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Portuguese Language Shift: About Town in Goa, India Author(s): Irene Wherritt Source: Hispania, Vol. 72, No. 2 (May, 1989), pp. 385-391 Published by: American Association of Teachers of Spanish and Portuguese Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/343162 Accessed: 03-01-2017 01:01 UTC

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LINGUISTICS: THEORETICAL 385

Portuguese Language Shift: About Town in Goa, India1

U Irene Wherritt, University of Iowa

This report treats Portuguese language maintenance in public settings in Goa, India. It represents findings 28 years after the ter- mination of Portuguese rule. Typically, in a language shift one generation is bilingual, but only passes on one of the two languages to the next generation. To date, language shift has been studied mostly in European and American settings (Fasold, 1984, 218). Rela- tively few studies of language shift have been undertaken in other geographical areas, or focused on situations of decolonization (for example, see Bokamba, 1984; Fishman, 1971; and Spencer, 1971).

Background and setting

Goa is the largest of three former Por- tuguese colonies in India located on the south- west coast about 500 miles from Bombay. Today Goa is a growing cultural nucleus as well as a center for iron and manganese ore, shipping, and tourism. Map 1 shows the loca- tion of Goa within India.

GUJARAT

ombay MAHARASHTRA j " p-'b) / -I Sea

ANDRA PRAMDESH

PGOA

KARNATAKA J .,-

STAMIL

KERAL NA

Indian Ocean

MAP 1 Position of Goa in India

In the first half of the sixteenth century the Portuguese conquered the central part of Goa known as the Velhas Conquistas 'Old Con-

quests' and Portuguese influence is strongly felt in this region. The Portuguese converted the local population, forced Portuguese cus- toms upon them, and took measures which made it difficult for Indians to retain their tra-

ditional religion. The outlying regions, or Novas Conquistas

'New Conquests,' were conquered in the late eighteenth century. This region exhibits less Portuguese influence on culture. The two re- gions are shown in Map. 2

4f

Pernemr

S 188

1789

1510

1o83 .....

C angouen m t

1543 C U

E......... Quepem7n8 1763

r

1763 r

OLD CONOUESTS 1510.1543

NEW CONOUESTS 1763, 1788 m

MAP 2

The Goa Territory

A questionnaire was administered orally to 47 individuals who claimed some proficiency in Portuguese. The researcher assessed the degree of proficiency through conversation with each informant. As a minimum, inform- ants had the ability to carry on a simple con- versation in Portuguese about familiar topics. An attempt was made to obtain a spread for gender, age, and religious background; how- ever, because Portuguese speakers are pri- marily middle and upper class, elderly Catho-

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386 HISPANIA 72 MAY 1989

lics, equal representation was not possible. The sample encompassed persons aged

nineteen to eighty-two, including twenty-four Catholics, twenty Hindus, two Muslims, and one Sindhi. Twenty were women and twenty- seven were men. The questionnaire dealt with the day-to-day encounters of a typical Goan and asked what language(s) would be used in various situations or places. In addition, infor- mal comments of informants were recorded during the administration of the questionnaire. Other sources of data include informal conver-

sations, daily field notes, tape recordings, ad- ditional surveys, and library notes.

Panaje: a multilingual setting In 1984 the field work was conducted for

three months in Panaje, the capital city. Panaje has changed considerably since liberation from the Portuguese in 1961. Because of a great influx of people from neighboring states, the population has nearly doubled and Catho- lics number only 20% of the population of the Old Conquests, whereas before liberation the figure was 60%.

Panaje today represents a typical multilin- gual setting in India where four languages- Konkani, Marathi, English, and Portuguese -play varying roles in the daily affairs of in- dividuals in the community. The language pri- marily spoken in Goa before the time of the Portuguese conquest was Konkani, an Indo- Aryan language. Today Konkani is still spoken as the principal language in the homes of Goans. Portuguese-speaking Catholics vary in their use of Konkani. Younger speakers tend to use it more than older ones. Those of the Hindu religion typically speak it as their mother tongue. Those who have immigrated from Maharashtra state speak Marathi and their Konkani is heavily influenced by it.

