on our political principles."

So the encounter between them-a

two hour conversation held at Street

Knowledge, Cube's company offices- was an encounter between two different

perspectives, two different activist tradi-

tions, and, of course, two different gen-

erations. While Davis's background has

disposed her to seek common ground with others, these differences may have

been both constraining and productive.

Davis notes with misgivings that Death Certificate was not released until after the

conversation was recorded, so that she

did not have the opportunity to listen to

more than a few songs. She writes: "Considering the extremely problematic

content of 'Black Korea,' I regret that I was then unaware of its inclusion on the

album. My current political work in- volves the negotiation of cross-cultural

alliances-especially among people of color-in developing opposition to hate violence. Had I been aware of this song,

it would have certainly provided a the-

matic focus for a number of questions

that unfortunately remain unexplored in this conversation."

Angela Y. Davis: I want to begin by acknowledging our very different posi-

tions. We represent different generations

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and genders: you are a young man and I am a mature woman. But I also want to

acknowledge our affinities. We are both African Americans, who share a cultural

tradition as well as a passionate concern

for our people. So, in exploring our dif- ferences in the course of this conversa-

tion, I hope we will discover common ground. Now, I am of the same gener-

ation as your mother. Hip-hop culture is

a product of the younger generation of

sisters and brothers in our community. I

am curious about your attitude toward

the older generation. How do you and your peers see us?

Ice Cube: When I look at older people, I don't think they feel that they can learn

from the younger generation. I try and

tell my mother things that she just doesn't want to hear sometimes. She is so

used to being a certain way: she's from

the South and grew up at a time when the

South was a very dangerous place. I was

born in Los Angeles in 1969. When I started school, it was totally different from when she went to school. What she

learned was totally different from what I learned.

AYD: I find that many of the friends I

have in my own age group are not very

receptive to the culture of the younger

generation. Some of them who have looked at my CDs have been surprised to

see my collection of rap music. Invari-

ably, they ask, "Do you really listen to that?" I remind them that our mothers

and fathers probably felt the same way about the music we listened to when we

were younger. If we are not willing to

attempt to learn about youth culture, communication between generations

will be as difficult as it has always been.

We need to listen to what you are saying-as hard as it may be to hear it. And believe me, sometimes what I hear

in your music thoroughly assaults my ears. It makes me feel as if much of the

work we have done over the last decades

to change our self-representations as Af-

rican Americans means little or nothing

to so many people in your generation. At

the same time, it is exhilarating to hear

your appeal to young people to stand up

and to be proud of who they are, who we

are. But where do you think we are right

now, in the 1990s? Do you think that

each generation starts where the preced-

ing one left off?

The war against gangs is a war against our kids

IC: Of course. We're at a point when we

can hear people like the L.A. police chief

on TV saying we've got to have a war on

gangs. I see a lot of black parents clap-

ping and saying: Oh yes, we have to have

a war on gangs. But when young men with baseball caps and T-shirts are con-

sidered gangs, what these parents are do-

ing is clapping for a war against their

children. When people talk about a war

on gangs, they ain't going to North of

Pico or Beverly Hills. They are going to

come to South Central L. A. They are go-

ing to go to Watts, to Long Beach, to

Compton. They are going to East Oak- land, to Brooklyn. That war against gangs is a war against our kids. So the media, the news, have more influence on

our parents than we in the community.

The parents might stay in the house all

day. They go back and forth to work.

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They barely know anybody. The gang

members know everybody up and down the street.

AYD: During the late sixties, when I lived in Los Angeles, my parents were

utterly opposed to my decision to be- come active in the Black Panther Party

and in SNCC [Student Nonviolent Co- ordinating Committee]. They were an-

gry at me for associating myself with

what was called "black militancy" even

though they situated themselves in a pro-

gressive tradition. In the thirties, my

mother was active in the campaign on behalf of the Scottsboro Nine-you know about the nine brothers who were

falsely charged with raping three white

women in Scottsboro, Alabama. They

spent almost all of their lives in prison.