Marathi is also an Indo-Aryan language. Marathi speakers in the area have increased in numbers since liberation due to the great influx of people from the neighboring state. At the time of the conquest, the Portuguese forbade writing of Konkani in its original script and destroyed most written records (Miranda, 1982, 206-07 and Sar Dessai, 1981, 3). Many Hindus who commonly speak Konkani do much of their reading in Marathi, since that language has maintained a strong written tradition.

The official languages of India are English and Hindi. English offers a means of communi- cation for all Indians from north to south,

whereas Hindi is less spoken in the southern states of India. Therefore, Goans, like other Indians have motivation for learning English. Younger Goans who have had some education are normally fluent in English. The older gen- eration may be fluent in English or Portuguese or both.

At the time of liberation, Portuguese had attained a high level of use in certain areas of daily life. Official business was done in Por- tuguese: births, deaths, marriages, wills, and real estate transactions were recorded in Por- tuguese. Catholic families typically used Por- tuguese at home and with friends; Portuguese was used in many shops, banks, and hotels; doctors used Portuguese in hospitals; news- papers were written primarily in Portuguese and Marathi; and Portuguese predominated in radio and movies. The Catholic church and priests spoke Portuguese among themselves and used considerable Portuguese in masses and general functions. Although there were actually more medium English speaking schools than Portuguese during the colonial period, the organization of government was such that one had to learn Portuguese in order to advance in the social system. Except for a medical school in Goa where Portuguese was the medium, all other post-secondary educa- tion was obtained outside of Goa, typically in India, Portugal, or the United States.

Within five years after liberation many of these strongholds of Portuguese language use had diminished. At this writing, after twenty- eight years of absence of Portuguese rule, of- ficial business is conducted in English, or to a lesser extent in Konkani. The civil code is still Portuguese, and Portuguese language is still legal for present-day transactions. Yet, according to one informant, about 95% of legal documents today are written in English, al- though some Portuguese vocabulary is still retained. Primary school is taught in English, Marathi, or Konkani and secondary and uni- versity education is given primarily in English. In addition, the Catholic church uses Konkani and English; only some Catholics- mostly el- derly- use Portuguese at home; and Konkani and English are used for the most part in shops, banks, hotels, and hospitals. News- papers are printed in English and Marathi; radio is broadcast in Konkani and English; and movies are in Hindi and English. Television- not available until recently- reinforces Eng- lish, Marathi, and Hindi, and middle class

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LINGUISTICS: THEORETICAL 387

Goans typically watch 2-4 hours of television daily.

Furthermore, in 1961 there were several neighborhoods where Portuguese-speaking families predominated-for example, Fon- tainhas, a neighborhood close to downtown and to several churches and Altinho, a pros- perous neighborhood on the hill overlooking the river and ocean. Today these neighbor- hoods still have a concentration of Portuguese speakers, although in fewer numbers. In the downtown area, there are several blocks of shops which to this date are likely to have owners or personnel who speak Portuguese. Often, if an establishment has been in busi- ness for many years, the original sign in Por- tuguese remains from pre-liberation times. Elderly Catholics tend to prefer these shops because they have opportunity to speak Por- tuguese there.

Figure 1 summarizes responses to lan- guage use in business and related encounters. Informants were asked to indicate the lan- guage they used most frequently in each situ- ation. Across the bottom of the figure are a list of establishments. In those towards the right individuals tend to speak more Por- tuguese, in those towards the left people tend to use more Konkani. English usage is dis- persed among the categories and is most fre- quent in people's jobs. Language choice in transactions varies and depends upon the place and the interlocutors. Parasher (1980, 157-58) confirms variety of language choice for transactions in other cities in India.

Observations of the categories gives a more detailed picture of language use in Goa outside the home. 1) In the market [not listed in Figure 1] informants consistently report exclusive use of Konkani. The vendors are lower caste Hindus. They have never had the opportunity to learn Portuguese or have mi- grated from Maharashtra State. 2) In govern- ment offices informants indicate only occa- sional use of Portuguese restricted to when they encounter a familiar elderly employee. 3) Some informants claim use of Portuguese in grocery stores. The most frequented one is owned by a couple who speaks Portuguese with known clients. 4) There is one popular bookstore whose Hindu owner speaks Portu- guese with familiar clients. He participated in an interview and stated that at liberation many people, especially women, came in and asked him to save them books in Portuguese until

they saved up the money to pay. It took five years to dispose of the majority of the books and he still has some. He said that the elderly come and speak Portuguese with him and that Portuguese is more natural for him than Eng- lish. He says he has no necessity, as an elderly person, to change what he has had through the Portuguese language for so many years. 5) In one of the stationery stores the Hindu owner spoke Portuguese with the researcher to sell her something. At the same time, he used Portuguese with her to complain about his hired help. In another, the Catholic owner and his elderly clerks draw many Portuguese- speaking Catholics into the store for school supplies. 6) In stationery, pharmacy, and fab- ric stores, all Catholics tend to do business with a single firm. Many state that they fre- quent these businesses precisely because the owner or clerk speaks Portuguese. 7) The owner of the preferred fabric store is a Hindu very proficient in Portuguese. He has learned that pleasing customers and making them feel comfortable will foster loyalty to his store. His shop is the most mentioned by informants. 8) In some firms, such as an electric shop and a pharmacy, the personnel speak only Portuguese and local languages, so that Por- tuguese is a useful tool for a non-Indian. 9) In restaurants, tea shops, and jobs, Catholics claim a fair amount of Portuguese use. Those who report having spoken Portuguese on the job, including one Hindu, are two librarians, a government clerk, a Red Cross worker, and a teacher. Informants mention that Catholics above age 35 speak Portuguese frequently among themselves on breaks at work.

Hindus have predominated in the business world in Goa, even before liberation. Many Hindu businessmen learned Portuguese in school. Several Hindus the researcher ob- served used Portuguese with some frequency. For example, an affluent Hindu hotel owner hired Portuguese-speaking Catholics and Hin- dus as his administrative staff. Among them- selves they speak mostly Portuguese. They address the workers in Konkani, and with the guests they use a variety of languages.

One episode observed in the hotel demon- strates typical language behavior of a well ed- ucated middle-aged Hindu male. This particu- lar individual was observed attending to a mal- function in the air conditioning system. First he began talking to the waiters in Konkani. Then he made a phone call which was a mix-

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388 HISPANIA 72 MAY 1989

FIGURE 1

LANGUAGE USE FOR BUSINESS

Catholic Women KaI KONKAMI m PORTUGUESE 0 DAILY USE M- 1GLISH

100 -

50

0 -- co *Alok ?C

,~ ~.P's

LANGUAGE USE FOR BUSINESS

Catholic Men E:2 KONKANI m PORTUGUESE , DAILY USE I ENGLISH 100

50-

0--

LANGUAGE USE FOR BUSINESS

All Hindus KONKANI m PORTUGUESE 100 DAILY USE I ENGCUSH 100 0-

50

)O t WL*r,,

0,--

5;,,

L.- ,

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LINGUISTICS: THEORETICAL 389

ture of Konkani and English. Then he mut- tered to himself in Portuguese. A technician came in and they spoke in English. After the episode he approached the researcher and conversed in Portuguese.

The episode demonstrates what was ob- served on many occasions: that Hindus speak English in domains that entail more formal or more technical discussions. Hindus, who were very fluent in both English and Portuguese of- ten downplayed ability in these languages with the researcher, perhaps because they are modest, or perhaps because they want to em- phasize their pride in being a Konkani speaker.

Another important activity outside the home is attending religious services. Ninety- two percent of Catholic women interviewed and all Hindu women claim to practice their religion. In contrast, 42% of Catholic male informants and 23% of Hindu male informants

claim that they do not participate in religious activities. Religion may play a role in keeping women more conservative in their language behavior. Catholic women, especially the el- derly, claim they use Portuguese with others and seek out Portuguese masses. Among younger Catholics, English and Konkani pre- vail. Hindus use Konkani and occasionally Marathi in their temples. Sanskrit is used by the priests for rituals.