My mother was involved in that cam-

paign, confronting racism in a way that

makes me feel scared today. But when

she saw me doing something similar to

what she had done in her youth, she be-

came frightened. Now she understands

that what I did was important. But at the time she couldn't see it. I wish that when

I was in my twenties, I had taken the ini-

tiative to try and communicate with my mother, so that I could have discovered

that bridging the great divide between us

was a similar passion toward political ac- tivism. I wish I had tried to understand

that she had shaped my own desire to actively intervene in the politics of rac-

ism. It took me many years to realize that

in many ways I was just following in her

footsteps. Which brings me to some ob-

servations about black youth today and

the respect that is conveyed in the pop- ular musical culture for those who came

before-for Malcolm, for example. What about the parents of the young

people who listen to your music? How do you relate to them?

IC: Well, the parents have to have open

minds. The parents have to build a bond,

a relationship with their kids, so Ice Cube

doesn't have control of their kid. They

do. Ice Cube is not raising their kid. They are.

AYD: But you are trying to educate them.

IC: Of course. Because the school sys-

tem won't do it. Rap music is our net-

work. It's the only way we can talk to each other, almost uncensored.

AYD: So what are you talking to each other about?

IC: Everybody has a different way. My

first approach was holding up the mir-

ror. Once you hold up a mirror, you see

yourself for who you are, and you see the

things going on in the black community.

Hopefully, it scares them so much that

they are going to want to make a change,

or it's going to provoke some thought in that direction.

AYD: Am I correct in thinking that when you tell them, through your mu-

sic, what is happening in the commu- nity, you play various roles, you become different characters? The reason I ask this

question is because many people assume

that when you are rapping, your words

reflect your own beliefs and values. For

example, when you talk about "bitches"

and "hoes," the assumption is that you believe women are bitches and hoes. Are

you saying that this is the accepted lan-

guage in some circles in the community?

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That this is the vocabulary that young

people use and you want them to observe

themselves in such a way that may also

cause them to think about changing their attitudes?

IC: Of course. People who say Ice Cube thinks all women are bitches and hoes are

not listening to the lyrics. They ain't lis-

tening to the situations. They really are

not. I don't think they really get past the

profanity. Parents say, "Uh-oh, I can't hear this," but we learned it from our

parents, from the TV. This isn't some-

thing new that just popped up.

AYD: What do you think about all the efforts over the years to transform the

language we use to refer to ourselves as

black people and specifically as black women? I remember when we began to

eliminate the word "Negro" from our vocabulary. It felt like a personal victory for me when that word became obsolete.

As a child I used to cringe every time someone referred to me as a "Negro," whether it was a white person or another

"Negro." I didn't know then why it made me feel so uncomfortable, but later

I realized that "Negro" was virtually synonymous with the word "slave." I had been reacting to the fact that every-

where I turned I was being called a slave.

White people called me a slave, black people called me a slave, and I called my-

self a slave. Although the word "Negro"

is Spanish for the color black, its usage in

English has always implied racial inferi-

ority.

When we began to rehabilitate the word "black" during the mid-sixties,

coining the slogan "Black is beautiful,"

calling ourselves black in a positive and

self-affirming way, we also began to crit-

icize the way we had grown accustomed

to using the word "nigger." "Negro" was just a proper way of saying "nig- ger." An important moment in the pop- ular culture of the seventies was when

Richard Prior announced that he was

eliminating "nigger" from his vocabu-

lary.

How do you think progressive Afri-

can Americans of my generation feel when we hear all over again-especially

in hip hop culture- "nigger, nigger, nig-

ger"? How do you think black feminists

like myself and younger women as well

respond to the word "bitch"?

IC: The language of the streets is the only

language I can use to communicate with

the streets. You have to build people up.

You have to get under them and then lift.

You know all of this pulling from on top

ain't working. So we have to take the language of the streets, tell the kids about

the situation, tell them what's really go-

ing on. Because some kids are blind to what they are doing, to their own ac-

tions. Take a football player-a quarter-

back. He's on the field, right in the ac-

We have a lot of people out there just looking to get

paid. I'm looking to earn, but I'm not looking to

get paid

tion. But he still can't see what's going

on. He's got to call up to somebody that

has a larger perspective. It's the same thing I'm doing. It's all an evolution pro-

cess. It's going to take time. Nothing's

going to be done overnight. But once we

start waking them up, opening their eyes, then we can start putting some-

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thing in there. If you start putting some-

thing in there while their eyes are closed,

that ain't doing no good.

AYD: Your first solo album, Ameri-

kkka's Most Wanted, went gold in ten days

without any assistance from the radio

and the normal network, and went plat-

inum in three months. Why do you think

young sisters and brothers are so drawn

to your voice, your rap, your message?

IC: The truth. We get a lot of brothers

who talk to a lot of people. But they ain't

saying nothing. Here's a brother who's

saying something- who won't sell him-

self out. Knowing that he won't sell him-

self out, you know he won't sell you out.

We have a brother who ain't looking to

get paid. I'm looking to earn, but I'm not

looking to get paid. You have a lot of people out there just looking to get paid.

We've got a lot of people in the position

of doing music, and all they want to talk

about is "baby don't go, I love you," "please come back to me," and "don't

worry, be happy."

AYD: What's the difference between

what you tried to do on Amerikkka's Most

Wanted and on Death Certificate?

IC: Well in Amerikkka's Most Wanted, I was still blind to the facts. I knew a few

things, but I didn't know what I know

now. I've grown as a person. When I grow as a person, I grow as an artist. I

think that this new album, Death Certif-

icate, is just a step forward.

AYD: Perhaps you can say how this al-

bum is evidence of your own growth and

development in comparison to Ameri- kkka's Most Wanted.

IC: I think I have more knowledge of self. I am a little wiser than I was. In

Amerikkka's Most Wanted, even though it

was a good album-it was one of the best

albums of the year-I was going through

a lot of pressure personally. With this

new album, Death Certificate, I can look

at everything, without any personal problems getting in the way. It's all about the music.

AYD: I am interested in what you've said about the difference between side A

and side B.

IC: Death Certificate is side A. Most peo-

ple liken it to "gangster rap." "Reality

rap" is what it is. Side A starts off with

a funeral, because black people are men-

tally dead. It's all about getting that across in the music. A lot of people like

the first side. It's got all that you would

expect. At the end of the first side, the

death side, I explain that people like the

first side because we're mentally dead. That's what we want to hear now. We

don't love ourselves, so that's the type of music we want to hear. The B side-

which is the life side-starts off with a

birth and is about a consciousness of

where we need to be, how we need to

look at other people, how we need to look at ourselves and reevaluate our-

selves.

AYD: Let's talk about "party politics." When kids are partying to your music,

they are also being influenced by it, even

though they may not be consciously fo-

cusing on what they need to change in their lives.

IC: I wouldn't say my music is party mu- sic. Some of the music is "danceable."

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But a lot of it is something that you put

on in your Walkman and listen to.

AYD: But what kind of mood does it

put you in? Isn't it the rhythm, the beat

that captures you, that makes you feel good?

IC: You should feel good when you learn it.

AYD: I have talked to many of my young friends who listen to you and say,

"This brother can rap!" They are really

impressed by your music, but they sometimes feel embarrassed that they unthinkingly follow the lyrics and some-

times find themselves saying things that

challenge their political sensibilities. Like

using the word "bitch," for example. Which means that it is the music that is

foregrounded and the lyrics become sec-

ondary. This makes me wonder whether

the message you are conveying some- times escapes the people that you are try-

ing to reach.

IC: Well, of course it's not going to reach

everybody in the same way. Maybe the

people that are getting it can tell the brother or the sister that ain't getting it.

I think what my man's trying to say here is called breakdown. You know what I'm

saying? Once you have knowledge, it is

just in your nature to give it up.

AYD: I took your video-"Dead Homies"-to the San Francisco County

Jail and screened it for the sisters there

who recently had been involved in a se-

ries of fights among themselves in the

dorm. They had been fighting over who

gets to use the telephone, the micro- wave, and things like that. The guards

had constantly intervened-they come in

at the slightest pretext, even when some-

body raises their voice. Your video, your

song about young people killing each

other, provided a basis for a wonderful,

enlightening conversation among the women in the jail. They began to look at

themselves and the antagonisms among

them in a way that provoked them to think about changing their attitudes.

IC: Let me tell you something. What we

have is kids looking at television, hearing

the so-called leaders in this capitalist system saying: It's not all right to be

poor-if you're poor you're nothing- get more. And they say to the women:

You got to have your hair this way, your

eyes got to be this way. You got to have

this kind of purse or that kind of shoes. There are the brothers who want the

women. And the women have the atti-

tude of "that's what we want." I call

it the "white hype." What you have is black people wanting to be like white people, not realizing that white people want to be like black people. So the best thing to do is to eliminate that

type of thinking. You need black men who are not looking up to the white man, who are not trying to be like the white man.

AYD: What about the women? You

keep talking about black men. I'd like to

hear you say: black men and black women.