Catholic women generally report some- what more use of Portuguese and somewhat less use of English than Catholic men. For instance, in the part of the language use index that contains categories of language use, the 12 women interviewed state 39 categories of Portuguese use and 17 for English. The 12 men interviewed mention 27 of Portuguese use and 25 for English. Figures 2 and 3 cor- roborate evidence from the tabulation of lan-

% USE PORTUGUESE 0 Catholic Men * Catholic Women. 100 -

60 -

440

20 - 0- *

* 46

10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80

AGE

FIGURE 2

Daily Use of Portuguese

c USE ENGLISH * Catholic Men * Catholic Women 80

60-

60 -"

40

20 -

10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80

AGE

FIGURE 3

Daily Use of English

guage use categories and informal observa- tions. Informants were asked to estimate their

daily use of Portuguese and English. Dis- played in Figures 2 and 3 are Catholics' use of Portuguese and English respectively.

These results are consistent with the re- searcher's informal observations of Catholics:

women seem to be holding on to Portuguese a little more than men. Catholic women also

tend to use more Portuguese than Catho- lic men with family and on social occasions (Wherritt, 1985). Women do not venture out- side the home as much as men. They have more social constraints than men on their ac-

tivities and their lives are more predictable as to what language they will speak when they leave the house. Catholic men use a greater proportion of Konkani and English outside the home because they deal more in commerce. The findings support Trudgill's general asser- tion (1974): 99) that women are more conser- vative language users than men. Figures 2 and 3 also indicate that Portuguese use in- creases and English use decreases with age. Figure 4 similarly demonstrates that as age increases informants state that they use more Portuguese outside the home.

Catholics in their thirties and forties repre- sent the transition part of the shift from Por- tuguese. They have more diverse opinions and attitudes about Portuguese language use. As an example, two Catholic informants volun- teered extra comments while being inter- viewed. One of them, a thirty-four year old man, said, "I get different attention if I speak Portuguese. The merchants appreciate being spoken to in Portuguese and their position becomes exalted. As a rare language Portu- guese has acquired a greater value and sophis- tication." Another Catholic informant, a thirty-

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390 HISPANIA 72 MAY 1989

FIGURE 4

AVERAGE DAILY LANGUAGE USE: BUSINESS

Agpe d or below - KONKANI PORTUGUESE 3 DAILY USE ENGOLISH

100

50

* , *01K

AVERAGE DAILY LANGUAGE USE: BUSINESS

Age 41-55 = KONIKAI W PoruGuEsc 1 DAILY USE C3 ENGLISH

100 -

50-

o Auxwo cA

AVERAGE DAILY LANGUAGE USE: BUSINESS

Age 56 and nbove . KONVAIrI PORtTUGUESE o- DAILY USE ENGLISH 100

50-

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LINGUISTICS: THEORETICAL 391

eight year old woman says, "You get better service if you speak Konkani. It is more ap- preciated. Portuguese is regarded as unneces- sary-not socially accepted in a situation where you might as well use Konkani. There is an awareness of the colloquial tongue."

Both informants express viewpoints that are possible in a multilingual setting such as Goa. The two informants have shown the con- flict between choosing a language that is most comfortable for them- that allows them to

be themselves-- and choosing a language that identifies them with a particular socio-cultural group.

Conclusions

In some communities different language choice by younger and older speakers may simply reflect the changes in language use from one period of a person's life to another (Fasold 1984, 241). But in the case of Goa, before liberation, language use did not change across age groups. Most likely the changes noted in this report reflect a language shift in the general population as opposed to changes across time in individual's language use.