IC: Black people.

AYD: I think that you often exclude your sisters from your thought process.

We're never going to get anywhere if we're not together.

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IC: Of course. But the black man is

down.

AYD: The black woman's down too.

IC: But the black woman can't look up to the black man until we get up.

AYD: Well why should the black woman look up to the black man? Why

can't we look at each other as equals?

IC: If we look at each other on an equal

level, what you're going to have is a di- vide.

AYD: As I told you, I teach at the San Francisco County Jail. Many of the women there have been arrested in con-

nection with drugs. But they are invis-

ible to most people. People talk about the

drug problem without mentioning the

fact that the majority of crack users in our

community are women. So when we talk about progress in the community, we have to talk about the sisters as well

as the brothers.

IC: The sisters have held up the com- munity.

AYD: When you refer to "the black man," I would like to hear something ex-

plicit about black women. That will con-

vince me that you are thinking about your sisters as well as your brothers.

IC: I think about everybody.

AYD: We should be able to speak for each other. The young sister has to be

capable of talking about what's happen- ing to black men-the fact that they are

dying, they're in prison; they are as en-

dangered as the young female half of our

community. As a woman I feel a deep responsibility to stand with my brothers and to do whatever I can to halt that vi-

cious cycle. But I also want the brothers

to become conscious of what's happen-

ing to the sisters and to stand with them

and to speak out for them.

IC: We can't speak up for the sisters until

we can speak up for ourselves.

AYD: Suppose I say you can't speak up for yourselves until you can also speak up for the sisters. As a black woman I don't

think I can speak up for myself as a woman unless I can speak up for my brothers as well. If we are talking about

an entire community rising out of pov-

erty and racism, men will have to learn

how to challenge sexism and to fight on behalf of women.

IC: Of course.

AYD: In this context, let's go back to your first album. I know that most women-particularly those who identify with feminism or with women's move-

ments-ask you about "You Can't Faze

Me." Having been involved myself with

the struggle for women's reproductive

rights, my first response to this song was

one of deep hurt. It trivializes something

that is extremely serious. It grabs people

in a really deep place. How many black

women died on the desks of back alley

abortionists when abortion was illegal before 1973? Isn't it true that the same

ultraright forces who attack the rights

of people of color today are also calling for the criminalization of abortion?

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Women should have the right to exercise

some control over what happens to our bodies.

AYD: What do you think about the "don't do drugs" message you hear over

and over again in rap music? Do you think that it's having any effect on our

community?

IC: Maybe, but it's message without ac- tion.

AYD: Message without action?

IC: We've got to start policing and patrolling our own neighborhoods. There's got to be a day when we go into

the drug house and kick down the door.

Snatch the drug dealer, take his drugs.

Destroy his drugs. Take the money and

put it into the movement. That's what

we gotta do. We can't dial 911, call Sher-

iff Bill or Deputy Tom who don't care

about the community or the drugs.

AYD: But where are the drugs coming from?

IC: Oh, it's coming from them.

AYD: So don't you think that Bill will always be able to find someone who will

be able to do their dirty work?

IC: Yes, but there's got to be a time when we say: You can do your dirty work but you're not going to do it here.

You are not going to occupy our court.

AYD: Let's get back to your music.

Would you say that you're trying to raise

people's consciousness?

IC: We get the minds open so we can start feeding into them, break down. The

mind revolution has to go on before any-

thing happens.

AYD: So how does the song "Us" help us to achieve this mind revolution?

IC: It makes us look at ourselves again.

AYD: Talk about that.

IC: "Us" is a record saying: Look at who we are. Let's look at ourselves. Because

every time you look at the other man you've got to look at yourself, too. See

how we reflect him. They fight each other, that's why we fight each other. He's still in our mind. No matter how

much we deny it, he's still in our mind.

As long as we accept this mentality, we're going to do exactly what the slave did when the master said "I'm sick," and

the slave said, "We're sick." The house

is burning and he tries to throw water on the house faster than the slave master

does. They put us in this trap. Now we're living just like they're living.

AYD: What is the role your music plays

in assisting young people to develop an

awareness of the self-hatred that they

have grown up with? Whether you like

it or not, you're out there as a teacher.

IC: My job is to teach what I know and

then point to my teacher.

AYD: And then there will be the sister

or brother who listens to you and who

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will use your message as the basis for teaching somebody else.

IC: Of course. And then they will point that someone else to their teacher, and

then I'll point them to my teacher.

AYD: So what you're talking about is education.

IC: Of course, the revolution.

AYD: So education is the mind revolu-

tion.

IC: That's right, education is the mind revolution.

AYD: There's a long tradition of music

as education and of situating education at

the center of our social struggles. Fred-

erick Douglass, for example, talked about how important it was for enslaved

black people to educate themselves. Be-

cause once they began to educate them-

selves they would no longer be slaves.

IC: But we wouldn't educate ourselves:

we wanted the slave master to educate

us.

AYD: But we created our own schools.

Immediately after the abolition of sla-

very, we began to create our own schools.

IC: But you're still being taught by the slave master. Because whoever's the

teacher had to be affected by slavery in

one way or another. Reverend Pigfeet ain't giving us what we need to know.

He's not telling us what we need to know

about who we are. He telling us about

the life after this one. Why can't we have

heaven right here? Why can't we have heaven here and heaven in the life after?

AYD: What do you think about our Af-

rican American history, and the contem-

porary lessons we can learn from our his-

tory? I raise this question because we

often fail to grasp the complexity of our

own culture. The comment you just made about the role religion has played

in our history has also been the basis for

an unfounded criticism of the spirituals

that were created and sung by slaves.

When, for example, slaves sang "Swing

low, sweet chariot, coming for to carry

me home," they may have appeared to

be evoking freedom in the afterlife, but

wasn't it true that they were also singing

about Harriet Tubman-the chariot,

Harriet, who rescued so many women and men, helping them to discover free- dom in this life? How do we remember

what came before us? How do we main-

tain a historical memory that helps us to

build on the accomplishments and in- sights that came before us-even if we

adopt a critical attitude toward those ac-

complishments. How do we avoid rein-

venting the wheel over and over again?

As a rap artist, what do you think about

the images and icons representing histor-

ical personalities that abound in hip-hop

culture? Take Malcolm, for example.

IC: Malcolm's a student. You don't

know about Malcolm until you go to Malcolm's teacher.

AYD: I know that as a result of rap mu-

sic young people, especially young Af- rican Americans, became interested

enough in Malcolm to read his autobi-

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ography. This is important, because there is a generation between my gen-

eration and yours who didn't know who Malcolm X was-had never heard of

him. Now the younger generation at least knows his name, has read the au-

tobiography, and perhaps knows a little

of the surrounding history. The question

I want to ask you is whether you think

it is necessary to probe more deeply into

our history, to go beyond the music, as

many young people have been stimu- lated by the music to read Malcolm's au-

tobiography? And especially to look at the women who have still not become a

part of our collective historical memory.

To look, for example, at Ida B. Wells, the black woman who was the single

most important figure in the develop-

ment of the campaign against lynching.

To encourage, for example, an aware- ness of this woman who traveled all over

the country sometimes nursing her baby

on stage, organizing throughout the black community, in villages and towns.

Ida Wells was responsible for black peo-

ple realizing that we can stand up and say

that we were not going to allow the Ku Klux Klan to deliver tens of thousands of

brothers and sisters into the hands of

lynch mobs . . .

IC: Like I said, you've got to go to the teacher. Malcolm was a student. You've

got to teach all these kids that they can

become Malcolm, but you've got to go to the teacher. Malcolm can teach you

what he knows, but he should point you in the direction of the teacher. Same

thing with me and my process. I'm just

now starting to look at the Nation of Is- lam. That's how I've learned all that I

know, indirectly. So in "Watch Out" at

the end of my record, I point to my teacher.

AYD: Continuing the discussion of your latest album, what is "Lord Have Mercy" about?

IC: "Lord Have Mercy" is like a prayer,

but it's a rap song. This song evaluates the situation and asks the Lord to help us

in our struggle. It's saying, when he sends down the ladder, don't forget us.

AYD: Where do the ideas expressed in

this song come from?

IC: They come from my belief in God.

Today, they say you've got to go to a church. I think I've been to a church six

times in my life. A church should not be

like-shhhh quiet, you're in a church- you know what I mean?

AYD: But there are some churches that

don't require you to be quiet. In the Af-

rican tradition, a church is a place where

you dance, you move, you sing, where

you celebrate in a collective spirit.

IC: Yes.

AYD: Also, in our history, the church is

the site where we organized and planned our rebellions.

IC: But we could have done that any- where.