Another indicator of language shift is the movement of Konkani and English into do- mains that used to be reserved for Por-

tuguese. The findings of this report support Fishman's theory of domains (Fishman 1968). That is, in a community with diglossia the low language is the one that will be selected in domains such as family friendship, and neigh- borhood, whereas the high language will most often be used in more formal domains such as education, government, and employment. Before liberation, Portuguese prevailed in for- mal domains among elite Hindus and Catho- lics. Presently, Portuguese is no longer used in these domains except in isolated cases in particular settings and with certain partici- pants.

Use of Portuguese appears to be lingering longer in commerce than in government of- fices. Hindus own more businesses than Cath- olics, and although they use less Portuguese today than do Catholics, many continue to speak Portuguese with certain individuals for camaraderie or for enhanced business oppor- tunities. Catholics with ability in Portuguese prefer to speak it outside the home for camaraderie, for ease of communication, or because they believe they will receive prefer-

ential treatment.

Portuguese language penetrated the home life of Catholics and the business and profes- sional lives of both Hindus and Catholics. Since liberation elderly Hindus have altered their language use outside of the home by speaking less Portuguese. Elderly Catholics have likewise decreased their use of Por- tuguese, but are still apt to go out of their way to speak it when possible. A language shift from Portuguese to Konkani has almost been completed in Goa. Yet, Goans have used the Portuguese language for over 400 years and have taken on elements of Portuguese culture that will outlive the last generation of Portuguese speakers.

* NOTE

1This research was made possible through a grant from the American Institute of Indian Studies. The author is grateful to the many Goans who located informants and materials for her, especially Archana Kakodker, Carmo Azevedo, Lourdes da Costa, and David and Nonna Aiken. Also thanks go to Kathleen Taylor and S6nia Cyrino for their coding and transcription of the data and to Philip Klein for reading the manuscript. The writing of this report was completed at University House, Univer- sity of Iowa.

0 WORKS CITED

Bokamba, E. "French Colonial Language Policy in Africa and Its Legacies (Part I)." Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 14.2 (1984): 1-35.

Fasold, R. The Sociolinguistics ofSociety. New York: Basil Blackwell, 1984.

Fishman, J. "Sociolinguistic Perspective on the Study of Bilingualism." Linguistics 39 (1968): 21-49.

"National Languages and Languages of Wider Communication in Developing Nations." In W. H. Witeley (Ed.), Language Use and Social Change: Problems of Multilingualism with Special Ref- erence to Eastern Africa. London: Oxford University Press, 1971: 27-56.

Miranda, R. "The Status of Konkani During the Por- tuguese Era." SouthAsian Research 6 (1982): 204-13.

Parasher, S. "Mother Tongue-English Diglossia: A Case Study of Educated Indian Bilinguals' Language Use." Anthropological Linguistics 22 (1980): 151-68.

Sar Dessai, M. "Portuguese Influence on the Konkani Language." Boletim do Instituto Menezes Braganga, No. 129. Goa: Tipografia Bastori, 1981: 1-10.

Spencer, J. "Colonial Language Policies and Their Legacies." In T. A. Sebeok (Ed.) Current Trends in Linguistics, Vol. 7: Linguistics in Sub-Saharan Africa. The Hague: Mouton, 1971: 537-47.

Trudgill, P. Sociolinguistics: An Introduction. Middlesex: Penguin, 1974.

Wherritt, I. "Portuguese Language Use in Goa, India." Anthropological Linguistics 27 (1985): 437-51.