AYD: What do you mean we could have

done it anywhere?

IC: I mean we could have done it

anywhere-in the house . ..

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AYD: I'm talking about slavery. The re-

ligious gathering was the only place we

had that was collective and not subject to surveillance. The church had to become

a lot of things. That's why ministers be-

came social, political leaders. I know there are a lot of your "Reverend Pig- feet" around. But there is also another

tradition . . .

IC: But now, in the 1990s, are they real leaders?

AYD: What do you think about Rev- erend Jesse Jackson?

I don't believe Jesse

Jackson is a leader. I call

him "Messy Jesse"

IC: I should say this to him in person,

though I don't know when I'm going to

see him. But I call him "Messy Jesse." I

don't believe Jesse Jackson is a leader. I don't look at him as a leader. I look at

him as a follower, but he's following the

wrong leader. I'm a follower, but I be-

lieve I'm following the right leader.

AYD: Well, what do you think about running for political office in more gen-

eral terms? Jesse Jackson's claim to lead-

ership is based on the fact that he ran

twice for president on the Democratic ticket.

IC: That's cool, as long as you don't be-

come a puppet. As long as you don't be- come a token. I look at him, the rela-

tionship between him and Minister Louis

Farrakhan. The FOI [Fruit of Islam] se-

curity was protecting Jesse with their

lives and Jesse publicly denounced Far- rakhan, at the same time that he was

meeting with Farrakhan behind closed

doors, in the alley, in the back ways of

South Side Chicago. Around the same time, he shook hands with George Wal-

lace. How can you not talk publicly to a

man who protected your life, but shake hands on TV with a man who murdered

your people?

AYD: Are there any black politicians you respect-who you feel are doing a good job? Take Ron Dellums for exam-

ple. During the late sixties, he was elected to the Oakland City Council and

then to Congress based on the work he

did in defense of the Black Panther Party.

IC: I really don't follow politicians. I really can't talk to a politician who would

hold up the flag.

AYD: What about the ones who don't?

IC: Who don't hold up the flag? Are they

down for the movement? Down to get

our people right? Or are they using them

as a stepping-stone for themselves?

AYD: I would say that there are a few- like Dellums and Maxine Waters-who

are not out for themselves, but for the

people. But people shouldn't expect them to accomplish anything progres-

sive without the community demanding it. The election of Maxine Waters to

Congress was an important moment in our history. A progressive black woman, solidly backed by her commu-

nity, whose record as an elected official

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in California is as strong as it can get.

People in South Central Los Angeles can

vouch for that. We also need organizers.

IC: Of course, our leaders are orga- nizers.

AYD: Often the leader or the spokes- person can't do everything, and we don't

often give credit to those who do the backstage work of organizing. It's un-

glamorous work, it is not work that peo-

ple read about. And who usually does that work? Who usually does that house- work of the movement?

IC: The people do that work. They need a sense of direction. That's all we need to

give our kids-is a sense of direction, a

goal that you want them to meet, that

you demand them to meet. So then the

housework gets done.

AYD: But that work requires you some-

times to learn the skills necessary to do it. You have to learn how to do it.

IC: You have to be taught, you need guidance, direction.

AYD: Take Rosa Parks, for example. People usually think of her only as the woman who refused to sit in the back of

the bus in 1955. According to the myth- memorialized in the Neville Brother

song "Sister Rosa"-she was tired. But she had been tired for a long time and was

therefore not only motivated by her feel-

ings. She made a conscious political de-

cision, as an organizer. Rosa Parks is a woman who helped pull the community

together, who therefore did the work of

the backstage organizer. We need to learn how to respect those who do that

behind-the-scenes work in the same way

that we respect the orators, the theorists,

the public representatives of the move-

ment. Often, the people who do the or-

ganizing, the people who don't get credit

for their work are women. Everybody

knows Dr. Martin Luther King as the

There's the chicken and

the chicken hawk. They are enemies by nature. That's

what we got to instill in our kids

public representative of the civil rights

movement, but not very many people know that it was a group of women who

organized the boycott in Montgomery.

If it hadn't been for them, nobody would

have ever known who Dr. King was. Shouldn't we pay tribute to those women, whose names are known by only a few of us, and realize that we need

organizers in the tradition of the Mont-

gomery women today as well?

IC: You have people who fight for in- tegration, but I'd say we need to fight for

equal rights. In the schools, they want

equal books, they don't want torn books. That was more important than fighting to sit at the same counter and eat. I think it's healthier if we sit over

there, just as long as we have good food.

AYD: Suppose we say we want to sit in

the same place or wherever we want to sit, but we also want to eat food of our

own choosing. You understand what

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I '

x :.a

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I'm saying? We want to be respected as

equals, but also for our differences. I don't want to be invisible as a black

woman. I don't want anyone to tell me

I have to eat like white people eat, or have the same thoughts, or do my aca-

demic work only in the tradition of Western European philosophy. Which doesn't mean that I am not interested in

Western philosophers, but I am also in-

terested in African philosophical tradi- tions and Asian and Native American

philosophies . . .

IC: It's all about teaching our kids about

the nature of the slave master. Teaching

them about his nature, and how he is al-

ways going to beat you no matter how

many books you push in front of him, no

matter how many leaders you send to

talk to him, no matter how much you try

and educate him. He's always going to be

the same way. We've got to understand

that everything has natural enemies. There's the chicken, and the chicken

hawk. The ant and the anteater. They are

enemies by nature. That's what we got to instill in our kids.

AYD: Would you say that there are crea-

tures who are "friends by nature." As

human beings, how do we recognize our friends? Shouldn't we be friends with

Native Americans?

IC: Oh yes. But that isn't who I'm talk-

ing about. You have people trying to love their enemy. That's where the prob-

lem is: trying to get them to accept us,

trying to get them to "get together" with us. It has never been the intention of the

government of the United States to in-

tegrate white and black people.

AYD: It may be the government's intention today to integrate a certain kind of black person into the power structure-the Colin Powells and the

Clarence Thomases . . .

IC: What everybody thought would work is not working. What you have is

people who go to school and go to col- lege, and they are running from their

people when their people need them the most.

AYD: Speaking of school, what d9 you think about the fact that in some schools,

rap music is being academically studied.

My niece Eisa is a student in Harvard.

She wrote herjunior thesis on rap music.

So what do you have to say about the

way hip-hop culture is now being exam-

ined and analyzed in the context of uni-

versity studies?

IC: Rap music is a school system itself,

and one of the best school systems that we have. It's entertainment, but it's also

a school system. Right now we are more unified on the surface than we have been.

I'm not just saying that we know the

I'm nappy happy. You know what I'm saying?

I'm nappy and happy

same thing, but the brothers that got the bald head in New York are the same

people that got the bald head in Missis-

sippi, the same brothers who got the bald

head in Los Angeles. All over, we're starting to know the same thing, we're

starting to say: Hey, we're trying not to

identify with the slave master. Putting

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the contacts in, the jheri-curls in, trying

to be like somebody you shouldn't ever want to be like, ain't cool. Cut 'em off. Take 'em out.

AYD: Is that why you cut off your jheri-curl?

IC: yes, that's why I cut off my jheri-

curl. I was trying to identify with the

slave master. I like it now. I'm nappy

happy. You know what I'm saying? I'm

nappy and happy.

has said that if it hadn't been for the fact

that we organized a powerful anti- apartheid movement here in the United States, it would have taken them much

longer to get to where they are now. If we don't do what we can-and I would

say that African Americans have a special

responsibility here-to continue to en- courage a political consciousness in favor

of an end to the white regime and for a free and democratic South Africa, it will

probably take them a lot longer to achieve these goals. My position is that

we need to stand up and say no. AYD: So am I.

IC: You know that's the thing that we

got to break down. We've got to break

that down, and start teaching about our-

selves, and stop teaching us about who

they are. They learned civilization from

us. Once you instill that in black kids and

let them know who they are and who we

are, all the problems will start improve.

AYD: So what responsibilities do we have to Africa? South Africa for exam-

ple?

IC: We can't help South Africa. That's just like the blind leading the blind. We

can't help them because we can't even help ourselves.

AYD: If you were to talk to Nelson Mandela, he would say that the solidarity

of African Americans has been extremely

important. The work of anti-apartheid

activists here was certainly not the pri-

mary factor that led to Mandela's release,

because black people inside South Africa

had been fighting for his freedom for twenty-five years. But Mandela himself

IC: It's true, we do need to stand up and

say no.

AYD: You were saying that nothing has

been offered to us on a silver platter-we

have always had to fight for what we have achieved.

IC: It's all about taking. They ain't never

going to give us nothing. Nothing but

heartaches and the blues. That's the only

thing they are ever going to give to us.