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  • Contents
    • 385
    • 386
    • 387
    • 388
    • 389
    • 390
    • 391
  • Issue Table of Contents
    • Hispania, Vol. 72, No. 2 (May, 1989), pp. 220-473+i-xlii
      • Front Matter [pp. 295-373]
      • Schlegelian Philosophical and Artistic Irony in Bécquer [pp. 220-225]
      • Tormento: Un Discurso de Amantes [pp. 226-232]
      • Una re-visión feminista del eterno retorno en Doña inés de Azorín [pp. 233-240]
      • Repitiendo la visión irrepetible: Antonio Buero Vallejo [pp. 241-246]
      • Weaving the World: The Poetry of Gloria Fuertes [pp. 247-255]
      • Civilización y barbarie [pp. 256-263]
      • José Emilio Pacheco: An Overview of the Poetry, 1963-86 [pp. 264-276]
      • The Depths of the River: Mário de Andrade's Meditação Sôbre o Tietê [pp. 277-282]
      • Clitic Promotion, the Evaluated Proposition Constraint, and Mood in Spanish Verbal Complements [pp. 283-294]
      • Reviews
        • Peninsular Literature
          • Review: untitled [p. 296]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 296-297]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 297-298]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 298-299]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 299-300]
          • Review: untitled [p. 300]
          • Review: untitled [p. 301]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 301-302]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 302-303]
          • Review: untitled [p. 303]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 303-304]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 304-305]
          • Review: untitled [p. 305]
          • Review: untitled [p. 306]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 306-307]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 307-308]
        • Latin American Literature
          • Review: untitled [pp. 308-309]
          • Review: untitled [p. 309]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 309-310]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 311-312]
          • Review: untitled [p. 312]
        • Pedagogy and Linguistics
          • Review: untitled [pp. 312-313]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 313-314]
          • Review: untitled [p. 314]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 314-315]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 315-316]
        • Translations
          • Review: untitled [pp. 316-317]
          • Review: untitled [p. 317]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 317-318]
          • Review: untitled [p. 318]
          • Review: untitled [p. 319]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 319-320]
      • Books Received [p. 320]
      • Letters to the Editor
        • Response to Brewer's Article [pp. 322-323]
      • The President's Corner [pp. 324-325]
      • Professional News [pp. 325-330]
      • The Hispanic and Luso-Brazilian World [pp. 331-344]
      • Chapter News [pp. 344-347]
      • Dissertations 1988 [pp. 347-359]
      • Official Announcements [p. 360]
      • Tentative Program [pp. 361-371]
      • Theoretical Linguistics
        • Internal Cohesive Conjunction in Spoken Spanish [pp. 374-377]
        • The Strange History of the -ría Form [pp. 378-384]
        • Portuguese Language Shift: About Town in Goa, India [pp. 385-391]
      • Applied Linguistics
        • Teaching Spanish to Hispanic Bilinguals: A Look at Oral Proficiency Testing and the Proficiency Movement [pp. 392-401]
        • The Acquisition of Clitic Pronouns in the Spanish Interlanguage of Peruvian Quechua Speakers [pp. 402-408]
        • Can Learners Attend to Form and Content While Processing Input? [pp. 409-417]
      • Pedagogy: Elementary Schools
        • Language Awareness in the Preparatory Curriculum for Elementary Teachers [pp. 418-421]
      • Pedagogy: Secondary Schools
        • From Perú to Pamplona: Integrating Slides into the Lesson Plan [pp. 422-425]
        • Ideas: Games for Communication: "Bolsa mezclada" and "Buscapersonas" [pp. 426-427]
      • Pedagogy: Community Colleges
        • Combination Classes and Hora de Communicación [pp. 428-430]
        • Internationalizing the Community College Curriculum [pp. 431-433]
      • Pedagogy: Colleges and Universities
        • Emphasis on Content in the Foreign Language Class [pp. 434-438]
        • A Semester's Flirtation with the Input Hypothesis [pp. 439-444]
      • Hispania Notes
        • Lo que hablaban los cowboys [pp. 445-447]
      • Audio-Visual Instructional Media
        • Review: untitled [p. 448]
        • Review: untitled [pp. 448-449]
      • Audio-Visual Instructional Media Index (1979-1988) [pp. 450-452]
      • Computers in Research and Teaching
        • [Introduction] [pp. 453-455]
        • Hypertext for the PC and PC-Compatibles [pp. 456-464]
        • Review: Reports and Notes [pp. 465-466]
        • Review: Reports and Notes [pp. 466-467]
        • Software Reviews
          • Review: untitled [p. 468]
          • Review: untitled [pp. 468-469]
          • Review: untitled [p. 469]
      • Software Reviews in Hispania 1984-1989 [pp. 470-473]
      • Back Matter [pp. i-xlii]