AYD: We have already taken quite a bit. But it seems that the more we take, the more we lack.

IC: We've taken a whole lot, but more is ours. More is ours. We deserve more.

We ain't taken enough.

AYD: So how do you think we can con-

vince our young people to realize that in-

stead of directing so much of their rage

and violence against each other ...

IC: They have to learn how to love themselves. They don't love themselves.

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If they don't love themselves, how are

they going to love me and you? We need

an organization that teaches them to love themselves.

AYD: How do we build this organiza- tion? Although I personally doubt that

history can be repeated, there are people

who say that we need another Black Pan-

ther Party. They point out that during

To me, the best organization around for

black people is the Nation of Islam

the late sixties there was an abundance of

gang violence between some of the same

gangs that are around today in South Central Los Angeles-the Bloods, the Cripps, etc.-and the Black Panther Party eliminated gang antagonisms. The

more widespread the influence of the Black Panther became, the more the

gang structure began to collapse. I can say from personal experience that it was

empowering to witness young black people give up gang violence and begin

to respect each other, regardless of their

neighborhood allegiances.

IC: Did anybody in the Black Panther organization smoke?

AYD: I'm sure they did.

IC: Did anybody drink?

AYD: I'm sure they did.

IC: That ain't loving yourself.

AYD: Well, people didn't know that then.

IC: But now we do.

AYD: I'm not arguing that we need an-

other Black Panther Party, because I think that would be a simplistic solution.

History is far more complex. Each gen-

eration has to find its own way. You are

standing on our shoulders and it is up to

you to reach much higher.

IC: And somebody is going to end up standing on ours, and build something better than what we had. It's all about

having a Black Panther Party, just mak-

ing a more advanced Black Panther Party. Do you know what I mean? A more organized Black Panther Party.

That's the key. More people in the party.

AYD: Would you say that your music calls upon young people to move from a

state of knowing, a position of being ed-

ucated, to a state of doing and a position

of political activism, a position of trans-

forming this society?

IC: Yes, of course. To me, the best or-

ganization around for black people is the

Nation of Islam. It is the best organiza- tion: brothers don't drink, don't smoke,

ain't chasing women. They have onejob.

They fear one person, though I wouldn't

say it's a person-they fear Allah, that's it.

AYD: What about the women in the

Nation?

IC: They fear Allah. Don't drink, don't smoke. Know who they are. Love

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themselves. Respect themselves. Love

each other, respect each other. You know what I mean? That's what we

need. But we don't need no Rodney Kings. I mean we won't have that inci-

dent. You pull your piece and try to take

my brother's life, you going to have to

take all of our lives. That's how it's got

to go.

AYD: What is the difference, as you see

it, between your role as an artist and your

role as a political teacher-as a purveyor

of political consciousness? You create and perform your music and at the same

time you have a political agenda. How do you negotiate between the two posi- tions?

IC: It is very delicate. I can't preach, so

to speak, because I don't want to turn

people off. I have to walk a thin line. I

have to sneak the message in there until

they open up. When they open up is when I get to shove. You know how you

open babies' mouths? Until they open up, you can just get a taste on their lips,

but when they do open up, you just put

it in there. It makes them feel good in- side.

AYD: So what can we expect from you as an artist, as a musician?

IC: It's going to be raw. I'm starting to

get that baby's mouth open. Now it's all

about me learning and studying so I can

know the right thing to put in it-and so

I can know more as a person. I have to

learn more as a person before I can pass

it on to the kids who are buying my music.

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  • Contents
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  • Issue Table of Contents
    • Transition, No. 58 (1992), pp. 1-192
      • Front Matter [pp. 1-161]
      • Position
        • Passing for White, Passing for Black [pp. 4-32]
        • The More Things Change [pp. 34-66]
        • Apartheid on the Run: The South African Sports Boycott [pp. 68-88]
      • Under Review
        • Review: A Prophet Is Not Without Honor [pp. 90-113]
        • Review: African Athena? [pp. 114-123]
        • Review: C. L. R. James Misbound [pp. 124-136]
        • Review: The Making of an African Cinema [pp. 138-150]
        • Review: The Closing Door [pp. 152-160]
        • Review: Working Women [pp. 162-168]
        • Review: All in the Family [pp. 169-173]
      • Conversations
        • Nappy Happy [pp. 174-192]
      • Back Matter